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of  Hmerican  Statesmen 

Edited  by  LAWRENCE  B.  EVANS,  PH.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF    HISTORY  IN  TUFTS  COLLBGB 


Washington 


Writings  of 
Georg'e  Washington 


Edited  with  an  Introduction  and  Notes 


ilttoP?  hy  tembriuult  Stale 
Reproduced  by  permission  of  C.  Klackner,  N.  Y. 
Copyright,  1894 


G.  F.  Putnam's   Sons 

New    York    and    London 

Sbe  fmtcfeerfcocfcer  press 

1908 


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Writings  of 
George  "Washington 


Edited  with  an  Introduction  and  Notes 

By 
Lawrence  D.  Evans,  PH.D. 

Professor  of  History  in  Tufts  College 


G.  P.  Putnam's   Sons 

New    York     and    London 

Ube  fmfcfcerbocfcer  press 

1908 


COPYRIGHT,  1908 

BY 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


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Preface 


THIS  is  the  first  volume  of  the  new  series,  Writ- 
ings of  American  Statesmen,,  the  purpose  of  which 
is  to  present  in  convenient  form  the  most  im- 
portant writings  of  our  most  important  statesmen. 
Subject  to  the  limitations  of  space  fixed  by  the 
publishers,  the  editor  designs  to  bring  into  the 
several  volumes  all  the  writings  of  the  statesmen 
represented  which  fall  into  the  following  categories : 

1.  Those    documents    which   of   themselves    are 
important  state  papers,  as  Washington's  Farewell 
Address,  Hamilton's  Report  on  the  Public  Credit, 
Franklin's    Plan   for    a   Union   of   the    Colonies, 
and  Jefferson's  draft  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence. 

2.  Accounts  of  important  events  in  which  the 
writer  was  a  leading  participant,  as  Washington's 
description  of  his  capture  of  Boston,  Jefferson's 
account  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  Frank- 
lin's story  of  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain. 

3.  Papers    setting    forth    the    opinions    of    the 
writers  on  important  public  questions,  as  Wash- 
ington's letters  on  the  settlement  of  the  West,  the 


vi  Preface 

papers  of  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  concerning  the 
interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  and  Franklin's 
iview  of  the  questions  at  issue  in  the  Revolution. 

Of  the  writings  of  Washington,  two  editions  of 
considerable  extent  exist,  neither  of  which,  how- 
ever, is  definitive.  The  first  was  published  some 
seventy  years  ago  under  the  editorship  of  Jared 
Sparks,  and  unfortunately  this  is  the  form  in  which 
Washington's  papers  are  most  familiar  to  the 
public.  President  Sparks's  editorial  methods  are 
well  known.  Before  publishing  Washington's 
papers,  he  undertook  to  revise  them.  He  omitted 
passages  of  which  he  did  not  approve,  but  did  not 
warn  his  readers  that  the  document  as  he  presented 
it  was  incomplete.  He  altered  words  and  phrases, 
and  in  some  cases  he  even  altered  the  sense.  In 
his  notes,  however,  he  rendered  great  service  by 
giving  to  the  public  the  fruits  of  his  wide  learning. 

The  other  edition  began  to  appear  about  twenty 
years  ago  under  the  editorship  of  Worthington  C. 
Ford.  In  this  edition,  the  editor,  in  accordance 
with  the  accepted  canons  of  historical  scholarship, 
undertook  to  reproduce  the  texts  exactly  as  they 
left  the  hands  of  their  author.  He  incorporated 
in  his  work  many  of  Sparks's  notes,  and  printed 
a  considerable  number  of  Washington's  papers 
which  had  never  before  been  published. 

The  texts  in  this  volume  are  taken,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  from  Ford's  edition.  A  few  notes  by 
Ford  and  a  considerable  number  by  Sparks  are 
also  included.  The  unsigned  notes  are  by  the 
present  editor. 


Preface  vii 

In  order  to  avoid  confusion,  it  should  be  stated 
that  the  references  in  this  volume  to  The  Works 
of  Hamilton  are  to  Senator  Lodge's  first  edition. 
I  would  not  close  this  preface  without  expressing 
my  appreciation  of  the  helpful  criticism  which  I 
have  received  from  the  publishers  and  from  my 
colleague  and  friend,  Professor  David  L.  Maulsby. 

LAWRENCE  B.  EVANS. 
TUFTS  COLLEGE,  October,  1908. 


Contents 


PAGE 

PREFACE          v 

CONTENTS ix 

ANALYTICAL  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  ....  xi 

INTRODUCTION xxxv 

CHRONOLOGY Ixv 

WASHINGTON'S   CABINET Ixix 

I.     IN  THE  BRITISH  ARMY  AND  COLONIAL  COUN- 
CILS   1 

II.     IN  THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE     ...  31 

III.  THE  FORMATION  AND  ADOPTION  OF  THE  CON- 

STITUTION               239 

IV.  STARTING  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT         .        .  303 
V.     POLICIES  AND   OPINIONS          ....  363 

1.  RELATIONS  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN      .        .  365 

2.  THE  TREATY-MAKING  POWER     .        .        .  393 

3.  NEUTRALITY         .        .        .        .        .        ,  404 

4.  THE  WHISKEY  INSURRECTION     .        .        .  444 

5.  THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  WEST        .        .  473 

6.  EDUCATION 512 

7.  SLAVERY 523 

VI.     THE  FAREWELL  ADDRESS        .        .        .        .  529 

INDEX 561 

TJie  portrait  is  from  a  painting  ~by  Rembrandt  Peale. 


Analytical  Table  of  Contents 


IN  THE  BRITISH  ARMY  AND  COLONIAL 
COUNCILS 


To  Governor  Dinwiddie,  18  July,  1775  ...  3 

The  battle  with  the  French  on  the  Monongahela; 
the  cowardice  of  the  regular  troops;  death  of 
General  Braddock;  dangerous  condition  of  the  fron- 
tiers. 

To  John  Augustine  Washington,  18  July,  1755    .  5 

False  report  of  the  writer's  death;  narrow  escape 
in  the  battle  with  the  French. 

To  Mrs.  Martha  Custis,  20  July,  1758    ...  6 

A  friendly  message  written  while  on  the  march 
to  the  Ohio. 

To  Francis  Dandridge,  20  September,  1765          .  7 

The  Stamp  Act;  how  the  Americans  regard  it;  its 
probable  effect  on  American  trade  with  Great 
Britain. 

To  George  Mason,  5  April,  1769      ....          10 

American  liberty  must  be  protected;  arms  to  be  the 
last  resort;  effectiveness  of  starving  British  trade 
considered;  methods  of  beginning  the  work. 

To  Bryan  Fairfax,  4  July,  1774       ....          15 

Futility  of  petitioning  the  throne  for  a  redress  of 
grievances;  injustice  of  confiscating  debts  due  to 
Great  Britain. 

xi 


xii  Contents 

PAGE 

To  Bryan  Fairfax,  20  July,  1774  1G 

Useless  to  try  to  induce  Parliament  to  repeal  the 
offensive  acts;  evidence  of  a  fixed  plan  to  tax 
America;  nothing  to  be  expected  from  addressing 
the  throne. 

To  Bryan  Fairfax,  24  August,  1774      .        .        .          23 
Measures  adopted  by  Great   Britain  repugnant  to 
the  British  constitution;  the  colonies  must  resist; 
effect  of  the  resistance  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

To  Captain  Robert  Mackenzie,  9  October,  1774  .  26 
Defends  the  people  of  Massachusetts  against  the 
charge  of  seeking  independence;  the  ministers  must 
abandon  their  measures  if  they  would  avoid  rebel- 
lion; independence  not  desired  by  any  thinking  man 
in  America. 

II 

IN  THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

Address   accepting  the  Command  of  the  Army, 

16  June,  1775 33 

Expresses  fear  that  he  may  be  unequal  to  the  task; 
declines  to  receive  any  pecuniary  compensation. 

Commission  as  Commander-in-Chief,  19  June,  1775          34 

To  Mrs.  Martha  Washington,  18  June,  1775  .        .          35 

Informs  her  of  his  appointment  as  commander-in- 
chief,  and  declares  that  he  could  not  avoid  it;  hopes 
that  she  will  try  to  be  contented  during  his  absence; 
has  made  his  will. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  21  September,  1775  37 
Finds  it  difficult  to  persuade  the  troops  to  sub- 
scribe to  the  Continental  articles  of  war;  the  whole 
army  will  dissolve  on  or  before  January  1st;  the 
distressing  condition  of  the  army  for  want  of  sup- 
plies. 

To  Joseph  Reed,  28  November,  1775      ...          40 
Laments  dearth  of  public  spirit;  difficulty  in  the  en- 
listment of  men. 


Contents  xiii 

PACE 

To  Joseph  Reed,  14  January,  1776       ...          42 

Welcomes  his  criticism;  the  army  without  money, 
ammunition  or  arms;  enlistments  have  ceased; 
regrets  that  he  postponed  his  attack  on  Boston. 

To  Joseph  Keed,  10  February,  1776      .        .        .          47 

Realizes  the  hardship  of  his  situation;  condition  of 
the  army  so  bad  that  he  has  had  to  conceal  it 
from  his  own  officers;  has  had  no  idea  of  accommo- 
dation with  England  since  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill. 

To  John  Augustine  Washington,  31  March,  1776          52 

Remarkable  success  of  the  army;  the  capture  of 
Boston;  the  flight  of  the  British;  duty  of  all  citi- 
zens to  take  part  in  public  affairs;  estimate  of 
General  Charles  Lee. 

To  Joseph  Reed,  1  April,  1776    .          ...          58 

Distrusts     British    proposals    for    accommodation. 

To  John  Augustine  Washington,  31  May,  1776  .          60 
America  must   conquer  or  be  prepared  to  submit 
to  unconditional  terms;  care  to  be  used  in  framing 
a  new  government  for  Virginia. 

To  John   Augustine   Washington,  22   September, 

1776 61 

The  battle  of  Long  Island;  the  retreat  from  Long 
Island;  plans  of  the  British;  encampment  at  Haer- 
lem  Heights;  mistaken  dependence  on  militia. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  24  September,  1776  67 
The  terms  of  enlistment  of  the  army  about  to  ex- 
pire; Congress  must  prepare  for  a  long  war;  means 
must  be  adopted  for  inducing  men  to  enlist;  a 
good  bounty  necessary;  militia  not  to  be  relied 
upon;  jealousy  of  a  standing  army  unwarranted; 
careful  choice  of  surgeons  necessary;  rules  for 
the  government  of  the  army  should  be  revised; 
efforts  to  stop  plundering;  a  thorough  revision  of 
the  military  system  is  necessary. 

To  John   Augustine   Washington,    19   November, 

1776  78 

The  futility  of  short  enlistments. 


xiv  Contents 

PAGE 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  27  December,  1776          80 

The  battle  of  Trenton;   praise  of  the  army. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  5  January,  1777  .          84 
The  crossing  of  the  Delaware;  the  battle  of  Prince- 
ton; distressed  condition  of  the  army. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  11  September,  1777          88 
The  battle  of  Brandywine. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel    Alexander    Hamilton,    22 

September,  1777 90 

Authorizes  the  levying  of  forcible  contributions  of 
supplies  for  the  army. 

To  John  Augustine  Washington,  18  October,  1777          92 
The    battle    of    Germantown;    explanation    of    the 
defeat   of   the   Americans;    distress    of   the   army; 
disaffection  among  the  people  of  Pennsylvania;  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  23  December,  1777          96 

The  army  at  the  point  of  dissolution;  unable  to 
attack  the  enemy  for  want  of  provisions  and  cloth- 
ing; gloomy  outlook;  large  number  of  men  unfit 
for  duty;  unjust  criticism  of  the  army;  measures 
necessary  to  prevent  resignations;  preparations  for 
the  next  campaign  should  be  undertaken  at  once; 
some  measures  suggested. 

To  Bryan  Fairfax,  1  March,  1778  ....        104 
Difference  in  political  sentiments  produced  no  dif- 
ference    in     friendship;     the     designs     of     Great 
Britain;    her   attempts   to    force   America    into   re- 
bellion; her  proposals  of  conciliation. 

To  John  Banister,  21  April,  1778  ....  108 
The  proposed  establishment  of  the  army  a  neces- 
sary measure;  great  number  of  resignations;  con- 
trasts in  the  situation  of  the  British  and  American 
officers;  patriotism  not  sufficient  to  support  a  war; 
America  should  beware  of  British  proposals  of 
peace;  negotiations  with  Europe  should  be  brought 
to  an  issue;  disposition  of  France;  our  affairs  at 
a  crisis;  peace  should  be  made  only  on  the  basis 


Contents  xv 

PAGE 

of  independence;  Lord  North's  speech;  bad  conse- 
quences of  the  indecision  of  Congress  and  its  jeal- 
ousy of  the  army;  the  sufferings  of  the  army;  the 
volunteer  plan;  pardon  of  the  Tories  suggested. 

To  Gouverneur  Morris,  4  October,  1778  .        .        .        121 
Doubts    our    ability"  to    prosecute    the    war    much 
longer;  thinks  Great  Britain  is  not  likely  at  pres- 
ent to  abandon  the  contest;  difficulties  in  the  army; 
memorial  to  Congress. 

To  Henry  Laurens,  President  of  Congress,  14  No- 
vember, 1778 123 

Lafayette's  plan  for  the  invasion  of  Canada;  dan- 
ger of  introducing  French  troops  among  the  French 
Canadians;  advantage  to  France  of  recovering 
Canada;  danger  to  America  of  French  occupation 
of  Canada;  America  unable  to  terminate  such  occu- 
pation if  once  established;  the  project  probably 
originated  with  the  French  cabinet. 

To  Benjamin  Harrison,  18  December,  1778  .  .  129 
Reasons  for  the  enemy's  continuance  in  America; 
faults  of  our  political  system;  the  States  should 
send  their  best  men  to  Congress;  the  States  do 
not  realize  the  critical  posture  of  our  affairs;  heroic 
exertions  necessary  to  save  us  from  ruin;  painful 
lack  of  devotion  to  the  public  interest. 

To  George  Mason,  27  March,  1779  ...  135 
Our  affairs  never  in  a  worse  condition  than  now; 
the  enemy's  hope  renewed;  speculators  using  the 
war  for  their  own  profit;  the  States  must  send 
their  best  men  to  Congress;  the  contest  not  yet 
ended. 

To  James  Warren,  31  March,  1779        ...        138 

Laments  the  want  of  public  virtue;  desire  for  gain 
threatens  to  defeat  our  cause;  vigorous  measures 
must  be  adopted. 

To  Governor  Tmmbull,  8  January,  1780     .        .        141 
The  army  almost  perishing  because  of  lack  of  pro- 
visions; the  soldiers  resort  to  plundering;  the  States 
must  exert  themselves;  action  of  Maryland. 


xvi  Contents 

PAGE 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  3  April,  1780  .        .        144 
Alarming  discontent  in  the  army;  a  better  system 
of   supply   is   essential;    pernicious   effects   of   the 
system  of  State  supplies. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  27  May,  1780        .        147 
The  army  destitute  of  meat;   meeting  among  the 
Connecticut  troops;  complaints  as  to  pay  and  de- 
preciated currency;  inability  to  afford  relief;  a  cir- 
cular from  the  enemy  found  among  the  troops. 

To  President  Reed,  4  July,  1780  ....        151 
Powers  vested  in  him  by  the  legislature  of  Penn- 
sylvania; such  powers  must.be  used;  Pennsylvania 
must  make  greater  exertions;  martial  law. 

To  Fielding  Lewis,  6  July,  1780  .        .        J.        154 

Deplorable  state  of  the  army;  unwarranted  jealousy 
of  a  standing  army;  too  great  reliance  upon  the 
States;  Congress  must  be  made  absolute  in  all  that 
concerns  the  war;  ill  effects  of  expecting  an  im- 
mediate peace. 

To  Major-General  William  Heath,  26  September, 

1780  .        .        .        .        .     '  .        .        158 

The  treason  of  Arnold;  his  escape  to  the  enemy. 

To  Brigadier-General  John  Cadwalader,  5  Octo- 
ber, 1780  160 

The  embarrassments  of  Great  Britain;  we  fail  to 
profit  by  them;  slight  prospects  of  peace;  scarcity 
of  provisions;  defects  in  the  system  of  supply. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Laurens,  13  October, 

1780  ,  .        .        .    '     .        .        ,        162 
Arnold's  treason;  capture  and  execution  of  Major 
Andre;  Arnold's  character. 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Laurens,  15  January, 

1781  164 

The  present  posture  of  American  affairs;  we  have 
reached  a  point  where  aid  from  abroad  is  essential; 
financial  difficulties;  requisitions  of  supplies  for  the 
army;  the  patience  of  the  army  and  of  the  people 

is  almost  exhausted;  the  constant  presence  of  a 
fleet  is  necessary;  additional  troops  are  needed; 


Contents  xvii 

FAGS 

ability  of  America  to  repay  its  loans;  the  people 
are  still  willing  to  fight  for  independence,  but  lack 
the  means. 

To  Lord  Cornwallis,  18  October,  1781          .        .        171 
Terms  upon  which  the  surrender  of  his  army  will 
be  received. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  19  October,  1781  .        173 

The  surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis;  assistance  de- 
rived from  the  French;  commendation  of  Colonel 
Laurens,  the  Viscount  de  Noailles,  and  Colonel 
Tilghman. 

To  James  McHenry,  12  September,  1782      .        .        176 
Prospects  of  peace;  determination  of  Great  Britain 
to  continue  the  war. 

To  Tench  Tilghman,  10  January,  1783  ...        178 
Prospects   of    peace;    the    obstinacy   of   the   King; 
opinions    of   Fox   and    Shelburne;    appointment   of 
Oswald  to  treat  with  the  American  commissioners. 

To  Benjamin  Harrison,  4  March,  1783  .        .        .        181 
Virginia's  repeal  of  the  impost  law;  fear  of  Con- 
gress   well     founded;     the    powers    of    Congress 
must  be  enlarged. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  12  March,  1783    .        183 
The  Newburgh  Addresses;  steps  taken  to  neutralize 
them. 

Address  to  the  Officers,  15  March,  1783        ,        .        184 

Objectionable  character  of  the  anonymous  ad- 
dresses; motives  of  their  author;  Washington's 
constant  friendship  for  the  army;  its  interests 
endangered  by  the  author  of  the  anonymous  ad- 
dresses; confidence  in  the  good  intentions  of  Con- 
gress; pledges  his  assistance;  warns  the  army 
against  violence;  let  their  conduct  prove  their 
patriotism. 

To  Joseph  Jones,  12  March,  1783  ....        191 

Discontent  in  the  army;  violent  measures  sug- 
gested; origin  of  the  suggestion;  dangerous  conse- 
quences of  the  anonymous  addresses;  what  the 


xviii  Contents 

PAGE 

army  expects;  evils  that  may  follow  a  denial  of 
justice. 

To  Lund  Washington,  19  March,  1783  .        .  195 

Dangerous  situation  in  the  army;  delinquencies  of 
the  States;  danger  of  denying  justice  to  the  army. 

To  Governor  Benjamin  Harrison,  19  March,  1783        197 

Crisis  in  the  army;  distress  of  the  troops;  the  anon- 
ymous addresses;  justice  for  the  army. 

To  Theodorick  Bland,  4  April,  1783  .        .        .        200 
The  restoration  of  peace;   America  must  now  es- 
tablish a  national  character;  claims  of  the  army; 
what  the  army  expects;  contrasts  between  military 
and  civil  service. 

To  Theodorick  Bland,  4  April,  1783     ...        204 

The  expectations  of  the  army;  the  establishment 
of  funds;  the  liquidation  of  the  accounts  of  the 
army;  partial  payment  of  arrearages;  how  the 
money  may  be  obtained;  danger  in  discharging  the 
troops  without  money;  possibility  of  an  address 
from  Congress  to  the  States;  suggested  that  a  com- 
mittee of  Congress  visit  the  army;  necessity  of  a 
peace  establishment. 

Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors,  8  June,  1783    .        212 

The  objects  of  the  war  having  been  achieved,  he 
'  intends  to  retire  to  private  life ;  reasons  for  rejoic- 
ing; America's  favorable  situation;  her  indepen- 
dence achieved  at  an  auspicious  time;  the  present 
a  period  of  political  probation;  the  happiness,  per- 
haps even  the  existence,  of  the  United  States  is 
dependent  on  four  things:  an  indissoluble  union  of 
the  States  with  a  government  strong  enough  to 
regulate  their  general  concerns;  a  sacred  regard  to 
public  justice,  particularly  as  concerns  the  army 
and  other  creditors  of  the  United  States;  the  adop- 
tion of  a  proper  peace  establishment,  which  shall 
provide  suitable  training  for  the  militia;  and  the 
removal  of  local  prejudices  which  prevent  harmo- 
nious relations  among  the  States;  the  war  pro- 
longed by  an  inefficient  central  government;  asks 
that  this  letter  be  communicated  to  the  State 
legislature, 


Contents  xix 

PAGB 

Farewell   Orders  to   the   Armies   of   the   United 

States,  2  November,  1783  ...  229 
The  armies  of  the  United  States  being  about  to 
be  dissolved,  the  Commander-in-Chief  takes  leave  of 
them;  their  object  attained  much  earlier  than  they 
had  reason  to  expect;  their  prospect  of  happiness 
is  unexcelled ;  good  "soldiers  should  be  good  citizens ; 
the  public  cannot  fail  to  do  them  justice;  exhorts 
them  to  strengthen  the  union,  and  commends  them 
for  their  past  conduct. 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  20  December,  1783        235 

Inquires  how  and  when  he  may  resign  his  com- 
mission. 

To  Baron  Steuben,  23  December,  1783  ...        236 

Commends  his  services  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

Address  to  Congress  on  resigning  his  commission, 

23   December,   1783  ....        237 

Congratulates  Congress  on  the  favorable  termina- 
tion of  the  war,  and  retires  from  public  life. 

Ill 

THE  FORMATION  AND  ADOPTION  OF  THE 
CONSTITUTION 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  31  March,  1783     .        .        241 

Danger  that  State  politics  will  result  in  the  dis- 
solution of  the  union;  defects  of  the  Articles  of 
Confederation;  necessity  for  reform. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  5  April,  1783  .        .        243 

Fears  that  local  prejudices  will  interfere  with  the 
formation  of  a  proper  national  government. 

To  Dr.  William  Gordon,  8  July,  1783  ...  244 
Danger  that  the  country  will  fall  into  anarchy; 
we  are  known  to  other  nations  only  as  the  United 
States;  powers  of  Congress  must  be  enlarged;  a 
Congress  with  adequate  powers  not  a  body  to  be 
feared. 

To  Benjamin  Harrison,  Governor  of  Virginia,  18 

January,   1784 248 

State    jealousies    threaten    the    destruction    of   the 


xx  Contents 

PAGE 

union;  less  danger  from  a  strong  central  govern- 
ment than  from  a  weak  one. 

To  James  McHenry,  22  August,  1785  .        .        ,        251 
Argues   for   the   federal   regulation   of  commerce; 
disunion  the  greatest  of  evils;  concession  of  trad- 
ing  privileges   by    Great    Britain    depends   on   our 
ability  to  act  as  one  nation. 

To  James  Warren,  7  October,  1785  ...  255 
Fears  we  have  not  the  wisdom  to  make  use  of  the 
opportunities  offered  us;  the  powers  of  the  national 
government  must  be  enlarged,  or  we  shall  be  re- 
garded with  contempt  by  other  nations;  the  regula- 
tion of  foreign  commerce  requires  a  controlling 
power. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  10  May,  1786  .  .  257 
Evils  of  a  democracy  likely  to  work  their  own 
cure;  prospect  of  the  adoption  of  the  impost 
amendment;  the  States  are  providing  for  a  con- 
vention to  discuss  the  regulation  of  commerce;  a 
t.ational  convention  for  the  general  revision  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  is  talked  of  by  many. 

To  John  Jay}  18  May,  1786 260 

Great  need  for  amending  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion; this  is  prevented  by  wickedness  rather  than 
ignorance;  a  disposition  to  do  justice  seems  to  be 
wanting. 

To  John  Jay,  1  August,  1786  ...  .  261 
Our  violation  of  the  treaty  of  peace;  our  affairs 
approaching  a  crisis;  additional  powers  must  be 
vested  in  Congress;  such  power  not  likely  to  be 
misused;  failure  of  requisitions  on  the  States;  a 
monarchical  government  is  suggested  in  some 
quarters;  his  advice  disregarded. 

To  Henry  Lee,  31  October,  1786  .     ~  .        .  „        265 
Insurrections  in  the  Eastern  States;  real  grievances 
should  be  redressed;  the  authority  of  the  govern- 
ment should  be  exerted;  if  inadequate,  all  will  be 
convinced  of  the  necessity  of  strengthening  it. 


Contents  xxi 

PAGE 

To  James  Madison,  5  November,  1786  .         .         .         267 
Commends  the  condition  of  the  federal  government 
to  the  serious  attention  of  the  Virginia  legislature; 
cites    General   Knox's    report   on    the    situation    in 
Massachusetts;  an  energetic  government  needed. 

To  Henry  Knox,  26  December,  1786  ...  271 
Laments  the  disorders  m  Massachusetts;  asks  why 
the  Eastern  States  failed  to  attend  the  Annapolis 
Convention;  emission  of  paper  money  under  dis- 
cussion in  Maryland;  thinks  the  government  of 
Massachusetts  may  not  have  used  the  authority 
vested  in  it  for  the  preservation  of  order;  Great 
Britain  will  employ  every  opportunity  to  increase 
the  jealousy  among  the  States  and  to  foment 
trouble  with  the  Indians. 

To  John  Jay,  10  March,  1787  ....  275 
Thinks  the  country  must  feel  the  evils  of  the 
present  government  still  more  before  revision  of  it 
can  be  accomplished;  the  States'  passion  for  power 
and  sovereignty  will  be  adverse  to  it;  nevertheless 
he  would  try  what  the  proposed  national  conven- 
tion may  accomplish;  doubts  whether  he  will  at- 
tend the  convention. 

To  David  Stuart,  1  July,  1787  ....  277 
Scandalous  conduct  of  Rhode  Island;  New  Hamp- 
shire not  yet  represented  in  the  convention;  the 
primary  cause  of  all  our  disorders  is  the  States' 
tenacity  of  their  power;  diversity  of  opinion  as  to 
the  kind  of  government  needed. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  10  July,  1787  .        .        .        280 
Bad  state  of  affairs  in  the  convention;  opponents 
of  a   strong   government  are   narrow-minded   poli- 
ticians or  under  the  influence  of  local  sentiments. 

To  Patrick  Henry,  24  September,  1787  ...        281 
Sends  him  a  copy  of  the  new  Constitution;  wishes 
it  had  been  a  more  perfect  instrument,  but  thinks 
it  the  best  that  could  be  obtained. 

To  Henry  Knox,  October,  1787  .          ...        282 
Opposition  to  the  Constitution;  part  of  it  is  based 
on  self-interest,  another  part  may  be  overcome;  bad 


xxii  Contents 

PAGB 

effect  of  the  refusal  of  Randolph  and  Mason  to 
sign  the  Constitution. 

To  Bashrod  Washington,  10  November,  1787  .  284 
Opposition  to  the  Constitution  appeals  to  the  fears 
rather  than  to  the  judgment  of  the  people ;  the  only 
alternative  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  is 
disunion;  if  nine  other  States  adopt  the  Constitu- 
tion, what  should  Virginia  do;  the  Constitution  not 
free  from  faults;  under  it  the  power  will  always 
be  in  the  people. 

To  Edmund  Randolph,  Governor  of  Virginia,  8 

January,  1788 288 

Opponents  of  the  Constitution  in  the  same  State 
cannot  agree  in  their  principles;  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  before  its  adoption  should  not  be 
attempted. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  7  February,  1788  .  290 
Seems  miraculous  that  the  delegates  from  so  many 
different  States  should  have  been  able  to  agree 
on  a  Constitution;  the  new  instrument  gives  the 
government  no  more  power  than  is  essential;  dis- 
tribution of  power  among  the  legislative,  executive, 
and  judiciary  departments;  suggestion  of  a  second 
federal  convention;  the  Constitution  or  anarchy. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  28  April,  1788  .        .        293 
Trade  with   France;   six   States   have   adopted  the 
Constitution;  Virginia  will  probably  adopt  it;  pro- 
posed amendments;   eligibility  of  the   President  to 
re-election  not  a  source  of  danger. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  18  June,  1788  .  .297 
The  situation  in  France;  character  of  the  King; 
the  Constitution  still  before  the  States;  action  of 
Maryland  and  South  Carolina  and  probable  action 
of  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  and  Virginia;  ex- 
cellent condition  of  the  country;  future  prospects. 

To  Thomas  Jefferson,  31  August,  1788  ...        300 
Merits  and  defects  of  the  new  Constitution;  perils 
of  the  situation;   adoption  of  the   Constitution   by 
eleven   States;   condition  of  the  country. 


Contents  xxiii 

IV 

STARTING    THE   NEW   GOVERNMENT 

PAGE 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  3  October,  1788  .  .  305 
Is  aware  that  he  has  been  spoken  of  for  the 
presidency;  desires  to  avoid  the  office;  should  he 
accept  it,  it  would  be  with  the  expectation  of  soon 
resigning  it;  opponents  of  the  Constitution  would 
oppose  his  election. 

To  Benjamin  Lincoln,  26  October,  1788  ...  311 
Anxiety  as  to  carrying  the  Constitution  into  effect; 
danger  of  premature  amendments;  his  possible  elec- 
tion to  the  presidency;  his  desire  to  avoid  the 
office;  the  vice-presidency;  he  would  find  any  one 
acceptable  in  that  office  who  was  acceptable  to 
the  States. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  29  January,  1789  .        317 
The  elections  have  resulted  favorably  to  the  friends 
of  the  Constitution;  his  relation  to  the  presidency; 
bright  prospects  for  the  country;  progress  of  manu- 
factures; contrasts  America  with  Europe. 

Inaugural  Speech,  30  April,  1789  ....  320 
His  reluctance  in  accepting  the  presidency;  his 
lack  of  experience  in  civil  administration;  his  recog- 
nition of  the  favor  of  Providence;  his  confidence 
in  the  ability  and  patriotism  of  Congress;  liberty 
and  republican  government  perhaps  finally  staked 
on  the  experiment  of  America;  amendments  of  the 
Constitution;  declines  any  salary  for  himself. 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  Senate,  8  May,  1789  .        326 
Encouraged  by  the  assurance  of  their  support. 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, 8  May,  1789 328 

Grateful  for  their  recognition  of  his  past  services. 

Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  8  January, 

1790 328 

Adoption  of  the  Constitution  by  North  Carolina; 
success  of  the  measures  of  the  last  session;  recom- 
mends that  provision  be  made  for  the  national  de- 


xxiv  Contents 

PA< 

fense;  relations  with  the  Indians;  foreign  relations; 
naturalization;  currency,  weights,  and  measures;  en- 
couragement of  inventions ;  promotion  of  science  and 
literature;  provision  for  the  public  credit;  reports 
from  the  heads  of  departments. 

To  David  Stuart,  28  March,  1790  ....  333 
Jealousies  among  the  States;  diversity  of  interests 
in  the  Union;  the  States  less  dangerous  to  each 
other  in  union  than  they  would  be  in  separation; 
inadequate  newspaper  reports  of  the  proceedings 
of  Congress;  the  Quaker  memorial  regarding 
slavery. 

To  David  Humphreys,  20  July,  1791  ...  337 
The  condition  of  Spain;  visit  to  the  Southern 
States;  prosperous  condition  of  the  country;  grow- 
ing popularity  of  the  new  government;  the  excise 
law;  the  public  credit;  defense  of  the  frontiers;  site 
of  the  new  capital;  condition  of  Europe. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, 29  July,  1792 341 

Public  sentiment  as  to  the  measures  of  the  govern- 
ment; enumeration  of  the  criticisms  brought  for- 
ward by  the  opponents  of  the  government;  asks 
Hamilton's  opinion  with  regard  to  them. 

To  Edmund  Randolph,  Attorney-General,  26  Au- 
gust, 1792  .        .    '     .        .        .        .        346 
Replies  to  the  suggestion  of  a  second  term  in  the 
presidency;    delays   his   decision;   hopes    to    see   a 
cessation  of  the  abuse  of  public  officers. 

To    Thomas    Jefferson,    Secretary    of    State,    18 

October,  1792 348 

Regrets  the  differences  of  opinion  which  separate 
Hamilton  and  Jefferson;  urges  an  accommodation 
in  the  public  interest. 

Second  Inaugural  Address,  4  March,  1793  .        .        350 

To  Henry  Lee,  Governor  of  Virginia,  21  July,  1793        350 
Gratified  to  be  assured  of  public  approval;  abuse 
of  public  officials;  where  will  it  end? 


Contents  xxv 

PAGB 

To  David  Humphreys,  12  June,  1796    .        .        .        352 
Newspaper   abuse;    his   conduct   not   influenced   by 
it;  anxious  for  retirement. 

To  Thomas  Jefferson,  6  July,  1796       .        .        .        354 
Did  not  attribute  attacks  on  him  in  Bache's  paper 
to  Jefferson;  unscrupulous  abuse;  had  received  un- 
favorable reports  of  Jefferson's  conduct;  incredible 
party  rancor. 

To  Patrick  Henry,  15  January,  1799       .  .        357 

Partisan  attempts  to  array  the  people  against  the 
government;  action  of  the  State  of  Virginia;  elec- 
tions in  Virginia;  duty  of  good  citizens  to  offer 
themselves  as  candidates  for  office;  evils  of  civil 
discord;  urges  Henry  to  become  a  candidate  either 
for  Congress  or  the  legislature  of  Virginia. 


POLICIES  AND  OPINIONS 
1.  Relations  with  Great  Britain 

To  Gouverneur  Morris,  13  October,  1789       .       #?•>     365 
Asks  him  to   ascertain   unofficially  the   sentiments 
of  the   British   ministry  concerning   the   execution 
of  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  peace  and  the  nego- 
tiation of  a  treaty  of  commerce. 

To  Gouverneur  Morris,  13  October,  1789      .;  flj     .        366 

British  objections  to  the  performance  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  are  now  removed;  delivery  of  the  frontier 
posts;  return  of  the  slaves;  terms  of  a  treaty  of 
commerce;  Britain's  failure  to  send  a  minister  to 
the  United  States;  importance  of  Morris's  mission. 

To  John  Jay,  30  August,  1794        ....        368 

The  protest  of  the  governor  of  Upper  Canada;  our 
difficulties  with  the  Indians  attributable  to  the  acts 
of  English  agents;  such  acts,  if  not  authorized  by 
England,  are  not  punished  by  her;  under  such  cir- 
cumstances a  friendly  feeling  toward  Great  Britain 
cannot  be  expected. 


xxvi  Contents 

PAGB 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  3  July,  1705  ...  372 
Publication  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  with  Eng- 
land; desires  to  obtain  the  dispassionate  opinion 
of  well-informed  men;  wishes  to  know  how  the 
treaty  will  affect  American  commerce  with  Eng- 
land; asks  Hamilton's  opinion. 

To  the  Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston,  28  July, 

1795 375 

His  policy  in  public  affairs;  the  treaty-making 
power. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  29  July,  1795  ...  380 
Opposition  to  the  treaty  with  England;  charge 
that  it  sacrifices  American  interests  and  violates 
obligations  to  France;  attempts  of  France  to  keep 
America  at  variance  with  England;  praises  the 
papers  of  Camillus. 

To  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of  State,  29  July, 

1795 383 

How  far  opposition  to  the  treaty  may  encourage 
France  to  believe  that  it  is  calculated  to  favor 
England  at  her  expense;  the  most  serious  crisis 
that  has  arisen  since  the  beginning  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

To  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of  State,  31  July, 

1795 384 

Opposition  to  the  treaty  greater  than  was  supposed ; 
delicacy  of  America's  relations  with  France  and 
England;  his  own  opinion  is  unchanged. 

To  Gouverneur  Morris,  22  December,  1795  .  .  386 
His  remissness  in  correspondence;  Great  Britain's 
repeal  of  the  order  for  seizing  American  provision 
vessels;  Col.  Innes's  report  to  the  governor  of  Ken- 
tucky; American  grievances  against  Great  Britain; 
complaints  well-founded;  ungracious  attitude  of  the 
British  government  towards  the  United  States; 
all  this  makes  it  difficult  for  the  executive  to  main- 
tain neutrality  in  the  war  between  England  and 
France;  his  policy  is  one  of  peace  with  all  na- 
tions; British  interests  would  be  best  served  by 
a  liberal  policy  towards  America;  his  neutrality 


Contents  xxvii 

PAGE 

policy  has  brought  upon  him  much  abuse;  oppo- 
sition to  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain;  partisan 
use  made  of  the  treaty. 

2.  The  Treaty-making  Power 

To  the  Secretaries  of  State,  the  Treasury,  War, 

and  the  Attorney-General,  25  March,  1796        393 
Desires  their  opinions  in  writing  as  to  whether  he 
should  comply  with  the  request  of  the  House  of 
Representatives    for    the    papers    relating    to    the 
treaty  of  commerce  with  England. 

Message  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  30  March, 

1796  .        .        .        .        .        .        ,        395 

Careful  consideration  given  to  their  request;  not 
disposed  to  withhold  any  information  which  be- 
longs to  them;  nature  of  foreign  negotiations;  the 
papers  asked  for  do  not  relate  to  any  matter  of 
which  the  House  has  cognizance;  the  treaty-making 
power  is  vested  exclusively  in  the  President  and 
the  Senate;  the  assent  of  the  House  to  a  treaty 
is  not  necessary;  he  declines  to  comply  with  their 
request. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  31  March,  1796     .        .        400 

Thanks  him  for  his  prompt  compliance  with  his 
request;  three  possible  modes  of  procedure  with 
reference  to  the  request  of  the  House  for  the 
papers  relating  to  the  British  treaty;  decided  to  re- 
sist the  principle  and  prepared  a  message  accord- 
ingly. 

To  Edward  Carrington,  1  May,  1796    ...        402 

The  real  voice  of  the  people  heard  only  on  great 
occasions;  purport  of  the  request  of  the  House  for 
the  papers  relating  to  the  British  treaty. 

3.  Neutrality 

To  Thomas  Jefferson,  Secretary  of  State,  12  April, 

1793  404 

Outbreak  of  war  between  France  and  Great 
Britain ;  obligation  of  neutrality. 


xxviii  Contents 

PAGE 

To  the  Secretaries  and  the  Attorney-General,  18 

April,  1793     .  ...  .405 

Questions  bearing  upon  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  towards  the  war  between  France  and  Great 
Britain  are  submitted  to  the  heads  of  departments 
for  their  consideration. 

Proclamation  of  Neutrality,  22  April,  1793  .        .        408 

Rules  adopted  by  the  United  States  for  the  Pre- 
servation of  its  Neutrality,  4  August, 
1793  '';'  .  .  .  ".  .  ,  409 

Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  3  December, 

1793  .      .  v  '  • 411 

Outbreak  of  war  in  Europe;  adoption  of  general 
rules  of  neutrality;  further  legislation  necessary; 
the  courts  should  be  vested  with  additional  juris- 
diction; the  national  defense. 

Message  to  Congress,  5  December,  1793.        .        .        414 
Hostile  measures  of  the  French  government;  pro- 
ceedings   of    the    French    minister,    Genet;    conse- 
quences  of   his    measures;    British    orders   against 
American  commerce;  relations  with  Spain. 

To  Patrick  Henry,  9  October,  1795        .        ,,,        .        418 
Vacancy  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of   State;   the 
post   has   been   offered   to   others;   it   is   offered   to 
Henry;    his    policy   is   to   keep   the    United    States 
free  from  entanglements  with  other  countries. 

To   Timothy   Pickering,    Secretary   of    State,    25 

July,    1796 420 

French  discontent  on  account  of  our  commercial 
treaty  with  Great  Britain  has  been  misrepresented; 
the  executive's  plain  duty  is  to  preserve  a  strict 
neutrality. 

To  James  Monroe,  25  August,  1796  ...  423 
Wonders  how  a  private  letter  of  his  should  have 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  French  Directory; 
nothing  in  it  that  need  offend  the  French  govern- 
ment; circumstances  in  which  the  letter  was 
written;  the  substance  of  the  letter  to  Morris  is  re- 
peated; his  policy  towards  the  French  Revolution; 
his  policy  of  strict  neutrality. 


Contents  xxix 

PAGE 

To  David  Stuart,  8  January,  1797        ...        424 
Effect   of   Adet's    conduct    on    public   opinion;    de- 
signs of  the  French  government;  letter  of  Thomas 
Paine;  policy  of  America  towards  France. 

To  John  Adams,  President  of  the  United  States, 

4  July,  1798 428 

Improbability  of  an  invasion  of  the  United  States; 
would  assist  in  repelling  an  invasion;  France  de- 
ceived as  to  the  situation  in  America;  choice  of 
general  officers;  appointment  of  the  general  staff. 

To  John  Adams,  President  of  the  United  States, 

13  July,  1798  .         .        ,        .        .        .        432 
Appointment     as     Lieutenant-General     and     Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  all  the  Armies;  conduct  of  the 
French    Directory;    acceptance    of    the     command 
offered  him;  organization  of  the  army. 

To  James  Anderson,  25  July,  1798      .        .        .        434 
Resistance  to  France;   the  people   aroused;   reluc- 
tant to  leave  his  retirement. 

To  General  Lafayette,  25  December,  1798  .  T  .  436 
A  party  opposed  to  all  the  measures  of  the  govern- 
ment; pretended  partisans  of  France;  efforts  to 
preserve  peace  with  France;  offensive  measures  of 
France;  the  cause  of  them;  disposition  of  the 
French  Directory;  relations  of  America  with  Great 
Britain;  his  withdrawal  from  his  retirement; 
European  politics. 

To  Bryan,  Lord  Fairfax,  20  January,  1799  .        .        441 

The  conduct  of  France;  armed  resistance  to  France; 
tactics  of  the  opposition  in  America;  effect  of 
their  conduct. 

4.  The  Whiskey  Insurrection 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, 7  September,  1792     ....        444 
The   insurrection   in   Western   Pennsylvania;    com- 
mends the  measures  adopted  by  the  Secretary;  the 
laws  must  be  enforced ;  the  meeting  at  Pittsburg. 

To  Burges  Ball,  10  August,  1794  44G 

Desires    to    know    what    the    people    think    of    the 


xxx  Contents 

PAGE 

insurrection  in  Western  Pennsylvania  and  the  meas- 
ures taken  to  suppress  it. 

To  Charles  M.  Thruston,  10  August,  1794  .  .  447 
Popular  sentiment  in  Kentucky;  benefits  conferred 
on  Kentucky  by  the  general  government;  activity 
of  the  Democratic  Societies;  the  insurrection  in 
Western  Pennsylvania;  consequences  of  such  out- 
breaks; opinion  of  General  Morgan. 

To  Henry  Lee,  Governor  of  Virginia,  26  August, 

1794  .......        450 

View  taken  by  Virginia  of  the  insurrection  in 
Western  Pennsylvania;  public  sentiment  generally 
condemns  the  insurrection;  the  movement  due  to 
the  Democratic  Societies;  their  purposes. 

To  Burges  Ball,  25  September,  1794  ...        453 

Gratified  by  the  spirit  displayed  by  the  militia; 
the  insurrection  in  Western  Pennsylvania  due  to 
the  Democratic  Societies;  their  effect  on  the  public 
mind;  instituted  by  Genet. 

To    Major-General    Daniel    Morgan,    8    October, 

1794  .        .        .        .        .'','',        455 

Will  meet  him  at  Fort  Cumberland  and  if  neces- 
sary will  cross  the  mountains  with  the  troops; 
factious  spirit  must  be  crushed;  a  minority  not  to 
be  allowed  to  dictate  to  the  majority. 

To  Henry  Lee,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Militia 

Army,  20  October,  1794  .        .  457 

Commends  the  army;  importance  of  its  service; 
soldiers  to  obey  the  laws. 

To  John  Jay,  1  November,  1794  ....        460 
The   insurrection  in   Western   Pennsylvania   fortu- 
nate; influence  of  the  Democratic  Societies;  spirit 
in  which  the  insurrection  was  met;  a  full  account 
of  the  matter  to  be  given  to  Congress. 

Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  19  November, 

1794  463 

The  excise  law;  resistance  offered  by  the  people 
of  Western  Pennsylvania;  inadequacy  of  the 
usual  judicial  procedure;  the  proclamation  of  7 


Contents  xxxi 

PAGE 

August,  1794;  commissioners  sent  to  confer  with  the 
insurgents;  the  summoning  of  the  militia;  the 
Governor  of  Virginia  placed  in  command;  neces- 
sary revision  of  the  militia  laws;  indemnification 
of  federal  officers  or  other  citizens  who  have  been 
damaged  by  the  insurrection;  compensating  fea- 
tures of  the  insurrection;  devotion  to  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

To  Edmund  Pendleton,  22  January,  1795  .        .        472 

The  suppression  of  the  insurrection  an  evidence  of 
the  stability  of  republican  institutions. 

5.  The  Settlement  of  the  West 

To  the  President  of  Congress,  17  June,  1783  .        .        473 
Transmits   a   petition   from   the    army   officers   re- 
garding  western    lands;    advantages    of    awarding 
lands  to   the   soldiers   of  the   Revolutionary  War; 
the   soldiers   as   settlers. 

To  James  Duane,  7  September,  1783  .  „  .  476 
Relations  with  the  Indians;  land-jobbers;  princi- 
ples that  should  govern  the  settlement  of  the 
western  lands;  release  of  prisoners  held  by  the 
Indians;  Indians  to  be  informed  that  America  de- 
sired peace  with  them;  a  boundary  between  the 
white  settlements  and  the  Indians  to  be  fixed;  re- 
lations of  New  York  with  the  Six  Nations;  advan- 
tages of  his  plan  of  settlement;  necessity  of 
appointing  Indian  agents;  trade  with  the  Indians; 
French  settlers  at  Detroit;  measures  to  attract 
their  support;  formation  of  new  States;  war  with 
the  Indians  to  be  avoided. 

To  Benjamin  Harrison,  Governor  of  Virginia,  10 

October,    1784 486 

Best  and  easiest  communications  between  Virginia 
and  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghenies;  length  of 
various  trade  routes  radiating  from  Detroit;  in- 
terests of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and  New 
York;  jealousy  between  the  different  parts  of  Vir- 
ginia; interest  of  Virginia  in  improved  communica- 
tions with  the  West;  foreign  powers  bordering  the 


xxxii  Contents 

PAGE 

United  States;  western  settlers  attracted  toward 
Spain  by  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi;  circum- 
stances now  favor  action  by  Virginia;  necessary 
preliminary  steps;  proposed  legislation;  the  naviga- 
tion of  both  the  James  and  Potomac  rivers  should 
be  improved;  relation  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  enter- 
prise; Rumsey's  steamboat. 

To  David  Humphreys,  25  July,  1785  .        .        .        498 
European  politics;   treaties  with  the  Indians;  pro- 
vision for  new  States;  commercial  connections  with 
the    western    settlements;    comparison    of    various 
routes;  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

To  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  25  July,  1785  .        .        500 
Opening  of  the   Ohio  valley  to  immigrants;   navi- 
gation   of    the    James    and    Potomac    rivers;     im- 
portance of  trade  connection  with  the  West. 

To  Samuel  Purviance,  10  March,  1786  ...        502 
The  settlements   on   the   Kanawha;   nature  of  the 
country;  trade  routes  to  the  West. 

To  Henry  Lee,  18  June,  1786  .        .        .        .        .        504 
The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi;  trade  between 
the  Atlantic  States  and  the  West;  commercial  in- 
terests of  the  western  settlers. 

To  Richard  Henry  Lee,  19  July,  1787    ...        507 
The    navigation    of   the    Mississippi;    its    political 
bearing. 

To  Richard  Henderson,  19  June,  1788  ...  508 
Inducements  to  immigration;  opportunities  offered 
by  America  to  thrifty  and  industrious  persons; 
conditions  of  settlement  on  the  frontiers;  advan- 
tages offered  by  the  West;  books  about  America  by 
Franklin,  Jefferson,  Abbe  Raynal,  Guthrie,  and 
Crevecoeur. 

6.  Education 
To  the  Commissioners  of  the  Federal  District,  28 

January,  1795  .         .        .        .        .        .        512 

Plan  for  a  national  university  in  the  federal  city; 
objections  to  sending  American  youth  abroad  for 
education;  the  federal  city  the  best  site  for  a 


Contents  xxxiii 

PAGE 

national  university;  gift  for  the  establishment  of 
such  an  institution. 

To  Thomas  Jefferson,  15  March,  1795  .        .        .        513 

Endowment  of  a  national  university;  reason  for 
locating  the  institution  at  the  national  capital; 
discourages  the  project  of  the  Geneva  professors; 
disposition  of  his  shares  in  the  James  River  Com- 
pany. 

To    Robert    Brooke,    Governor    of    Virginia,    16 

March,  1795 517 

Desires  to  devote  his  shares  in  the  Potomac  and 
James  River  Companies  to  some  public  object;  his 
interest  in  education;  need  of  a  national  university; 
offers  his  shares  in  the  James  River  Company  to 
a  seminary  in  Virginia  to  be  designated  by  the 
legislature  of  Virginia. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  1  September,  1796  .        .        520 
Desires  a  section  on  education  to  be  incorporated 
in  the  Farewell  Address;  uses  of  a  national  uni- 
versity; a  means  of  promoting  national  unity;  he 
has  long  contemplated  such  an  institution. 

7.  Slavery 

To  Robert  Morris,  12  April,  1786  .     •   .        ,        .        523 
Attempts  of  the  Quakers  to  free  slaves;  unlawful- 
ness of  their  action;  his  own  opposition  to  slavery; 
but  one  proper  mode  of  abolishing  it. 

VI 

THE  FAREWELL  ADDRESS 
To  the  People  of  the  United  States,  19  September, 

1796  .        .        ...        .        .        531 

Announces  that  he  will  not  accept  a  third  term; 
his  zeal  for  the  public  interest  not  diminished;  his 
desire  for  retirement;  public  considerations  now 
allow  it;  grateful  for  the  honors  conferred  on  him 
by  the  country;  avails  himself  of  the  opportunity 
to  offer  his  sentiments  on  various  public  ques- 
tions; unity  of  government  is  the  main  pillar  of 


xxx  iv  Contents 

real  independence;  the  name  American  to  be 
cherished;  mutual  dependence  of  the  East  and  the 
West,  the  North  and  the  South;  the  union  the 
best  guarantee  of  peace  with  foreign  nations;  it 
preserves  peace  among  the  States;  makes  unneces- 
sary a  large  military  establishment;  let  the  union 
be  thoroughly  tested  before  it  is  abandoned;  causes 
which  may  disturb  the  union;  the  union  must 
be  based  on  a  government,  not  on  alliances;  obstruc- 
tions to  the  execution  of  the  laws  condemned;  in- 
novations upon  the  principles  of  the  government 
to  be  guarded  against;  changes  in  the  government 
to  be  made  deliberately;  danger  in  undue  party 
spirit;  parties  a  means  of  establishing  despotism; 
they  enfeeble  public  administration;  one  department 
of  the  government  should  not  encroach  upon  the 
authority  of  another;  division  of  pov/er  necessary 
for  the  preservation  of  liberty;  religion  and  moral- 
ity should  be  encouraged;  they  are  the  necessary 
supports  of  popular  government;  the  public  credit 
must  be  cherished;  let  it  be  used  as  sparingly  as 
possible;  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations 
should  be  observed;  antipathy  towards  or  partial- 
ity for  particular  countries  to  be  avoided;  such 
feelings  sacrifice  the  national  interest;  the  people 
should  be  on  guard  against  foreign  influence;  we 
should  have  as  little  political  connection  with 
other  countries  as  possible;  our  distant  situation 
invites  us  to  such  a  policy;  our  interests  different 
from  those  of  Europe;  existing  engagements  to  be 
faithfully  kept;  our  commercial  relations  should 
be  marked  by  justice  and  impartiality;  real  favors 
from  nation  to  nation  not  to  be  expected;  fears 
that  his  counsel  will  not  prevent  his  country  from 
following  the  course  of  other  countries;  believes 
that  he  has  been  guided  in  his  administration  of 
the  government  by  the  principles  here  stated;  his 
policy  of  neutrality;  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
this  country  to  adopt  such  a  policy;  his  predomi- 
nant motive  in  adopting  it;  after  forty-five  years 
of  public  service,  he  asks  his  countrymen  to  re- 
gard his  mistakes  with  indulgence,  and  looks 
forward  to  the  enjoyment  in  the  midst  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  of  the  benign  influence  of  good  laws  under 
a  free  government. 


Introduction 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  who  was  not  disposed  to  be 
any  more  favorable  in  his  judgment  of  Washing- 
ton than  the  facts  compelled  him  to  be,  says  of 
him: 

"  His  was  the  singular  destiny  and  merit,  of  leading 
the  armies  of  his  country  successfully  through  an 
arduous  war,  for  the  establishment  of  its  independence; 
of  conducting  its  councils  through  the  birth  of  a  govern- 
ment, new  in  its  forms  and  principles,  until  it  had  settled 
down  into  a  quiet  and  orderly  train ;  and  of  scrupulously 
obeying  the  laws  through  the  whole  of  his  career,  civil 
and  military,  of  which  the  history  of  the  world  furnishes 
no  other  example." 

The  circumstances  of  Washington's  life  were 
peculiarly  happy,  and  his  career  singularly  well- 
rounded  and  complete.  Endowed  by  birth  with 
influential  social  connections,  placed  early  in  life 
in  affluent  circumstances,  his  military  services  in 
the  French  and  Indian  War  made  him  the  most 
prominent  American  soldier  of  his  day.  When 
the  colonists  took  up  arms  against  Great  Britain, 
his  appointment  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
American  forces  on  both  military  and  political 


xxxvi  Introduction 

grounds  was  alike  natural  and  inevitable.  While 
he  possessed  a  large  measure  of  the  public  con- 
fidence at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution,  the 
qualities  which  he  displayed  in  the  conduct  of 
that  struggle  placed  him  among  the  great  men 
of  the  world,  and  gave  him  a  degree  of  influence 
with  his  countrymen  that  no  other  American  has 
ever  possessed.  His  experiences  in  the  Revo- 
lution made  him  realize  most  keenly  the  necessity 
of  a  firmer  union  than  was  furnished  by  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  and  long  before  in- 
dependence was  assured,  he  sought  to  imbue  others 
with  his  ambition  for  the  establishment  of  a  na- 
tional government  which  should  be  strong  enough 
to  maintain  its  authority,  meet  its  obligations,  and 
uphold  the  national  dignity  and  honor.  In  the 
last  days  of  the  Confederation,  when  the  bonds 
of  union  were  slowly  dissolving  and  something 
very  like  anarchy  seemed  inevitable,  it  was  the 
weight  of  Washington's  name,  more  than  any 
other  one  factor,  which  led  to  the  formation  and 
adoption  of  the  Constitution.  And  when  the  new 
government  was  ready  to  be  put  into  operation, 
the  election  of  Washington  to  the  presidency  was 
as  natural  as  had  been  his  appointment  to  the 
command  of  the  army  fourteen  years  before; 
while  in  the  starting  of  the  new  government,  his 
personal  influence  was  as  large  a  factor  in  its 
success  as  that  influence  had  been  in  securing  its 
adoption.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  any 
other  American  of  his  day  could  have  overcome  the 
bitter  opposition  which  was  offered  to  his  policy  of 


Introduction  xxxvii 

neutrality  in  the  war  between  England  and  France, 
to  his  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain, 
and  to  his  enforcement  of  the  excise  law  in  West- 
ern Pennsylvania.  If  it  had  been  necessary  to 
wage  the  war  for  independence  without  his  mili- 
tary genius  and  unstinted  devotion;  if  his  influ- 
ence had  been  lacking  in  the  effort  of  the  few  to 
establish  an  adequate  government  for  the  union; 
or  if  he  had  not  stood  sponsor  for  the  great  meas- 
ures which  gave  stability  to  the  new  government 
and  a  place  of  honor  and  dignity  to  the  nation, 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  any  one  of  these 
movements  could  have  been  brought  to  a  success- 
ful conclusion.  No  other  leader  of  modern  times 
has  conducted  a  people  through  such  momentous 
changes,  or  placed  his  work  on  so  permanent  a 
foundation  as  did  Washington.  And  he  had  the 
almost  unique  good  fortune  of  living  to  witness 
the  triumph  of  every  great  cause  which  he  had 
advocated,  while  in  the  closing  years  of  his  life, 
removed  from  the  animosities  which  every  public 
career  seems  to  entail,  he  received  the  veneration 
of  the  civilized  world. 

Few  public  men  have  left  so  complete  a  record 
of  their  lives  as  has  Washington.  He  began  at  an 
early  period  to  keep  copies  of  the  letters  which 
he  wrote  and  to  preserve  all  important  papers  which 
came  into  his  hands.  Every  phase  of  his  public 
life  is  amply  recorded,  not  indeed  with  any  pur- 
pose of  leaving  a  record,  but  merely  because  the 
circumstances  of  his  career  were  such  that  the 
transaction  of  the  business  of  the  day  was  in 


xxxviii  Introduction 

itself  a  record.  After  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution,  however,  Washington  had  a  proper 
appreciation  of  the  interest  that  his  papers  would 
have  in  the  future,  and  he  took  ample  precautions 
to  see  that  they  were  preserved. 

It  was  the  attempt  of  Great  Britain  to  tax  the 
colonies  which  set  Washington  upon  a  career 
ending  in  his  becoming  one  of  the  most  important 
figures  in  history.  But  for  those  ill-advised  meas- 
ures, he  might  have  lived  and  died  a  comparatively 
obscure  colonial  gentleman.  He  would  have 
donned  the  King's  uniform  when  there  was  need 
for  it;  he  would  probably  have  been  elected  with 
great  regularity  to  the  House  of  Burgesses  of 
Virginia,  and  the  time  and  energy  not  given  to 
his  public  duties  or  to  the  cultivation  of  his  plan- 
tations would  no  doubt  have  been  given  to  some 
of  those  plans  for  the  development  of  the  country 
which  occupied  so  much  of  his  thoughts.  But 
the  enactment  of  the  Stamp  Act  introduced  him 
at  once  to  a  larger  sphere,  and  from  that  time  until 
his  death  his  letters  and  other  papers  teem  with 
comment  and  discussion  occasioned  by  events  of 
national  and  international  importance. 

No  man  in  America  was  more  thoroughly  aroused 
than  he  by  the  British  measures  for  the  taxation 
of  the  colonies,  and  his  letters  vividly  reflect 
the  feelings  which  those  measures  engendered. 
Writing  to  his  agents  in  London  and  to  his 
Tory  neighbor  Bryan  Fairfax,  he  states  the  griev- 
ances of  America  in  no  uncertain  tones,  and  in- 
dicates some  of  the  consequences  which  the  British 


Introduction  xxxix 

policy  would  entail.  He  saw  at  once  the  bearing 
of  the  controversy  on  British  commerce,  and 
wrote  to  Francis  Dandridge,  in  London,  "  The 
eyes  of  our  people,  already  beginning  to  open,  will 
perceive,  that  many  luxuries,  which  we  lavish  our 
substance  in  Great  Britain  for,  can  well  be  dis- 
pensed with,  whilst  the  necessaries  of  life  are 
(mostly)  to  be  had  within  ourselves."  And  four 
years  later,  when  other  plans  of  taxation  had  been 
resorted  to,  he  again  advocated  measures  for 
"  starving  their  trade  and  manufactures  " ;  and  as 
the  grievances  of  the  colonies  accumulated,  his 
sense  of  injury  and  his  determination  to  resist 
found  indignant  expression  in  letters  to  his 
loyalist  friend  and  neighbor  Bryan  Fairfax. 
'  The  crisis  is  arrived,"  he  wrote,  "  when  we  must 
assert  our  rights,  or  submit  to  every  imposition, 
that  can  be  heaped  upon  us,  till  custom  and  use 
shall  make  us  as  tame  and  abject  slaves,  as  the 
blacks  we  rule  over  with  such  arbitrary  sway."  In 
the  popular  discussions  of  the  time,  he  could  not 
defend  the  rights  of  his  countrymen  with  the  elo- 
quence of  James  Otis,  or  Samuel  Adams,  or 
Patrick  Henry,  but  he  made  the  most  eloquent  of 
all  speeches  when  he  said,  "  I  will  raise  one  thou- 
sand men,  enlist  them  at  my  own  expense,  and 
march  myself  at  their  head  for  the  relief  of 
Boston." 

There  are  many  sources  from  which  the  story 
of  the  British  attempt  to  tax  America  and  the 
determination  of  the  colonists  to  insist  upon  their 
rights  can  be  learned,  but  for  the  history  of  the 


xl  Introduction 

Revolutionary  War, — its  objects,  the  gradual 
growth  of  the  idea  of  independence,  the  obstacles 
raised  by  inefficient  military  organization,  by  the 
mutual  jealousies  of  the  States,  and  by  the  weak- 
ness of  the  national  government,  the  uncertainty  of 
the  assistance  of  our  nominal  allies,  the  discovery  of 
treason  in  the  ranks,  the  lack  of  funds,  the  failure 
of  supplies,  the  practical  cessation  of  enlistments, 
and  the  growth  of  a  discontent  among  the  troops 
which  finally  resulted  in  mutiny, — for  all  this  there 
is  no  source  which  in  authenticity,  in  vividness,  and 
in  completeness  is  at  all  comparable  with  the  letters 
and  official  papers  of  Washington.  The  circum- 
stances under  which  he  exercised  his  command 
and  the  questions  with  which  he  had  to  deal  in- 
volved the  preparation  of  papers  which  constitute 
a  complete  record  of  his  connection  with  the  war. 
For  convenience  the  most  important  of  them 
may  be  arranged  in  these  groups, — letters  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  appeals  to  the  States,  and 
letters  to  individuals. 

The  first  of  the  letters  to  the  President  of  Con- 
gress was  written  from  New  York  the  week  after 
his  appointment  as  commander-in-chief,  and  from 
that  time  until  he  resigned  his  commission,  he  was 
in  frequent,  sometimes  daily,  communication  with 
that  body.  Reporting  to  it  as  to  a  superior  au- 
thority, his  letters  are  filled  with  accounts  of  the 
state  of  the  army,  defects  in  its  organization,  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  food  and  clothing,  com- 
plaints caused  by  the  failure  of  Congress  to  pay 
the  troops,  and  by  the  depreciation  in  the  value 


Introduction  xli 

of  the  continental  currency,  the  gradual  decline 
in  enlistments,  proposed  movements  of  the  troops, 
and  important  conflicts  with  the  enemy.  They 
are  the  most  complete  contemporary  record  that 
we  possess  of  the  conditions  under  which  the 
Revolutionary  War  was  carried  on.  The  history 
of  almost  every  phase  of  the  military  side  of  the 
contest  could  be  written  from  these  letters  alone. 
His  representations  to  Congress  of  the  needs  of 
his  troops  did  not  produce  the  desired  results. 
That  body  was  at  best  but  the  shadow  of  a  govern- 
ment, and,  as  was  to  have  been  expected,  was  often 
divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  proper  measures  to 
be  adopted.  To  meet  his  necessities  Washington  be- 
gan to  appeal  to  the  States.  Sometimes  he  addressed 
the  governors  or  provincial  congresses  singly. 
Sometimes  he  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the  States 
or  to  particular  groups  of  them.  As  the  Revo- 
lution proceeded,  and  the  inability  of  Congress  to 
meet  the  necessities  of  the  army  increased,  appeals 
of  this  kind  became  more  and  more  common.  They 
are  an  illustration  of  the  double  task  which  rested 
upon  Washington.  He  must  not  only  train  the 
armies  and  fight  the  battles  of  the  Revolution,  but 
more  and  more  as  the  contest  went  on  he  was 
also  obliged  to  provide  the  means  for  feeding  and 
clothing  and  arming  his  men  in  order  that  they 
might  remain  in  the  field.  The  magnitude  of  his 
services  to  America  in  the  Revolution  cannot  be 
exaggerated.  The  unintended  testimony  of  his 
papers,  as  they  were  prepared  from  day  to  day 
in  the  transaction  of  the  business  of  the  moment, 


xlii  Introduction 

is  convincing  evidence  that  without  his  unending 
patience,  and  his  determined  persistence,  the  war 
could  not  have  been  brought  to  a  successful  con- 
clusion. It  cannot  be  charged  that  the  American 
republic  has  been  lacking  in  appreciation  of  Wash- 
ington. But  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  certain  that 
a  perusal  of  his  papers  written  while  he  was  in 
command  of  the  army,  and  particularly  of  those 
addressed  to  Congress  and  to  the  States,  will  show 
that  there  is  ample  justification  for  anything  that 
may  be  said  in  praise  of  his  services  in  the  War 
for  Independence.  Washington  was  the  Revo- 
lution. To  him  it  appeared  as  a  battle  for  human 
rights,  and  he  made  it  appear  in  that  light  to 
others.  He  saw  how  the  happiness  of  future 
generations  was  involved  in  it.  Hence  he  refused  to 
allow  the  indifference  or  negligence  of  some,  or  even 
the  slanderous  opposition  and  treason  of  others, 
to  divert  him  from  his  course.  Defeat  did  not 
dismay  him.  In  reporting  to  Congress  a  disastrous 
repulse  of  his  army,  he  could  yet  express  the  con- 
solatory hope  that  on  another  occasion  we  might 
have  better  fortune.  Without  his  inspiring  ex- 
ample of  unselfishness  and  devotion,  it  is  doubtful 
if  local  jealousies  could  have  been  sufficiently  sub- 
dued to  bring  the  various  colonial  forces  together 
into  a  continental  army.  Without  him  that  army 
certainly  could  not  have  been  kept  in  the  field. 
And  year  by  year  as  he  led  his  ragged  troops 
into  winter  quarters  with  very  little  in  the  way 
of  victory  over  the  enemy  to  encourage  them,  he 
urged  upon  Congress  and  the  States  to  begin  at 


Introduction  xliii 

once  the  preparations  for  another  campaign,  ap- 
parently taking  'it  for  granted  that  no  matter  how 
often  his  men  were  defeated  or  his  armies  disabled 
by  slaughter,  sickness,  or  desertion,  the  war  must 
nevertheless  go  on  until  it  had  achieved  its  ob- 
ject. And  of  all  this,  we  have  in  Washington's 
papers  a  vivid  and  indisputable  record.  We  may 
join  with  Moses  Coit  Tyler  in  saying  that  no  one 
can  "  ever  hope  to  know  the  mind  and  conscience 
of  our  Revolution,  its  motive,  its  conduct,  its  stern 
and  patient  purpose,  or  its  cost,  without  studying 
Washington's  letters." 

In  writing  to  Congress,  Washington  was  neces- 
sarily placed  under  considerable  restraint.  Com- 
munications to  that  body  were  in  the  nature  of 
public  documents.  They  were  read  in  Congress. 
They  came  to  the  knowledge  of  a  considerable 
number  of  people.  Many  of  them  were  given  to 
the  press.  Hence  their  author  was  frequently 
obliged  to  write  with  reserve,  in  order  that  infor- 
mation damaging  to  the  public  interest  might  not 
be  disclosed.  To  obviate  this  difficulty,  a  public 
letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  was  frequently 
supplemented  by  a  private  one  to  the  same  official. 
Thus  when  Lafayette  broached  his  plan  for  an 
invasion  of  Canada  with  a  French  army,  Wash- 
ington saw  at  once  the  dangerous  possibilities  in- 
volved in  the  introduction  of  a  body  of  French 
troops  among  the  French  population  of  Canada. 
His  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  however, 
is  devoted  altogether  to  the  military  aspects  of  the 
enterprise  and  gives  no  hint  of  the  real  reasons 


xliv  Introduction 

for  his  opposition.  These  are  found  in  a  private 
letter  sent  three  days  later  (see  post,  p.  123). 
In  communications  to  the  States,  even  greater  care 
and  restraint  were  necessary,  for  the  officials  of 
the  States  were  less  responsible  for  the  promotion 
of  the  common  cause  than  was  the  Congress. 

This  necessity  for  circumspection  in  what  were 
virtually  public  letters  gives  added  value  to  Wash- 
ington's more  intimate  communications  to  friends 
in  whom  he  had  confidence.  Here  he  felt  it  safe 
to  write  with  greater  frankness,  and  these  letters 
exhibit  a  freedom  of  expression  and  an  absence 
of  restraint  which  make  them  of  particular  interest 
to  every  student  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  Here 
are  statements  as  to  the  condition  of  the  army 
and  its  dangerous  situation  which  would  never 
have  found  their  way  into  any  public  document. 
Here  also  he  felt  at  liberty  to  give  vent  to  per- 
sonal feelings  which  he  was  usually  careful  to 
suppress  in  his  more  public  communications. 

Among  his  correspondents  while  he  was  with 
the  army  were  five  with  whom  his  exchange  of 
letters  was  frequent  and  the  tone  of  his  own  par- 
ticularly frank  and  unrestrained.  The  first  of 
these  was  his  favorite  brother  John  Augustine 
Washington  (1736-87),  "the  intimate  companion 
of  my  youth  and  the  friend  of  my  ripened  age." 
The  correspondence  with  him  during  the  early 
years  of  the  war  is  especially  valuable.  It  was  to 
him  that  Washington  wrote,  March  31,  1776: 

"  I  believe  I  may  with  great  truth  affirm,  that  no  man 


Introduction  xlv 

perhaps  since  the  first  institution  of  armies  ever  com- 
manded one  under  more  difficult  circumstances,  than  I 
have  done.  .  .  .  Many  of  my  difficulties  and  distresses 
were  of  so  peculiar  a  cast,  that,  in  order  to  conceal  them 
from  the  enemy,  I  was  obliged  to  conceal  them  from  my 
friends,  and  indeed  from  my  own  army,  thereby  sub- 
jecting my  conduct  to  interpretations  unfavorable  to 
my  character,  especially  by  those  at  a  distance,  who 
could  not  in  the  smallest  degree  be  acquainted  with 
the  springs  that  governed  it." 

And  again  the  General  wrote  his  brother 
(November  19,  1776) : 

"  I  am  wearied  almost  to  death  with  the  retrograde 
motion  of  things,  and  I  solemnly  protest,  that  a 
pecuniary  reward  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  a  year 
would  not  induce  me  to  undergo  what  I  do;  and  after 
all,  perhaps,  to  lose  my  character,  as  it  is  impossible 
under  such  a  variety  of  distressing  circumstances,  to 
conduct  affairs  agreeably  to  public  expectation,  or  even 
to  the  expectation  of  those,  who  employ  me,  as  they 
will  not  make  proper  allowances  for  the  difficulties  their 
own  errors  have  occasioned." 

Among  his  other  correspondents  during  the  war 
none  enjoyed  a  larger  share  of  his  confidence  than 
Joseph  Reed,  President  of  Pennsylvania.  Wash- 
ington welcomed  his  criticism,  and  offered  to  him 
his  own  sentiments  without  the  slightest  reserve. 
It  was  to  Reed  that  he  wrote  (28  November, 
1775) : 

"  Such  a  dearth  of  public  spirit,  and  want  of  virtue, 
such  stock-jobbing,  and  fertility  in  all  the  low  arts  to 
obtain  advantages  of  one  kind  or  another,  in  this  great 
change  of  military  arrangement,  I  never  saw  before, 


xlvi  Introduction 

and  pray  God  I  may  never  be  witness  to  again.  What 
will  be  the  ultimate  end  of  these  manoeuvres  is  beyond 
my  scan.  I  tremble  at  the  prospect.  .  .  .  Could  I  have 
foreseen  what  I  have,  and  am  likely  to  experience,  no 
consideration  upon  earth  should  have  induced  me  to  ac- 
cept this  command.  A  regiment  or  any  subordinate  de- 
partment would  have  been  accompanied  with  ten  times 
the  satisfaction,  and  perhaps  the  honor." 

And  again,  when  depressed  by  circumstances 
which  weighed  upon  him,  it  was  to  the  same  friend 
that  he  wrote: 

"  I  know — but  to  declare  it,  unless  to  a  friend,  may 
be  an  argument  of  vanity — the  integrity  of  my  own 
heart.  I  know  the  unhappy  predicament  I  stand  in;  I 
know  that  much  is  expected  of  me;  I  know,  that  with- 
out men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition,  without 
anything  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a  soldier,  little 
is  to  be  done;  and,  which  is  mortifying,  I  know,  that 
I  cannot  stand  justified  to  the  world  without  exposing 
my  own  weakness,  and  injuring  the  cause2  by  declaring 
my  wants,  which  I  am  determined  not  to  do,  further 
than  unavoidable  necessity  brings  every  man  acquainted 
with  them." 

During  a  very  interesting  period  of  the  war, 
Washington  wrote  frequently  to  Gouverneur 
Morris,  who  while  in  Congress  opened  a  friendly 
correspondence  with  the  General,  in  the  course  of 
which  they  exchanged  views  with  great  freedom.  It 
was  at  this  period  that  Morris  so  established  him- 
self in  Washington's  confidence  as  to  lead  to  his 
selection  in  1789  as  the  confidential  agent  to  sound 
the  government  of  Great  Britain  on  the  subject 
of  a  treaty  of  commerce. 


Introduction  xlvii 

But  among  all  his  friends,  the  two  who  stood 
closest  to  him,  who  possessed  the  greatest  share  of 
his  confidence,  and  who  enlisted  his  personal  affec- 
tion most  deeply,  were  Lafayette  and  Hamilton. 
The  youthful  enthusiasm  and  chivalrous  spirit  with 
which  the  French  boy  entered  the  battle  for  Ameri- 
can independence  appealed  to  the  sensibilities  of 
Washington,  and  aroused  in  him  an  affection  for 
Lafayette  which  was  a  mingling  of  the  love  of  a 
father  with  the  attachment  of  friend  for  friend. 
His  letters  to  Lafayette,  of  which  there  are  many, 
reveal  one  of  the  most  attractive  phases  of  his 
character.  In  their  mingling  of  frank  comment 
on  the  events  of  the  day  with  friendly  gossip  on 
matters  of  interest  to  the  two  families,  they  strongly 
suggest  the  correspondence  of  William  III.  with 
Bentinck,  Earl  of  Portland. 

Hamilton  also  enjoyed  the  unlimited  confidence 
of  Washington.  Like  Lafayette,  Hamilton  was 
a  mere  boy  when  he  entered  the  military  service. 
Like  Lafayette,  he  was  at  Washington's  side  in 
some  of  the  most  important  battles  of  the  Revo- 
lution, and  again  like  Lafayette,  Washington  re- 
garded him  almost  in  the  light  of  a  son.  He  bore 
with  his  faults.  He  appreciated  his  great  abilities. 
In  1781,  he  wrote  of  him: 

"  How  far  Colo.  Hamilton,  of  whom  you  ask  my  opin- 
ion as  a  financier,  has  turned  his  thoughts  to  that 
particular  study,  I  am  unable  to  ansr.,  because  I  never 
entered  upon  a  discussion  of  this  point  with  him.  But 
I  can  venture  to  advance,  from  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  him,  that  there  are  few  men  to  be  found,  of  his 


xlviii  Introduction 

age,  who  has  a  more  general  knowledge  than  he  pos- 
sesses; and  none,  whose  soul  is  more  firmly  engaged  in 
the  cause,  or  who  exceeds  him  in  probity  and  sterling 
virtue." 

The  public  careers  of  Washington  and  Hamilton 
were  passed  side  by  side.  They  served  together 
during  a  large  part  of  the  Revolution.  They 
worked  together  in  bringing  about  the  formation 
and  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  And  when 
Washington  was  called  to  the  Presidency,  Hamil- 
ton was  associated  with  him  as  his  most  trusted 
adviser.  His  letters  to  Hamilton  are  among  the 
most  valuable  of  his  papers. 

Washington's  services  during  the  Revolutionary 
War  did  not  surpass  in  importance  his  services  in 
bringing  about  the  formation  and  adoption  of  the 
Constitution.  Early  in  the  war  he  saw  that  the 
national  government  was  not  endowed  with  ade- 
quate powers,  and  that  the  jealousy  or  inactivity 
of  the  States  prevented  an  effective  exercise  of 
those  that  it  had.  He  was  in  a  better  position 
than  any  one  else,  except  possibly  Robert  Morris, 
to  appreciate  the  defects  of  the  government  of  the 
Confederation,  for,  as  he  wrote  to  Hamilton,  "  no 
man  perhaps  has  felt  the  bad  effects  of  it  more 
sensibly;  for  to  the  defects  thereof,  and  want  of 
powers  in  Congress,  may  justly  be  ascribed  the 
prolongation  of  the  war,  and  consequently  the  ex- 
penses occasioned  by  it.  More  than  half  the  per- 
plexities I  have  experienced  in  the  course  of  my 
command,  and  almost  the  whole  of  the  difficulties 
and  distress  of  the  army,  have  their  origin  here." 


Introduction  xlix 

He  realized  also  the  great  danger  that  the  weak- 
ness of  the  Confederation  would  result  in  the 
dissolution  of  the  union.  "  I  do  not  conceive," 
he  wrote  to  Jay,  "  we  can  exist  long  as  a  nation 
without  having  lodged  somewhere  a  power,  which 
will  pervade  the  whole  Union  in  as  energetic  a 
manner  as  the  authority  of  the  State  governments 
extends  over  the  several  States."  Long  before 
he  resigned  his  command,  but  much  more  so  after 
he  retired  to  Mt.  Vernon,  all  his  letters,  to  quote 
his  own  words,  "  teem  with  these  sentiments." 
Mt.  Vernon  became  the  centre  of  the  agitation 
for  the  reform  of  the  Confederation.  In  letters 
sent  to  Knox  in  Massachusetts,  to  Jay  and  Hamil- 
ton in  New  York,  to  McHenry  in  Maryland,  to 
Mason  and  Madison,  Henry  and  Jefferson  in 
Virginia,  he  set  forth  the  urgency  of  the  need  of 
a  stronger  government,  and  through  these  and 
other  correspondents  his  opinions  penetrated  every 
part  of  the  Union.  As  the  history  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary War  can  be  traced  largely  in  his  papers, 
so  also  his  correspondence  is  an  invaluable  source 
for  all  who  would  comprehend  the  movement 
which  led  up  to  the  Convention  of  1787.  Much 
against  his  will,  but  moved  by  a  "  conviction  that 
our  affairs  were  fast  verging  toward  ruin,"  he 
consented  to  serve  as  one  of  the  representatives 
of  Virginia  in  that  body.  And  when  the  Con- 
stitution was  formulated  and  submitted  to  the 
States,  all  his  influence  was  used  to  obtain  its 
adoption.  A  visitor  at  Mt.  Vernon  in  October, 
1787,  wrote,  "  I  never  saw  him  so  keen  for  any- 


1  Introduction 

thing  in  my  life  as  he  is  for  the  adoption  of  the  new 
scheme  of  government."  He  regarded  the  con- 
test for  the  ratification  of  the  instrument  as  the 
last  chance  that  America  was  likely  to  have  to 
realize  national  greatness.  ;<  Without  an  altera- 
tion in  our  political  creed,"  he  wrote  to  Madison, 
"  the  superstructure  we  have  been  seven  years  in 
raising,  at  the  expense  of  so  much  treasure  and 
blood,  must  fall.  We  are  fast  verging  to  anarchy 
and  confusion." 

As  soon  as  it  became  apparent  that  the  new 
Constitution  would  be  accepted  by  a  sufficient 
number  of  States  to  insure  its  being  put  into  opera- 
tion, several  of  Washington's  correspondents,  es- 
pecially Hamilton,  began  to  suggest  to  him  the 
probability  of  his  being  called  to  the  Presidency. 
His  letters  for  a  period  of  several  months  reveal 
his  disinclination  to  accept  the  office  and  his  dis- 
trust of  his  ability  to  discharge  its  duties  creditably. 
He  urged  his  lack  of  experience  in  civil  affairs, 
his  ignorance  of  law,  and  his  increasing  years. 
But  his  interest  in  establishing  a  firm  union  of  the 
States  under  a  government  of  adequate  powers  was 
so  great  that  he  finally  yielded  to  the  appeals  which 
came  to  him  from  every  State,  and  entered  upon 
the  discharge  of  new  tasks  equal  in  importance  to 
any  that  he  had  previously  met.  The  work  which 
he  had  begun  as  commander  of  the  army  in  the 
War  for  Independence,  and  as  the  chief  influence 
in  achieving  the  formation  and  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  he  was  now  to  complete  in  the  office 
of  chief  magistrate. 


Introduction  li 

The  labors  of  Washington  in  the  organization 
and  administration  of  the  government  are  recorded 
in  his  own  writings  with  much  less  completeness 
than  are  the  other  great  aspects  of  his  career. 
During  the  Revolutionary  War  the  circumstances 
of  his  command  required  the  daily  preparation  of 
numerous  letters  to  the  President  of  Congress,  to 
the  governors  of  the  States,  to  various  officials, 
friends,  and  relatives,  so  that  there  is  hardly  a 
phase  of  that  contest  which  is  not  pictured  in  his 
correspondence.  The  movement  for  the  reform 
of  the  government  likewise  drew  its  inspiration 
chiefly  from  him,  and  the  reasons  for  it,  the  ob- 
stacles that  impeded  it,  and  its  final  achievement 
are  amply  recorded  in  his  letters.  But  while  in 
the  Presidency,  he  was  in  such  constant  contact 
with  his  advisers,  and  so  much  of  the  work  of  the 
day  was  carried  out  through  the  members  of  his 
cabinet,  that  there  was  less  need  for  him  to  resort 
to  writing  himself.  His  papers  therefore  offer  a 
much  less  complete  record  of  his  eight  years  at  the 
head  of  the  nation  than  of  the  eight  years  which 
he  spent  in  the  field,  or  the  six  years  which  in- 
tervened between  his  retirement  from  the  army 
and  his  inauguration  as  President.  For  a  full 
explanation  of  the  great  policies  with  which  his 
administration  of  the  government  is  identified, — 
the  enforcement  of  neutrality,  the  organization  of 
the  national  finances,  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of 
commerce  with  England,  and  the  suppression  of 
the  Whiskey  Insurrection, — the  writings  of  Wash- 
ington must  be  supplemented  by  those  of  his 


Hi  Introduction 

associates,  particularly  by  those  of  Hamilton  and 
Jefferson. 

When  Washington  became  President,  he  in- 
herited from  the  government  of  the  Confederation 
a  series  of  disagreements  with  England  growing 
out  of  the  flagrant  violations  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  by  both  parties  to  it,  and  made  the  more 
difficult  of  settlement  because  England  would 
neither  send  a  minister  to  the  United  States  nor 
agree  to  a  treaty  of  commerce.  Before  the  arrival 
of  his  Secretary  of  State,  Washington  began  in- 
formal negotiations  through  Gouverneur  Morris 
for  the  removal  of  these  obstacles  to  friendly  inter- 
course. His  letters  to  Morris  and  later  to  John 
Jay,  whom  he  sent  to  London  as  a  special  envoy, 
set  forth  the  principles  which  he  thought  should 
govern  our  relations  with  the  mother  country. 
His  early  letters  to  Morris  show  much  of  the  skill 
of  a  practised  diplomat,  while  his  later  letter  of 
December  22,  1795,  is  a  comprehensive  statement 
of  the  whole  of  the  American  case  against  Great 
Britain. 

Closely  associated  with  the  questions  growing 
out  of  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  was  Wash- 
ington's policy  of  neutrality.  He  had  long  been 
impressed  by  the  peculiar  advantages  possessed 
by  America  for  observing  a  strict  neutrality  in 
her  relations  with  the  countries  of  Europe.  More 
than  a  year  before  he  became  President,  he  had 
argued  for  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitution 
because  in  the  war  which  then  threatened  between 
France  and  England,  America  would  surely  be- 


Introduction  Kii 

come  involved  "  unless  there  is  energy  enough  in 
Government  to  restrain  our  people  within  proper 
bounds."  When  the  threatened  war  came,  he 
used  the  energy  of  the  new  government  both  to 
"  restrain  our  people  within  proper  bounds  "  and 
to  establish  the  principle  of  neutrality  as  a  part 
of  the  system  of  international  law.  His  writings 
give  a  more  comprehensive  view  of  his  neutrality 
policy  than  of  any  other  measure  of  his  adminis- 
tration. In  his  message  to  Congress,  and  in 
many  of  his  letters  he  states  the  principle  which 
guided  his  conduct  toward  England  and  France, 
while  in  the  Farewell  Address  he  reiterates  it  as 
a  rule  which  should  become  a  part  of  the  national 
policy. 

Before  his  accession  to  the  Presidency,  Washing- 
ton had  given  much  thought  to  the  development 
of  the  West  and  the  establishment  of  commercial 
ties  by  which  it  could  be  firmly  knit  to  the  East. 
By  far  his  most  important  utterance  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  one  of  the  most  important  of  all  his 
writings,  is  his  letter  to  Governor  Harrison  of 
October  10,  1784.  "  The  suggestions  of  Wash- 
ington in  his  letter  to  the  governor,"  says  Irving, 
"  and  his  representations  during  this  visit  to 
Richmond,  gave  the  first  impulse  to  the  great 
system  of  internal  improvements  since  pursued 
throughout  the  United  States."  The  people  of 
the  States  bordering  the  Atlantic  have  in  general 
manifested  little  appreciation  of  the  political,  so- 
cial, and  economic  development  of  the  West,  and 
of  its  relative  importance  in  the  development  of 


liv  Introduction 

the  country  as  a  whole.  The  statesmanship  of 
Washington  is  nowhere  more  clearly  displayed 
than  in  his  perception  of  the  possibilities  of  the 
great  region  beyond  the  mountains. 

Most  of  the  writings  of  Washington  are  merely 
the  papers  involved  in  the  current  transactions  of 
the  day.  Three  of  his  papers,  however,  occupy  a 
distinctive  place,  and  possess  peculiar  claims  to 
our  interest  and  notice.  These  are  his  Address 
to  the  Officers  at  Newburgh,  his  Letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernors on  Disbanding  the  Army,  and  his  Farewell 
Address. 

These  three  papers  have  one  feature  in  com- 
mon,— all  of  them  relate  to  civil  affairs.  They 
reveal  the  statesmanship  rather  than  the  military 
skill  of  their  author.  The  first,  while  addressed 
to  the  officers  of  the  army,  is  an  appeal  to  them  as 
citizens  rather  than  as  soldiers.  Its  purpose  is  to 
deter  them  from  tarnishing  the  f  ame^  which  they 
have  won  under  arms  by  any  unlawful  action 
against  the  civil  authorities.  The  success  of 
Washington's  appeal  on  this  occasion  was  due  to 
the  quality  to  which  so  much  of  his  success  as  a 
general  must  be  attributed, — namely,  his  mastery 
of  men  and  his  ability  to  inspire  confidence.  In 
directness  and  simplicity  of  language,  in  cogency 
of  argument,  in  skill  in  answering  the  insinuations 
contained  in  the  Anonymous  Adresses,  and  in 
emotional  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the  assem- 
bled officers,  this  address  is  the  best  of  all  of 
Washington's  writings. 

The  Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors  was  the 


Introduction  lv 

first  clear  revelation  to  the  American  people  of 
Washington's  qualities  as  a  statesman.  This  aspect 
of  his  character  had  already  been  discerned  by  some 
of  those  who  had  been  brought  into  close  contact 
with  him.  We  know  from  Patrick  Henry  how 
the  extent  of  his  information  and  the  soundness 
of  his  judgment  had  impressed  his  associates  in 
the  First  Continental  Congress.  His  correspond- 
ents during  the  war  must  also  have  seen  that  he 
was  much  more  than  a  skilful  soldier.  But  Wash- 
ington was  neither  an  orator  nor  a  pamphleteer. 
The  avenues  to  public  notice  which  had  been  open 
to  John  and  Samuel  Adams,  to  Hamilton,  Henry, 
and  Jefferson,  and  which  had  made  the  people 
acquainted  with  these  men,  were  closed  to  him. 
His  comprehensive  and  well-reasoned  Letter  to  the 
Governors,  devoted  altogether  to  the  questions  of 
civil  polity  which  then  confronted  the  country, 
must  have  occasioned  surprise  in  the  minds  of 
those  who  had  thought  of  him  only  as  the  devoted 
patriot  and  skilful  general  who  had  conducted  their 
armies  to  victory.  In  this  Letter  he  showed  that 
his  statesmanship  was  not  inferior  to  his  general- 
ship, and  the  public  accorded  instant  recognition 
of  the  fact.  The  addresses  adopted  by  the  several 
State  legislature  in  reply  to  the  Letter  and  con- 
temporary comment  upon  it  show  that  in  laying 
down  the  command  of  the  army  Washington 
merely  exchanged  military  for  civil  leadership. 
His  release  from  the  toils  of  the  camp  enabled 
him  to  devote  himself  to  the  more  difficult  problem 
of  providing  a  government  for  the  new  nation. 


Ivi  Introduction 

By  far  the  best  known  of  Washington's  writ- 
ings, although  not  intrinsically  the  best,  is  the 
Farewell  Address  to  the  People  of  the  United 
States.  This  occupies  a  unique  place  in  history. 
No  analogy  to  it  can  be  found  in  the  annals  of 
other  countries.  It  contains  nothing  strikingly 
original.  It  sets  forth  no  new  political  principles. 
It  does  not  stir  the  emotions  nor  arouse  the  imagi- 
nation. It  is  not  particularly  distinguished  by 
aptness  of  phraseology.  It  contains  no  maxims 
which  have  entered  into  the  speech  of  the  people. 
It  is  not  the  appeal  of  a  great  leader  to  his  fol- 
lowers, summoning  them  to  rally  about  him  in 
defence  of  his  policies,  for  its  author  was  just 
terminating  his  public  career.  Unlike  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  the  only  document  in  Ameri- 
can history  which  can  compare  with  it  in  influence, 
it  was  not  sent  out  to  the  world  bearing  the  en- 
dorsement of  the  nation.  With  none  of  those 
elements  which  usually  lend  importance  to  a  state 
paper,  it  has  nevertheless  become  a  political  classic. 
All  its  importance  is  derived  from  the  fact  that 
it  is  "  the  disinterested  warnings  of  a  parting 
friend,"  and  that  the  friend  in  question  was 
George  Washington.  Regard  for  its  author  and 
confidence  in  his  judgment  and  integrity  are  the 
foundation  of  its  authority. 

The  counsel  offered  in  the  Farewell  Address,  like 
that  offered  in  the  Circular  Letter  to  the  Gover- 
nors, met  with  immediate  acceptance.  Writing 
from  The  Hague  of  the  election  of  1796,  before 
the  result  of  it  was  known  to  him,  John  Quincy 


Introduction  Ivii 

Adams  said,  "  It  is  yet  very  uncertain  how  it  will 
turn. — Nor  do  I  believe  it  material. — From  the 
reception  of  the  President's  address  all  over  the 
Continent,  judge  whether  any  successor  would 
dare  or  could  effect  a  total  departure  from  his 
system  of  administration."  («7.  Q.  Adams  to  S. 
Bourne,  February  1,  1797.)  Its  influence,  how- 
ever, has  not  been  temporary.  In  most  of  the 
great  national  controversies  over  questions  of  public 
policy,  its  authority  has  been  invoked, — and  not  in- 
frequently by  the  opposite  parties  to  the  same  con- 
troversy. Its  beneficent  influence  as  a  political 
force  both  conservative  and  uplifting  is  incalcu- 
lable. It  is  not  the  least  of  the  debts  which  a 
grateful  country  owes  to  Washington. 

Washington  belonged  to  a  generation  of  states- 
men famous  for  their  literary  abilities.  Among 
them  were  Franklin,  a  master  of  the  resources  of 
the  English  tongue;  Hamilton,  whose  language 
reflected  the  lucidity  of  his  mind;  Jefferson,  whose 
great  polemic,  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
is  a  model  of  its  kind;  Patrick  Henry  and  Samuel 
Adams,  masters  of  forensic  eloquence,  and  Gouver- 
neur  Morris,  whose  crisp  phrases  are  preserved  in 
the  clauses  of  the  Constitution.  Compared  with 
these  Washington  can  make  but  a  poor  showing 
in  point  of  literary  style.  Indeed  much  of  his 
writing  suffers  when  judged  by  any  standard  of 
literary  excellence.  Even  his  spelling  was  various 
and  uncertain.  Many  of  his  sentences,  in  their 
elephantine  dignity,  reflect  the  stateliness  of  their 
author's  personal  bearing.  Involved  and  complex, 


Iviii  Introduction 

it  is  frequently  difficult,  sometimes  even  impossible, 
to  discover  their  meaning,  while  instances  are  not 
wanting  in  which  Washington  says  directly  the 
contrary  of  what  he  obviously  intended  to  say. 
On  the  other  hand,  his  writings  are  filled  with 
passages  marked  by  a  noble  simplicity  of  style 
which  would  have  been  creditable  to  any  of  his 
contemporaries.  This  is  particularly  conspicuous  in 
his  two  notable  speeches,  the  address  to  the  officers 
at  Newburgh,  and  his  address  to  Congress  on  re- 
signing his  commission. 

In  power  of  vivid  narrative,  also,  he  was  not 
lacking.  His  reports  to  Congress  of  the  great 
events  in  which  he  was  engaged  are,  in  general, 
all  that  they  ought  to  be  in  point  of  straightfor- 
ward description  and  rehearsal  of  facts.  In  his 
private  letters,  to  the  preparation  of  which  he 
could  give  less  care,  his  power  of  concise  state- 
ment is  even  more  conspicuous.  His  letter  (July 
4,  1778)  to  his  favorite  brother,  in  which  he  de- 
scribes the  situation  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth 
when  he  found  General  Lee  in  full  retreat,  is  an 
example  of  this.  He  writes: 


"Before  this  will  have  reached  yon,  the  account  of 
the  battle  of  Monmouth  will  probably  get  to  Virginia; 
which,  from  an  unfortunate  and  bad  beginning,  turned 
out  a  glorious  and  happy  day.  .  .  . 

"  General  Lee,  having  the  command  of  the  van  of  the 
army,  consisting  of  full  five  thousand  chosen  men,  was 
ordered  to  begin  the  attack  next  morning,  so  soon  as 
the  enemy  began  their  march;  to  be  supported  by  me; 
but,  strange  to  tell!  when  he  came  up  with  the  enemy, 


Introduction  lix 

a  retreat  commenced;  whether  by  his  order,  or  from 
other  causes,  is  now  the  subject  of  inquiry,  and  con- 
sequently improper  to  be  descanted  upon,  as  he  is  in 
arrest,  and  a  court-martial  sitting  for  trial  of  him. 
A  retreat,  however,  was  the  fact,  be  the  causes  as  they 
may;  and  the  disorder  arising  from  it  would  have 
proved  fatal  to  the  army,  had  not  that  bountiful  Provi- 
dence, which  has  never  failed  us  in  the  hour  of  dis- 
tress, enabled  me  to  form  a  regiment  or  two  (of  those 
that  were  retreating)  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  and 
under  their  fire;  by  which  means  a  stand  was  made 
long  enough  (the  place  through  which  the  enemy  were 
pursuing  being  narrow,)  to  form  the  troops,  that  were 
advancing  upon  an  advantageous  piece  of  ground  in  the 
rear.  Here  our  affairs  took  a  favorable  turn,  and,  from 
being  pursued,  we  .drove  the  enemy  back  over  the  ground 
they  had  followed,  and  recovered  the  field  of  battle,  and 
possessed  ourselves  of  their  dead.  But  as  they  retreated 
behind  a  morass  very  difficult  to  pass,  and  had  both 
flanks  secured  with  thick  woods,  it  was  found  imprac- 
ticable with  our  men,  fainting  with  fatigue,  heat,  and 
want  of  water,  to  do  anything  more  that  night.  In  the 
morning  we  expected  to  renew  the  action;  when,  behold, 
the  enemy  had  stole  off  as  silent  as  the  grave  in  the 
night,  after  having  sent  away  their  wounded.  Getting 
a  night's  march  of  us,  and  having  but  ten  miles  to  a 
strong  post,  it  was  judged  inexpedient  to  follow  them 
any  further,  but  move  towards  the  North  Eiver,  lest 
they  should  have  any  design  upon  our  posts  here. 

"  We  buried  245  of  their  dead  on  the  field  of  action ; 
they  buried  several  themselves,  and  many  have  been 
since  found  in  the  woods,  where,  during  the  action,  they 
had  drawn  them  to,  and  hid  them.  We  have  taken  five 
officers  and  upwards  of  one  hundred  prisoners,  but  the 
amount  of  their  wounded  we  have  not  learnt  with  any 
certainty;  according  to  the  common  proportion  of  four 
or  five  to  one,  these  should  be  at  least  a  thousand  or 
1200.  Without  exaggeration,  their  trip  through  the 


Ix  Introduction 

Jerseys,  in  killed,  wounded,  prisoners,  and  deserters,  has 
cost  them  at  least  2000  men  of  their  best  troops.  We  had 
60  men  killed,  132  wounded,  and  about  130  missing, 
some  of  whom  I  suppose  may  yet  come  in.  Among  our 
slain  officers  is  Major  Dickinson  and  Captain  Fauntleroy, 
two  very  valuable  ones." 

Washington  was  a  man  of  strong  feeling,  and 
when  under  the  influence  of  it  he  could  express 
himself  with  a  vividness  of  language  which  has 
made  some  of  his  phrases  classic.  The  gov- 
ernment of  the  country  under  the  Articles  of 
Confederation  is  inseparably  associated  with  his 
description  of  it  as  "  a  half -starved,  limping  gov- 
ernment, that  appears  to  be  always  moving 
upon  crutches,  and  tottering  at  every  step."  A 
whole  system  of  political  philosophy  is  summed 
up  in  the  words,  "  Influence  is  no  government," 
while  the  indifference  of  the  public  to  the  distresses 
of  the  army  brought  out  this  bit  of  sarcastic 
comment : 

"  The  army  as  usual  is  without  pay,  and  a  great  part 
of  the  soldiery  without  shirts;  and  tho'  the  patience  of 
them  is  equally  threadbare,  it  seems  to  be  a  matter 
of  small  concern  to  those  at  a  distance.  In  truth,  if 
one  was  to  hazard  an  opinion  for  them  on  this  sub- 
ject, it  would  be,  that  the  army  having  contracted  a 
habit  of  encountering  distress  and  difficulties,  and  of 
living  without  money,  it  would  be  injurious  to  it,  to 
introduce  other  customs." 

At  times  he  produces  a  passage  of  striking  elo- 
quence. Jefferson  himself  could  not  indict  the 
British  government  in  arguments  more  cogently 


Introduction  Ixi 

phrased,  or  more  logically  arranged,  or  marshalled 
in  more  imposing  array,  than  are  to  be  found  in 
this  famous  paragraph: 

"  If  every  man  was  of  my  mind,  the  ministers  of 
Great  Britain  should  know,  in  a  few  words,  upon  what 
issue  the  cause  should  be  put.  I  would  not  be  deceived 
by  artful  declarations,  nor  specious  pretences;  nor 
would  I  be  amused  by  unmeaning  propositions;  but  in 
open,  undisguised,  and  manly  terms  proclaim  our  wrongs, 
and  our  resolution  to  be  redressed.  I  would  tell  them, 
that  we  had  borne  much,  that  we  had  long  and  ardently 
sought  for  reconciliation  upon  honorable  terms,  that  it 
had  been  denied  us,  that  all  our  attempts  after  peace 
had  proved  abortive,  and  had  been  grossly  misrepresented, 
that  we  had  done  everything  which  could  be  expected 
from  the  best  of  subjects,  that  the  spirit  of  freedom 
beat  too  high  in  us  to  submit  to  slavery,  and  that,  if 
nothing  else  could  satisfy  a  tyrant  and  his  diabolical 
ministry,  we  are  determined  to  shake  off  all  connexions 
with  a  state  so  unjust  and  unnatural.  This  I  would 
tell  them,  not  under  covert,  but  in  words  as  clear  as 
the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness." 

But  perhaps  the  most  important,  certainly  one 
of  the  most  interesting  aspects  of  Washington's 
writings  is  their  revelation  of  the  man.  No  char- 
acter in  American  history  has  suffered  so  greatly 
from  overmuch  adulation  as  has  he.  The  Weems 
tradition  has  taken  such  firm  root  and  has  grown 
so  much  that  Washington  has  come  to  be  regarded 
somewhat  as  a  force  of  nature, — majestic,  inex- 
plicable, unhuman.  To  suggest  that  he  might  be 
judged  by  the  canons  applied  to  his  associates, — 
that  he  was  made  of  such  stuff  as  other  men  are 


Ixii  Introduction 

made  of, — that  he  had  traits  of  character  which 
were  not  wholly  admirable, — even  to  hint  at  these 
things  is  still  regarded  by  many  as  a  desecration  of 
his  memory.  Yet  a  perusal  of  his  writings,  while 
not  detracting  in  the  least  from  the  great  qualities 
which  make  him  unique,  shows  that  he  was  not 
free  from  faults  and  foibles.  His  constant  pro- 
fession of  the  purity  of  his  intentions  and  his  zeal 
for  the  public  interest,  as  well  as  his  reiterations 
of  the  hardships  of  his  position,  seem  pedantic  and 
tiresome,  and  are  relieved  only  by  our  conviction 
of  his  absolute  sincerity.  His  proneness  to  give 
advice  both  to  individuals  and  to  the  country  was 
in  many  quarters  resented,  and  in  any  other  man 
would  have  been  unbearable.  His  high  temper 
flashes  out  even  in  his  letters,  and  must  have 
found  frequent  expression  in  the  trials  of  his 
daily  intercourse  with  men.  In  serving  the  public 
he  was  not  so  visionary  or  devoted  to  the  country 
as  to  be  unwilling  to  specify  the  conditions  upon 
which  his  services  could  be  had.  He  was  not  above 
dissembling,  as  is  shown  in  his  correspondence  with 
Jefferson,  whose  professions  of  devotion  he  pre- 
tended to  accept,  while  acknowledging  to  others 
that  he  was  not  deceived  thereby. 

On  the  other  hand,  Washington's  writings  re- 
flect with  equal  clearness  the  great  qualities  which 
made  him  the  most  revered  figure  in  American  life. 
His  stalwart  resistance  to  the  encroachments  of 
the  British  government;  his  absolute  devotion  of 
his  life  and  fortune  to  the  cause  of  independence 
when  he  became  convinced  that  independence  alone 


Introduction  Ixiii 

would  secure  the  rights  of  America;  his  courage 
in  the  midst  of  disaster;  his  persistence  in  the  face 
of  opposition  and  divided  counsels  and  insufficient 
support;  his  patience  under  trials  that  would  have 
driven  a  lesser  man_to  abandon  the  contest;  his  lofty 
view  of  what  the  Revolution  meant  both  for  those 
engaged  in  it  and  for  future  generations;  his 
steadfast  battle  for  a  national  government  and  his 
endeavor  to  give  that  government  a  respectable 
standing,  both  at  home  and  abroad, — all  this  shines 
forth  in  his  writings  with  unmistakable  clearness. 
Especially  do  they  reveal  the  great  moral  qualities 
which  were  most  strongly  marked  in  his  character, 
and  which  were  the  basis  of  his  career.  Whether 
in  the  management  of  his  private  business  or  in 
the  direction  of  public  enterprises,  whether  leading 
the  army  or  presiding  over  the  administration 
of  the  government,  his  action  was  determined  by 
principles  which  might  well  be  adopted  as  universal 
standards  of  conduct,  and  which  cannot  be  better 
stated  than  in  his  own  words: 

"  I  must  recommend  to  you  what  I  endeavor  to  prac- 
tise myself,  patience  and  perseverance." 

"  There  is  but  one  straight  course,  and  that  is  to  seek 
truth  and  pursue  it  steadily." 


Chronology 


[In  this  table  events  with  which  Washington  was  not  im- 
mediately connected  are  printed  in  italics.] 

1732,  Feb.  22.      Birth    of    George    Washington     at    Bridge's 
Creek,  Westmoreland  County,  Virginia. 

1751,  Appointed  major  in  the  Virginia  militia. 

1753,  Sent    by    Governor    Dinwiddie    as    a    commis- 

sioner to  protest  against  French  encroach- 
ments in  the  Ohio  Valley. 

1754-1763,  The  French  and  Indian  War. 

1754,  April  2,      Washington  set  out  from  Alexandria  with  two 

companies. 

1755,  Appointed    colonel    on    the    staff    of    General 

Braddock. 

1755,  July  9,        Defeat  and  death  of  General  Braddock. 

Aug.  14,      Washington  appointed  commander  of  all  the 
Virginia  forces. 

1758,  December,  Resigns  his  commission. 

1759,  Jan.  6,        Marriage  with  Mrs.  Martha  Custis. 
1759-1774,  Member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia. 

1774,  Sept.  5,       Member  of  the  First  Continental  Congress. 

1775,  April  19,    Battle  of  Lexington  and  Concord. 

May  10,      Member  of  the  Second  Continental  Congress. 


Ixvi  Chronology 

June  15,  Appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Conti- 
nental Army. 

June  17,     Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 
July  3,        Assumes  command  of  the  army  at  Cambridge. 

1776,  March  17,  Capture  of  Boston. 

July  4,        The  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Aug.  27,     Battle  of  Long  Island. 

Aug.  29,     Retreat  from  Long  Island. 

Sept.  12,    Retreat  from  New  York. 

Oct.  28,      Battle  of  White  Plains. 

Nov.  and  Dec.,  Retreat  across  New  Jersey. 

December  12,  Congress  vests  Washington  with  dictatorial 

powers. 
Dec.  26,      Battle  of  Trenton. 

1777,  Jan.  3,        Battle  of  Princeton. 
Sept.  11,    Battle  of  Brandywine. 
Oct.  4,        Battle  of  Germantown. 

Oct.  17,      Surrender  of  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga. 
December,  Winter  camp  established  at  Valley  Forge. 

1778,  Feb.  6,        Alliance  made  with  France. 
June  28,    Battle  of  Monmouth. 

Dec.  29,       The  British  capture  Savannah. 

1779,  July  16,      Capture  of  Stony  Point. 

1780,  May  12,       The  British  capture  Charleston. 
Sept.  23.    Capture  of  Major  Andre. 

1781,  Oct.  19,      Surrender  of  Lord  Cornwallis. 

1782,  Nov.  30,      Preliminary    articles    of    peace    with    Great 

Britain  signed. 

1783,  Jan.  20,      Formal  cessation  of  hostilities  in  America. 
March,       The  Newburg  Addresses. 

April  19,  Cessation  of  hostilities  proclaimed  in  the 
American  camp. 

June  8,  Washington's  Circular  Letter  to  the  Govern- 
ors on  disbanding  the  army. 

Sept.  3,      Treaty  of  Paris  and  Versailles. 


Chronology  Ixvii 

1783,  Nov.  25,      Evacuation  of  New  York. 

Dec.  23,      Washington  resigns  his  commission. 

1785,  March  28,    The  Mt.  Vernon  Conference. 

1786,  September,  The  Annapolis  Convention. 

1787,  May  14,      Delegate  to  the  Federal  Convention  at  Phila- 

delphia. 

May  25,      Elected  president  of  the  Federal  Convention. 

Sept.  17,     The  Constitution  adopted  by  the  Federal  Con- 
vention. 

1789,  April  6,  Congress  counts  the  electoral  votes  and  finds 
that  Washington  is  unanimously  elected 
President. 

April  30,  Washington  inaugurated. 

1792,  December,  Washington  unanimously  re-elected. 

1796,  Sept.  19,  Washington's  Farewell  Address  is  published. 

1797,  March  4,  Washington  retires  to  private  life. 

1798,  July  2,         Washington  appointed  to  command  the  army 

in  the  threatened  war  with  France. 

1799,  Dec.  14,      Death  of  Washington  at  Mt.  Vernon. 


Washington's   Cabinet 

Secretary  of  State 

John  Jay,  of  New  York,  ad  interim,  to  March  21,  1790. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  March  22,  1790,  to  December  31, 
1793. 

Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  January  2,  1794,  to  August  20, 
1795. 

Timothy  Pickering,  of  Pennsylvania,  (Secretary  of  War,)  ad 
interim,  August  20  to  December  9,  1795;  regular  appoint- 
ment, December  10,  1795,  to  May  12,  1800. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

Alexander  Hamilton,  of  New  York,  September  11,  1789,  to  Jan- 
uary 31,  1795. 

Oliver  Wolcott,  Jr.,  of  Connecticut,  February  2,  1795,  to  De- 
cember 31,  1800. 

Secretary  of  War 

Henry  Knox,  of  Massachusetts,  September  12,  1789,  to  December 
31,  1794. 

Timothy  Pickering,  of  Pennsylvania,  January  2,  1795,  to  Feb- 
ruary 5,  1796. 

James  McHenry,  of  Maryland,  February  6,  1796,  to  May  31, 
1800. 

A  ttorney-General 

Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  February  2,  1790,  to  January  2, 
1794. 

William  Bradford,  qf  Pennsylvania,  January  29,  1794,  to  August 
23,  1795. 

Charles  Lee,  of  Virginia,  December  10,  1795,  to  March  3,  1801. 

Ixix 


I 

In    the    British    Army   and    Colonial 
Councils 

The  winged  years  that  winnow  praise  and  blame 
Blow  many  names  out:  they  but  fan  to  flame 
The  self-renewing  splendors  of  thy  fame. 

JAMES  RUSSELL  LOWELL. 


I 

In    the    British    Army    and    Colonial 
Councils 


TO    GOVERNOR   DINWIDDIE 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  18  July,  1755. 

HONBL.  SIR, 

As  I  am  favored  with  an  opportunity,  I  should 
think  myself  inexcusable  was  I  to  omit  giving  you 
some  account  of  our  late  engagement  with  the 
French  on  the  Monongahela,  the  9th  instant.1 

We  continued  our  march  from  Fort  Cumberland 
to  Frazier's  (which  is  within  7  miles  of  Duquesne) 
without  meeting  any  extraordinary  event,  having 

1  The  rivalry  between  France  and  England  for  the  possession 
of  North  America  finally  culminated  in  the  French  and  Indian 
War.  One  of  the  first  operations  of  this  war  was  the  despatch 
of  an  expedition  under  Major-General  Braddock,  a  British 
officer  who  had  seen  forty  years'  service,  for  the  reduction  of 
Fort  Duquesne.  The  expedition  was  made  up  of  British  regu- 
lars and  colonial  militia,  and  Washington  accompanied  it  as 
an  officer  on  Braddock's  staff  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  Both 
Franklin,  who  was  then  postmaster-general,  and  Washington 
repeatedly  warned  Braddock  of  the  dangers  of  a  campaign  in 
a  frontier  wilderness  against  an  army  of  savages.  But  their 
advice  was  not  heeded  and  the  expedition  marched  into  the 
very  kind  of  trap  that  Washington  had  foreseen.  Franklin 
gives  a  very  interesting  account  of  his  visit  to  Braddock  in  his 
Autobiography. 

3 


4  George  Washington 

only  a  straggler  or  two  picked  up  by  the  French 
Indians.  When  we  came  to  this  place,  we  were 
attacked  (very  unexpectedly)  by  about  three 
hundred  French  and  Indians.  Our  numbers  con- 
sisted of  about  thirteen  hundred  well  armed  men, 
chiefly  Regulars,  who  were  immediately  struck 
with  such  an  inconceivable  panick,  that  nothing  but 
confusion  and  disobedience  of  orders  prevailed 
among  them.  The  officers,  in  general,  behaved 
with  incomparable  bravery,  for  which  they  greatly 
suffered,  there  being  near  60  killed  and  wounded — 
a  large  proportion,  out  of  the  number  we  had! 

The  Virginia  companies  behaved  like  men  and 
died  like  soldiers;  for  I  believe  out  of  three  com- 
panies that  were  on  the  ground  that  day  scarce 
thirty  were  left  alive.  Capt.  Peyroney  and  all  his 
officers,  down  to  a  corporal,  were  killed;  Captn. 
Poison  had  almost  as  hard  a  fate,  for  only  one  of 
his  escaped.  In  short,  the  dastardly  behaviour  of 
the  Regular  troops  (so-called)  exposed  those  who 
were  inclined  to  do  their  duty  to  almost  certain 
death;  and,  at  length,  in  despite  of  every  effort  to 
the  contrary,  broke  and  ran  as  sheep  before  hounds, 
leaving  the  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  bag- 
gage, and,  in  short,  everything  a  prey  to  the  enemy. 
And  when  we  endeavoured  to  rally  them,  in  hopes 
of  regaining  the  ground  and  what  we  had  left  upon 
it,  it  was  with  as  little  success  as  if  we  had  at- 
tempted to  have  stopped  the  wild  bears  of  the  moun- 
tains, or  rivulets  with  our  feet ;  for  they  would  break 
by,  in  despite  of  every  effort  that  could  be  made 
to  prevent  it. 


Governor  Dinwiddie  5 

The  General  [Braddock]  was  wounded  in  the 
shoulder  and  breast,  of  which  he  died  three  days 
after;  his  two  aids-de-camp  were  both  wounded, 
but  are  in  a  fair  way  of  recovery ;  Colo.  Burton  ,and 
Sr.  John  St.  Clair  are  also  wounded,  and  I  hope 
will  get  over  it;  Sir  Peter  Halket,  with  many  other 
brave  officers,  were  killed  in  the  field.  It  is  sup- 
posed that  we  had  three  hundred  or  more  killed; 
about  that  number  we  brought  off  wounded,  and 
it  is  conjectured  (I  believe  with  much  truth)  that 
two  thirds  of  both  received  their  shot  from  our  own 
cowardly  Regulars,  who  gathered  themselves  into 
a  body,  contrary  to  orders,  ten  or  twelve  deep, 
would  then  level,  fire  and  shoot  down  the  men  be- 
fore them. 

I  tremble  at  the  consequences  that  this  defeat 
may  have  upon  our  back  settlers,  who,  I  suppose, 
will  all  leave  their  habitations  unless  there  are 
proper  measures  taken  for  their  security. 

Colo.  Dunbar,  who  commands  at  present,  in- 
tends, as  soon  as  his  men  are  recruited  at  this  place, 
to  continue  his  march  to  Philadelphia  for  winter 
quarters:  consequently  there  will  be  no  men  left 
here,  unless  it  is  the  shattered  remains  of  the  Vir- 
ginia troops,  who  are  totally  inadequate  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  frontiers.  *  *  * 


TO  JOHN  AUGUSTINE  WASHINGTON 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  18  July,  1755. 
DEAR  BROTHER, 

As  I  have  heard,  since  my  arrival  at  this  place, 


6  George  Washington 

a  circumstantial  account  of  my  death  and  dying 
speech,  I  take  this  early  opportunity  of  contra- 
dicting the  first,  and  of  assuring  you,  that  I  have 
not  as  yet  composed  the  latter.  But,  by  the  all- 
powerful  dispensations  of  Providence,  I  have  been 
protected  beyond  all  human  probability  and  ex- 
pectation; for  I  had  four  bullets  through  my  coat, 
and  two  horses  shot  under  me,  yet  escaped  unhurt, 
altho'  death  was  levelling  my  companions  on  every 
side  of  me! 

We  have  been  most  scandalously  beaten  by  a 
trifling  body  of  men,  but  fatigue  and  want  of  time 
will  prevent  me  from  giving  you  any  of  the  details, 
until  I  have  the  happiness  of  seeing  you  at  Mount 
Vernon,  which  I  now  most  ardently  wish  for,  since 
we  are  drove  in  thus  far.  A  weak  and  feeble  state 
of  health  obliges  me  to  halt  here  for  two  or  three 
days,  to  recover  a  little  strength,  that  I  may  thereby 
be  enabled  to  proceed  homewards  with  more  ease. 
You  may  expect  to  see  me  there  on  Saturday  or 
Sunday  se'-night,  which  is  as  soon  as  I  can  well  be 
down,  as  I  shall  take  my  Bullskin  Plantations  in 
my  way.  Pray  give  my  compliments  to  all  my 
friends.  I  am,  dear  Jack,  your  most  affectionate 
brother. 


TO    MRS.    MABTHA    CUSTIS 


July  20,  1758. 

We  have  begun  our  march  for  the  Ohio.  A 
courier  is  starting  for  Williamsburg,  and  I  em- 
brace the  opportunity  to  send  a  few  words  to  one 


Francis  Dandridge  7 

whose  life  is  now  inseparable  from  mine.  Since 
that  happy  hour  when  we  made  our  pledges  to  each 
other,  my  thoughts  have  been  continually  going  to 
you  as  another  Self.  That  an  all-powerful  Provi- 
dence may  keep  us -both  in  safety  is  the  prayer  of 
your  ever  faithful  and  affectionate  friend.1 


TO  FRANCIS  DANDEIDGE,  LONDON 

MOUNT  VERNON,  20  September,  1765. 

SIR, 

*    *    *    At  present  few  things  are  under  notice 
of  my  observation  that  can  afford  you  any  amuse- 

1  In  the  summer  of  1758,  Washington  accompanied  an  ex- 
pedition under  General  Forbes  which  crossed  the  mountains 
for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the  French  from  the  Ohio  valley. 
As  the  latter  were  greatly  outnumbered  and  were  being  deserted 
by  their  Indian  allies,  they  set  fire  to  Fort  Duquesne  and 
abandoned  the  country.  Upon  Washington's  return  to  Vir- 
ginia, he  resigned  his  commission,  and  on  January  6,  1759,  he 
was  married  to  Martha  Custis,  daughter  of  John  Dandridge 
and  widow  of  Daniel  Parke  Custis.  In  his  absence  with  the 
expedition  to  Fort  Duquesne,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  When  he  joined  that  body,  the  House 
instructed  its  Speaker,  Robinson,  to  thank  him  for  his  serv- 
ices to  the  colony.  "  As  soon  as  Colonel  Washington  took  his 
seat,  Mr.  Robinson,  in  obedience  to  this  order,  and  following 
the  impulse  of  his  own  generous  and  grateful  heart,  discharged 
the  duty  with  great  dignity,  but  with  such  warmth  of  coloring, 
and  strength  of  expression  as  entirely  to  confound  the  young 
hero.  He  rose  to  express  his  acknowledgments  for  the  honor; 
but  such  was  his  trepidation  and  confusion,  that  he  could  not 
give  distinct  utterance  to  a  syllable.  He  blushed,  stammered, 
and  trembled  for  a  second;  when  the  Speaker  relieved  him,  by 
a  stroke  of  address,  that  would  have  done  honor  to  Louis 
the  Fourteenth,  in  his  proudest  and  happiest  moment.  *  Sit 
down,  Mr.  Washington,'  said  he,  with  a  conciliating  smile, 
'  your  modesty  is  equal  to  your  valor,  and  that  surpasses  the 
power  of  any  language  that  I  possess.' " — Wirt,  Life  of  Patrick 
Henry,  45. 


8  George  Washington 

ment  in  the  recital.  The  Stamp  Act,  imposed  on 
the  colonies  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain, 
engrosses  the  conversation  of  the  speculative  part 
of  the  colonists,  who  look  upon  this  unconstitu- 
tional method  of  taxation,  as  a  direful  attack  upon 
their  liberties,  and  loudly  exclaim  against  the  viola- 
tion.1 What  may  be  the  result  of  this,  and  of  some 
other  (I  think  I  may  add)  ill-judged  measures,  I 
will  not  undertake  to  determine;  but  this  I  may 
venture  to  affirm,  that  the  advantage  accruing  to 
the  mother  country  will  fall  greatly  short  of  the 
expectations  of  the  ministry;  for  certain  it  is,  that 
our  whole  substance  does  already  in  a  manner  flow 
to  Great  Britain,  and  that  whatsoever  contributes 
to  lessen  our  importations  must  be  hurtful  to  their 
manufacturers.  And  the  eyes  of  our  people,  al- 
ready beginning  to  open,  will  perceive,  that  many 
luxuries,  which  we  lavish  our  substance  in  Great 


1In  1764,  the  British  Cabinet  gave  notice  that  at  the  next 
session  of  Parliament  a  measure  for  raising  revenue  in  the 
colonies  would  be  introduced.  The  proposition  encountered 
great  opposition  in  America,  and  Benjamin  Franklin  was  ap- 
pointed agent  in  London  for  Pennsylvania  and  several  other 
colonies  to  protest  against  its  enactment.  The  measure  how- 
ever was  adopted  and  received  the  King's  sanction  March  22, 
1765.  On  May  30th,  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  passed 
a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  taxation  by  themselves  or  by 
their  representatives  was  the  attribute  of  every  English  sub- 
ject, and  that  they  would  obey  no  law  other  than  those  passed 
by  their  own  General  Assembly.  This  came  to  be  the  general 
sentiment  throughout  the  colonies,  and  it  was  asserted  so 
strenuously  that  on  February  22,  1766,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons voted  to  repeal  the  obnoxious  law.  The  repeal  was  ac- 
companied however  by  a  resolution  asserting  that  Parliament 
had  the  absolute  right  to  tax  the  colonies,  the  declarations  of 
their  legislatures  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 


Francis  Dandridge  9 

Britain  for,  can  well  be  dispensed  with,  whilst  the 
necessaries  of  life  are  (mostly)  to  be  had  within 
ourselves.  This,  consequently,  will  introduce  fru- 
gality, and  be  a  necessary  stimulation  to  industry. 
If  Great  Britain,  therefore,  loads  her  manufactu- 
ries  with  heavy  taxes,  will  it  not  facilitate  these 
measures?  They  will  not  compel  us,  I  think,  to 
give  our  money  for  their  exports,  whether  we  will 
or  not;  and  certain,  I  am  none  of  their  traders  will 
part  from  them  without  a  valuable  consideration. 
Where,  then,  is  the  utility  of  these  restrictions? 

As  to  the  Stamp  Act,  taken  in  a  single  view,  one 
and  the  first  bad  consequence  attending  it,  I  take 
to  be  this,  our  courts  of  judicature  must  inevitably 
be  shut  up;  for  it  is  impossible,  (or  next  of  kin  to 
it),  under  our  present  circumstances,  that  the  act 
of  Parliament  can  be  complied  with,  were  we  ever 
so  willing  to  enforce  the  execution;  for,  not  to  say, 
which  alone  would  be  sufficient,  that  we  have  not 
money  to  pay  the  stamps,  there  are  many  other 
cogent  reasons,  to  prevent  it;  and  if  a  stop  be  put 
to  our  judicial  proceedings,  I  fancy  the  merchants 
of  Great  Britain,  trading  to  the  colonies,  will  not 
be  among  the  last  to  wish  for  a  repeal  of  it.1 

1 "  Unseasonable  as  it  may  be,  to  take  any  notice  of  the  re- 
peal of  the  Stamp  Act  at  this  time,  yet  I  cannot  help  observing, 
that  a  contrary  measure  would  have  introduced  very  unhappy 
consequences.  Those,  therefore,  who  wisely  foresaw  such  an 
event,  and  were  instrumental  in  procuring  the  repeal  of  the 
act,  are,  in  my  opinion,  deservedly  entitled  to  the  thanks  of 
the  well-wishers  to  Britain  and  her  colonies,  and  must  reflect 
with  pleasure,  that,  through  their  means,  many  scenes  of  con- 
fusion and  distress  have  been  prevented.  Mine  they  accord- 
ingly have,  and  always  shall  have,  for  their  opposition  to  any 


io  George  Washington 

TO  GEORGE  MASON  x 

MOUNT  VERNON,  5  April,  1769. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Herewith  you  will  receive  a  letter  and  sundry 
papers,2  which  were  forwarded  to  me  a  day  or  two 
ago  by  Dr.  Ross  of  Bladensburg.  I  transmit  them 
with  the  greater  pleasure,  as  my  own  desire  of 
knowing  your  sentiments  upon  a  matter  of  this 
importance  exactly  coincides  with  the  Doctor's 
inclinations. 

At  a  time,  when  our  lordly  masters  in  Great 
Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the 
deprivation  of  American  freedom,  it  seems  highly 
necessary  that  something  should  be  done  to  avert 

act  of  oppression;  and  that  act  could  be  looked  upon  in  no 
other  light  by  every  person,  who  would  view  it  in  its  proper 
colors. 

"  I  could  wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  congratulate  you  on 
the  success  in  having  the  commercial  system  of  these  colonies 
put  upon  a  more  enlarged  and  extensive  footing,  than  it  is; 
because  I  am  well  satisfied,  that  it  would  ultimately  redound 
to  the  advantage  of  the  mother  country,  so  long  as  the  colonies 
pursue  trade  and  agriculture,  and  would  be  an  effectual  let  to 
manufacturing  among  them.  The  money,  therefore  which  they 
raise,  would  center  in  Great  Britain,  as  certainly  as  the  needle 
will  settle  to  the  poles." — Washington  to  Capel  and  Osgood  Han- 
bury,  25  July,  1767. 

1  A  neighbor  and  intimate  friend  of  Washington,  who  after- 
wards distinguished  himself  by  drafting  the  first   constitution 
of  Virginia,  and  by  the  ability  he  displayed  in  the  Convention 
for  forming  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  also  in 
the    Virginia    Convention    for    adopting    that    instrument.     He 
was  opposed  to  the  Constitution,  as  encroaching  too  much  on 
State  rights,  and  containing  the   principles   of   a   consolidated 
government. — Sparks. 

2  Containing  resolves   of  the  merchants  of   Philadelphia,   re- 
specting the  non-importation  of  articles   of  British   manufac- 
ture.— Sparks. 


George  Mason  n 

the  stroke,  and  maintain  the  liberty,  which  we  have 
derived  from  our  ancestors.  But  the  manner  of 
doing  it,  to  answer  the  purpose  effectually,  is  the 
point  in  question. 

That  no  man  should  scruple,  or  hesitate  a  mo- 
ment, to  use  a — ms  in  defence  of  so  valuable  a 
blessing,  on  which  all  the  good  and  evil  of  life  de- 
pends, is  clearly  my  opinion.  Yet  a — ms,  I  would 
beg  leave  to  add,  should  be  the  last  resource,  the 
dernier  resort.  Addresses  to  the  throne,  and  re- 
monstrances to  Parliament,  we  have  already,  it  is 
said,  proved  the  inefficacy  of.  How  far,  then,  their 
attention  to  our  rights  and  privileges  is  to  be 
awakened  or  alarmed,  by  starving  their  trade  and 
manufactures,  remains  to  be  tried. 

The  northern  colonies,  it  appears,  are  endeavor- 
ing to  adopt  this  scheme.  In  my  opinion  it  is  a 
good  one,  and  must  be  attended  with  salutary 
effects,  provided  it  can  be  carried  pretty  generally 
into  execution.  But  to  what  extent  it  is  practica- 
ble to  do  so,  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  determine. 
That  there  will  be  difficulties  attending  the  execu- 
tion of  it  every  where,  from  clashing  interests,  and 
selfish,  designing  men,  (ever  attentive  to  their  own 
gain,  and  watchful  of  every  turn,  that  can  assist 
their  lucrative  views,  in  preference  to  every  other 
consideration)  cannot  be  denied;  but  in  the  tobacco 
colonies,  where  the  trade  is  so  diffused,  and  in  a 
manner  wholly  conducted  by  factors  for  their  prin- 
cipals at  home,  these  difficulties  are  certainly  en- 
hanced, but  I  think  not  insurmountably  increased, 
if  the  gentlemen  in  their  several  counties  will  be  at 


12  George  Washington 

some  pains  to  explain  matters  to  the  people,  and 
stimulate  them  to  a  cordial  agreement  to  purchase 
none  but  certain  enumerated  articles  out  of  any  of 
the  stores  after  such  a  period,  nor  import  nor 
purchase  any  themselves.  This,  if  it  did  not  ef- 
fectually withdraw  the  factors  from  their  importa- 
tions, would  at  least  make  them  extremely  cautious 
in  doing  it,  as  the  prohibited  goods  could  be  vended 
to  none  but  the  non-associators,  or  those  who  would 
pay  no  regard  to  their  association;  both  of  whom 
ought  to  be  stigmatized,  and  made  the  objects  of 
public  reproach. 

The  more  I  consider  a  scheme  of  this  sort,  the 
more  ardently  I  wish  success  to  it,  because  I  think 
there  are  private  as  well  as  public  advantages  to 
result  from  it, — the  former  certain,  however  pre- 
carious the  other  may  prove.  For  in  respect  to 
the  latter,  I  have  always  thought,  that  by  virtue  of 
the  same  power,  (for  here  alone  the  authority  de- 
rives) which  assumes  the  right  of  taxation,  they 
may  attempt  at  least  to  refrain  our  manufactories, 
especially  those  of  a  public  nature,  the  same  equity 
and  justice  prevailing  in  the  one  case  as  the  other, 
it  being  no  greater  hardship  to  forbid  my  manu- 
facturing, than  it  is  to  order  me  to  buy  goods  of 
them  loaded  with  duties,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
raising  a  revenue.  But  as  a  measure  of  this  sort 
would  be  an  additional  exertion  of  arbitrary  power, 
we  cannot  be  worsted,  I  think,  by  putting  it  to  the 
test. 

On  the  other  hand,  that  the  colonies  are  consid- 
erably indebted  to  Great  Britain,  is  a  truth  uni- 


George  Mason  13 

versally  acknowledged.  That  many  families  are 
reduced  almost,  if  not  quite,  to  penury  and  want 
from  the  low  ebb  of  their  fortunes,  and  estates 
daily  selling  for  the  discharge  of  debts,  the  public 
papers  furnish  but -too  many  melancholy  proofs 
of,  and  that  a  scheme  of  this  sort  will  contribute 
more  effectually  than  any  other  I  can  devise  to 
emerge  the  country  from  the  distress  it  at  present 
labors  under,  I  do  most  firmly  believe,  if  it  can  be 
generally  adopted.  And  I  can  see  but  one  set 
of  people  (the  merchants  excepted,)  who  will  not, 
or  ought  not,  to  wish  well  to  the  scheme,  and  that 
is  those  who  live  genteelly  and  hospitably  on  clear 
estates.  Such  as  these,  were  they  not  to  consider 
the  valuable  object  in  view,  and  the  good  of  others, 
might  think  it  hard  to  be  curtailed  in  their  living 
and  enjoyments.  For  as  to  the  penurious  man, 
he  saves  his  money  and  he  saves  his  credit,  having 
the  best  plea  for  doing  that,  which  before,  perhaps, 
he  had  the  most  violent  struggles  to  refrain  from 
doing.  The  extravagant  and  expensive  man  has 
the  same  good  plea  to  retrench  his  expenses.  He 
is  thereby  furnished  with  a  pretext  to  live  within 
bounds,  and  embraces  it.  Prudence  dictated  econ- 
omy to  him  before,  but  his  resolution  was  too  weak 
to  put  it  in  practice;  For  how  can  I,  says  he,  who 
have  lived  in  such  and  such  a  manner,  change  my 
method  ?  I  am  ashamed  to  do  it,  and,  besides,  such 
an  alteration  in  the  system  of  my  living  will  create 
suspicions  of  the  decay  in  my  fortune,  and  such  a 
thought  the  world  must  not  harbour.  I  will  e'en 
continue  my  course,  till  at  last  the  course  discon- 


14  George  Washington 

tinues  the  estate,  a  sale  of  it  being  the  consequence 
of  his  perseverance  in  error.  This  I  am  satisfied  is 
the  way,  that  many,  who  have  set  out  in  the  wrong 
track,  have  reasoned,  till  ruin  stares  them  in  the 
face.  And  in  respect  to  the  poor  and  needy  man, 
he  is  only  left  in  the  same  situation  that  he  was 
found, — better,  I  might  say,  because,  as  he  judges 
from  comparison,  his  condition  is  amended  in  pro- 
portion as  it  approaches  nearer  to  those  above  him. 
Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  I  think  the  scheme  a 
good  one,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  tried  here,  with 
such  alterations  as  the  exigency  of  our  circum- 
stances renders  absolutely  necessary.  But  how,  and 
in  what  manner  to  begin  the  work,  is  a  matter 
worthy  of  consideration,  and  whether  it  can  be 
attempted  with  propriety  or  efficacy  (further  than 
a  communication  of  sentiments  to  one  another)  be- 
fore May,  when  the  Court  and  Assembly  will  meet 
in  Williamsburg,  and  a  uniform  plan  can  be  con- 
certed, and  sent  into  the  different  counties  to  oper- 
ate at  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  manner 
everywhere,  is  a  thing  I  am  somewhat  in  doubt 
upon,  and  should  be  glad  to  know  your  opinion  of.1 


1 "  If  there  are  any  articles  contained  in  either  of  the  re- 
spective invoices  (paper  only  excepted)  which  are  taxed  by  act 
of  Parliament  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America, 
it  is  my  express  desire  and  request,  that  they  may  not  be  sent, 
as  I  have  very  heartily  entered  into  an  association  (copies  of 
which  I  make  no  doubt  you  have  seen,  otherwise  I  should  have 
enclosed  one)  not  to  import  any  article  which  now  is,  or  here- 
after shall  be  taxed  for  this  purpose  until  the  said  act  or  acts 
are  repealed.  I  am  therefore  particular  in  mentioning  this 
matter  as  I  am  fully  determined  to  adhere  religiously  to  it,  and 
may  perhaps  have  wrote  for  some  things  unwittingly  which 


Bryan  Fairfax  15 

TO  BRYAN  FAIRFAX 

MOUNT  VERNON,  4  July,  1774. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  As  to  your  political  sentiments,  I  would 
heartily  join  you  in  them,  so  far  as  relates  to  a 
humble  and  dutiful  petition  to  the  throne,  provided 
there  was  the  most  distant  hope  of  success.  But 
have  we  not  tried  this  already?  Have  we  not  ad- 
dressed the  Lords,  and  remonstrated  to  the  Com- 
mons? And  to  what  end?  Did  they  deign  to  look 
at  our  petitions?  Does  it  not  appear,  as  clear  as 
the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness,  that  there  is  a 
regular,  systematic  plan  formed  to  fix  the  right  and 
practice  of  taxation  upon  us?  Does  not  the  uni- 
form conduct  of  Parliament  for  some  years  past 
confirm  this?  Do  not  all  the  debates,  especially 
those  just  brought  to  us,  in  the  House  of  Commons 
on  the  side  of  government,  expressly  declare  that 
America  must  be  taxed  in  aid  of  the  British  funds, 
and  that  she  has  no  longer  resources  within  herself? 
Is  there  any  thing  to  be  expected  from  petitioning 
after  this?  Is  not  the  attack  upon  the  liberty  and 
property  of  the  people  of  Boston,  before  restitu- 
tion of  the  loss  to  the  India  Company  was 
demanded,  a  plain  and  self-evident  proof  of 
what  they  are  aiming  at?  Do  not  the  subsequent 
bills  (now  I  dare  say  acts) ,  for  depriving  the  Mass- 
achusetts Bay  of  its  charter,  and  for  transporting 
offenders  into  other  colonies  or  to  Great  Britain 

may   be    under   these    circumstances." — Washington    to    Robert 
Gary,  London,  25  July,  1769. 


16  George  Washington 

for  trial,  where  it  is  impossible  from  the  nature  of 
the  thing  that  justice  can  be  obtained,  convince  us 
that  the  administration  is  determined  to  stick  at 
nothing  to  carry  its  point?  Ought  we  not,  then, 
to  put  our  virtue  and  fortitude  to  the  severest  test? 
With  you  I  think  it  a  folly  to  attempt  more  than 
we  can  execute,  as  that  will  not  only  bring  dis- 
grace upon  us,  but  weaken  our  cause;  yet  I  think 
we  may  do  more  than  is  generally  believed,  in  re- 
spect to  the  non-importation  scheme.  As  to  the 
withholding  of  our  remittances,  that  is  another 
point,  in  which  I  own  I  have  my  doubts  on  several 
accounts,  but  principally  on  that  of  justice;  for  I 
think,  whilst  we  are  accusing  others  of  injustice,  we 
should  be  just  ourselves;  and  how  this  can  be, 
whilst  we  owe  a  considerable  debt,  and  refuse  pay- 
ment of  it  to  Great  Britain,  is  to  me  inconceivable. 
Nothing  but  the  last  extremity,  I  think,  can 
justify  it.  Whether  this  is  now  come,  is  the 
question.  *  *  * 


TO  BRYAN   FAIRFAX 

MOUNT  VERNON,  20  July,  1774. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  17th  was  not  presented  to  me 
till  after  the  resolutions,  (which  were  adjudged 
advisable  for  this  county  to  come  to),  had  been 
revised,  altered,  and  corrected  in  the  committee; 
nor  till  we  had  gone  into  a  general  meeting  in  the 
court-house,  and  my  attention  necessarily  called 


Bryan  Fairfax  17 

every  moment  to  the  business  that  was  before  it.1 
I  did,  however,  upon  receipt  of  it,  (in  that  hurry 
and  bustle,)  hastily  run  it  over,  and  handed  it  round 
to  the  gentlemen  on  the  bench  of  which  there  were 
many;  but,  as  no  person  present  seemed  in  the  least 
disposed  to  adopt  your  sentiments,  as  there  ap- 
peared a  perfect  satisfaction  and  acquiescence  in 
the  measures  proposed  (except  from  a  Mr.  Wil- 
liamson, who  was  for  adopting  your  advice  liter- 
ally, without  obtaining  a  second  voice  on  his  side), 
and  as  the  gentlemen,  to  whom  the  letter  was 
shown,  advised  me  not  to  have  it  read,  as  it  was 
not  like  to  make  a  convert,  and  repugnant,  (some 
of  them  thought,)  to  the  very  principle  we  were 
contending  for,  I  forbore  to  offer  it  otherwise  than 
in  the  manner  above  mentioned;  which  I  shall  be 
sorry  for,  if  it  gives  you  any  dissatisfaction  in  not 
having  your  sentiments  read  to  the  county  at 
large,  instead  of  communicating  them  to  the  first 
people  in  it,  by  offering  them  the  letter  in  the  man- 
ner I  did. 

That  I  differ  very  widely  from  you,  in  respect 
to  the  mode  of  obtaining  a  defeat  [repeal]  of  the 

1  The  inhabitants  of  Fairfax  County  had  assembled,  and 
appointed  a  committee  for  drawing  up  resolutions  expressive 
of  their  sentiments  on  the  great  topics  which  agitated  the 
country.  Washington  was  chairman  of  this  committee,  and 
moderator  of  the  meetings  held  by  the  people.  An  able  report 
was  prepared  by  the  committee,  containing  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions, which  were  presented  at  a  general  meeting  of  the  in- 
habitants at  the  court-house  in  Fairfax  County  on  the  18th  of 
July.  [It  is  printed  in  Force's  American  Archives,  Fourth 
Series,  i.,  597,  and  in  Sparks,  The  Writings  of  Washington, 
ii.,  488.] 

Mr.  Bryan  Fairfax,  who  had  been  present  on  former  occa- 


i8  George  Washington 

acts  so  much  and  so  justly  complained  of,  I  shall 
not  hesitate  to  acknowledge;  and  that  this  differ- 
ence in  opinion  may  probably  proceed  from  the 
different  constructions  we  put  upon  the  conduct 
and  intention  of  the  ministry  may  also  be  true ;  but, 
as  I  see  nothing,  on  the  one  hand,  to  induce  a  be- 
lief that  the  Parliament  would  embrace  a  favor- 
able opportunity  of  repealing  acts,  which  they  go 
on  with  great  rapidity  to  pass,  and  in  order  to 
enforce  their  tyrannical  system;  and,  on  the  other, 
I  observe,  or  think  I  observe,  that  government  is 
pursuing  a  regular  plan  at  the  expense  of  law  and 
justice  to  overthrow  our  constitutional  rights  and 
liberties,  how  can  I  expect  any  redress  from  a 
measure,  which  has  been  ineffectually  tried  already? 
For,  Sir,  what  is  it  we  are  contending  against? 
Is  it  against  paying  the  duty  of  three  pence  per 
pound  on  tea  because  burthensome?  No,  it  is  the 
right  only,  we  have  all  along  disputed,  and  to  this 
end  we  have  already  petitioned  his  Majesty  in  as 
humble  and  dutiful  manner  as  subjects  could  do. 
Nay,  more,  we  applied  to  the  House  of  Lords  and 
House  of  Commons  in  their  different  legislative 
capacities,  setting  forth,  that,  as  Englishmen,  we 
could  not  be  deprived  of  this  essential  and  valuable 
part  of  a  constitution.  If,  then,  as  the  fact  really 
is,  it  is  against  the  right  of  taxation  that  we  now  do, 
and,  (as  I  before  said,)  all  along  have  contended, 

sions,  not  approving  all  the  resolutions,  absented  himself  from 
this  meeting,  and  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  chairman,  stating 
his  views  and  objections,  with  the  request  that  it  should  be 
publicly  read. — Sparks. 


Bryan  Fairfax  19 

why  should  they  suppose  an  exertion  of  this  power 
would  be  less  obnoxious  now  than  formerly?  And 
what  reasons  have  we  to  believe,  that  they  would 
make  a  second  attempt,  while  the  same  sentiments 
filled  the  breast  of  every  American,  if  they  did  not 
intend  to  enforce  it  if  possible  ? 1 

1  Mr.  Fairfax  had  written : — "  I  come  now  to  consider  a  re- 
solve, which  ought  to  be  the  most  objected  to,  as  tending  more 
to  widen  the  breach,  and  prevent  a  reconciliation  than  any 
other.  I  mean  that,  wherein  the  authority  of  Parliament  is 
almost  in  every  instance  denied.  Something  similar  to  this, 
though  more  imprudent,  is  the  most  exceptionable  part  of  the 
conduct  of  some  in  New  England.  It  has  been  asserted  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  that  America  has  been  gradually  encroach- 
ing; that,  as  they  have  given  up  points,  we  have  insisted  on 
more.  The  fact  is  true,  as  to  encroachment,  but  the  reason 
assigned  is  wrong.  It  is  not  because  they  have  given  up  points, 
but  because  they  have  not  given  them  up,  that  we  out  of 
resentment  demand  more  than  we  at  first  thought  of.  But  how- 
ever natural  it  is  for  people  incensed  to  increase  their  claims, 
and  whatever  our  anger  may  induce  us  to  say,  in  calm 
deliberations  we  should  not  insist  on  any  thing  unreasonable. 
We  have  all  along  submitted  to  the  authority  of  Parliament. 
From  the  first  settlement  of  the  colonies  I  believe  there  never 
was  an  act  of  Parliament  disputed,  till  the  famous  Stamp  Act. 
It  is  a  maxim  in  law,  that  all  the  acts  made  since  the  settle- 
ment of  the  colonies  do  not  extend  here,  unless  the  colonies  are 
particularly  named;  therefore  all  acts  wherein  they  are  in- 
cluded do  extend  here. 

"  When  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  it  was  said,  and  I  did 
not  hear  it  contradicted,  that  the  Americans  objected  to  in- 
ternal taxes,  but  not  to  external  duties.  When  the  duty  on  tea 
was  laid,  as  an  external  duty,  we  objected  to  it,  and  with  some 
reason,  because  it  was  not  for  the  regulation  of  trade,  but  for 
the  express  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue.  This  was  deemed  a 
small  encroachment  on  our  first  demands.  Some  now  object 
to  the  authority,  which  has  established  and  regulated  the  post- 
office,  a  very  useful  regulation.  Others  deny  their  authority  in 
regard  to  our  internal  affairs.  If  we  go  on  at  this  rate,  it  is 
impossible,  that  the  troubles  of  America  should  ever  have  an 
end.  Whatever  we  may  wish  to  be  the  case,  it  becomes  good 


20  George  Washington 

The  conduct  of  the  Boston  people  could  not  jus- 
tify the  rigor  of  their  measures,  unless  there  had 
been  a  requisition  of  payment  and  refusal  of  it; 
nor  did  that  measure  require  an  act  to  deprive  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  of  their  charter, 
or  to  exempt  offenders  from  trial  in  the  place  where 
offences  were  committed,  as  there  was  not,  nor  could 
not  be,  a  single  instance  produced  to  manifest  the 
necessity  of  it.  Are  not  all  these  things  self-evi- 
dent proofs  of  a  fixed  and  uniform  plan  to  tax  us? 
If  we  want  further  proofs,  do  not  all  the  debates  in 
the  House  of  Commons  serve  to  confirm  this  ?  And 
has  not  General  Gage's  conduct  since  his  arrival, 
(in  stopping  the  address  of  his  Council,  and  pub- 
lishing a  proclamation  more  becoming  a  Turkish 
bashaw,  than  an  English  governor,  declaring  it 
treason  to  associate  in  any  manner  by  which  the 
commerce  of  Great  Britain  is  to  be  affected,)  ex- 
hibited an  unexampled  testimony  of  the  most 
despotic  system  of  tyranny,  that  ever  was  practised 
in  a  free  government?  In  short,  what  further 
proofs  are  wanted  to  satisfy  one  of  the  designs  of 
the  ministry,  than  their  own  acts,  which  are  uniform 

subjects  to  submit  to  the  constitution  of  their  country.  When- 
ever a  political  establishment  has  been  settled,  it  ought  to  be 
considered  what  that  is,  and  not  what  it  ought  to  be.  To  fix 
a  contrary  principle  is  to  lay  the  foundation  of  continual 
broils  and  revolutions. 

"  The  Parliament  from  prescription  have  a  right  to  make 
laws  binding  on  the  colonies,  except  those  imposing  taxes. 
From  prescription  the  Americans  are  exempt  from  taxation. 
Let  us  stand  upon  good  ground  in  our  opposition,  otherwise 
many  upon  reflection  may  desert  the  cause.  Therefore  I  hope 
some  alteration  will  be  made  in  the  second  resolve,  or  that 
nothing  under  this  head  will  be  mentioned." — Sparks. 


Bryan  Fairfax  21 

and  plainly  tending  to  the  same  point,  nay,  if  I 
mistake  not,  avowedly  to  fix  the  right  of  taxation? 
What  hope  then  from  petitioning,  when  they  tell 
us,  that  now  or  never  is  the  time  to  fix  the  matter? 
Shall  we,  after  this?  whine  and  cry  for  relief,  when 
we  have  already  tried  it  in  vain?  Or  shall  we  su- 
pinely sit  and  see  one  province  after  another  fall 
a  prey  to  despotism?  If  I  was  in  any  doubt,  as  to 
the  right  which  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
had  to  tax  us  without  our  consent,  I  should  most 
heartily  coincide  with  you  in  opinion,  that  to  peti- 
tion, and  petition  only,  is  the  proper  method  to 
apply  for  relief;  because  we  should  then  be  asking 
a  favor,  and  not  claiming  a  right,  which,  by  the  law 
of  nature  and  our  constitution,  we  are,  in  my  opin- 
ion, indubitably  entitled  to.  I  should  even  think 
it  criminal  to  go  further  than  this,  under  such  an 
idea ;  but  none  such  I  have.  I  think  the  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain  hath  no  more  right  to  put  their 
hands  into  my  pocket,  without  my  consent,  than 
I  have  to  put  my  hands  into  yours  for  money ;  and 
this  being  already  urged  to  them  in  a  firm,  but 
decent  manner,  by  all  the  colonies,  what  reason  is 
there  to  expect  any  thing  from  their  justice? 

As  to  the  resolution  for  addressing  the  throne,  I 
own  to  you,  Sir,  I  think  the  whole  might  as  well 
have  been  expunged.  I  expect  nothing  from  the 
measure,  nor  should  my  voice  have  accompanied  it, 
if  the  non-importation  scheme  was  intended  to  be 
retarded  by  it ;  *  for  I  am  convinced,  as  much  as  I 

1  Among  the  Alexandria  resolves,  which  were  the  subject  of 
Mr.  Fairfax's  letter,  there  was  one  for  petitioning  the  King. 


22  George  Washington 

am  of  my  existence,  that  there  is  no  relief  but  in 
their  distress;  and  I  think,  at  least  I  hope,  that 
there  is  public  virtue  enough  left  among  us  to  deny 
ourselves  every  thing  but  the  bare  necessaries  of 
life  to  accomplish  this  end.  This  we  have  a  right 
to  do,  and  no  power  upon  earth  can  compel  us  to 
do  otherwise,  till  they  have  first  reduced  us  to  the 
most  abject  state  of  slavery  that  ever  was  designed 
for  mankind.  The  stopping  our  exports  would, 
no  doubt,  be  a  shorter  cut  than  the  other  to  effect 
this  purpose;  but  if  we  owe  money  to  Great  Britain, 
nothing  but  the  last  necessity  can  justify  the  non- 
payment of  it;  and,  therefore,  I  have  great  doubts 
upon  this  head,  and  wish  to  see  the  other  method 
first  tried,  which  is  legal  and  will  facilitate  these 
payments. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  expressing  some  con- 
in  relation  to  this,  he  wrote : — "  I  hope  it  will  be  recommended, 
that,  if  a  petition  should  be  agreed  upon,  and  sent  home  by 
the  general  Congress,  no  conditional  resolution,  which  may  be 
formed  at  the  time,  should  be  published  until  it  is  known,  that 
the  petition  has  had  no  effect.  For  we  should  otherwise  de- 
stroy the  very  intention  of  it.  To  petition  and  to  threaten  at 
the  same  time  seem  to  be  inconsistent.  It  might  be  of  service 
with  the  ministry,  if  they  have  evil  designs,  to  know  the  dis- 
positions of  the  people  here.  I  am  sure  that  sufficiently  ap- 
pears from  what  has  already  been  published.  And  if  that 
appears,  no  threatenings  ought  to  accompany  the  petition.  It 
ought  to  be  as  modest  as  possible,  without  descending  to  mean- 
ness. There  is  one  expression,  then,  in  one  of  our  resolves, 
which  I  much  object  to;  that  is,  a  hint  to  the  King,  that,  if  his 
Majesty  will  not  comply,  there  lies  but  one  appeal.  This  ought 
surely  to  be  erased.  There  are  two  methods  proposed  to  effect 
a  repeal;  the  one  by  petition,  the  other  by  compulsion. 
They  ought  then  to  be  kept  separate  and  distinct,  and  we  shall 
find  few  for  joining  them  together,  who  are  not  rather  against 
the  former." — Sparks. 


Bryan  Fairfax  23 

cern,  that  I  should  differ  so  widely  in  sentiment 
from  you,  in  a  matter  of  such  great  moment  and 
general  import;  and  should  much  distrust  my  own 
judgment  upon  the  occasion,  if  my  nature  did  not 
recoil  at  the  thought  of  submitting  to  measures, 
which  I  think  subversive  of  every  thing  that  I 
ought  to  hold  dear  and  valuable,  and  did  I  not  find, 
at  the  same  time,  that  the  voice  of  mankind  is  with 


me. 


#    *    * 


TO  BRYAN  FAIRFAX 

MOUNT  VERNON,  24  August,  1774. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  5th  instant 1  came  to  this  place, 
forwarded  by  Mr.  Ramsay,  a  few  days  after  my 
return  from  Williamsburg,  and  I  delayed  acknow- 
ledging it  sooner,  in  the  hopes  that  I  should  find 
time,  before  I  began  my  other  journey  to  Phila- 
delphia,2 to  answer  it  fully,  if  not  satisfactorily; 
but,  as  much  of  my  time  has  been  engrossed  since 
I  came  home  by  company,  by  your  brother's  sale 
and  the  business  consequent  thereupon,  in  writing 
letters  to  England,  and  now  in  attending  to  my 
own  domestic  affairs  previous  to  my  departure  as 
above,  I  find  it  impossible  to  bestow  so  much  time 
and  attention  to  the  subject  matter  of  your  letter 

1  The  letter  of  Bryan  Fairfax  to  which  this  is  a  reply  is  an 
excellent  statement  of  the  views  of  a  moderate  loyalist,  and  is 
printed  in  full  in  Ford,  The  Writings  of  George  Washington, 
ii.,  429. 

2  To  attend  the  First  Continental  Congress,  to  which  he  was 
a  delegate  from  Virginia. 


24  George  Washington 

as  I  could  wish  to  do,  and  therefore,  must  rely  upon 
your  good  nature  and  candor  in  excuse  for  not  at- 
tempting it.  In  truth,  persuaded  as  I  am,  that 
you  have  read  all  the  political  pieces,  which  com- 
pose a  large  share  of  the  Gazette  at  this  time,  I 
should  think  it,  but  for  your  request,  a  piece  of  inex- 
cusable arrogance  in  me,  to  make  the  least  essay 
towards  a  change  in  your  political  opinions;  for  I 
am  sure  I  have  no  new  lights  to  throw  upon  the 
subject,  or  any  other  arguments  to  offer  in  support 
of  my  own  doctrine,  than  what  you  have  seen ;  and 
could  only  in  general  add,  that  an  innate  spirit  of 
freedom  first  told  me,  that  the  measures,  which  ad- 
ministration hath  for  some  time  been,  and  now 
are  most  violently  pursuing,  are  repugnant  to 
every  principle  of  natural  justice;  whilst  much 
abler  heads  than  my  own  hath  fully  convinced  me, 
that  it  is  not  only  repugnant  to  natural  right,  but 
subversive  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of  Great 
Britain  itself,  in  the  establishment  of  which  some 
of  the  best  blood  in  the  kingdom  hath  been  spilt. 
Satisfied,  then,  that  the  acts  of  a  British  Parlia- 
ment are  no  longer  governed  by  the  principles  of 
justice,  that  it  is  trampling  upon  the  valuable 
rights  of  Americans,  confirmed  to  them  by  char- 
ter and  the  constitution  they  themselves  boast  of, 
and  convinced  beyond  the  smallest  doubt,  that  these 
measures  are  the  result  of  deliberation,  and  at- 
tempted to  be  carried  into  execution  by  the  hand 
of  power,  is  it  a  time  to  trifle,  or  risk  our  cause 
upon  petitions,  which  with  difficulty  obtain  access, 
and  afterwards  are  thrown  by  with  the  utmost  con- 


Bryan  Fairfax  25 

tempt?  Or  should  we,  because  heretofore  unsus- 
picious of  design,  and  then  unwilling  to  enter  into 
disputes  with  the  mother  country,  go  on  to  bear 
more,  and  forbear  to  enumerate  our  just  causes  of 
complaint?  For  my  own  part,  I  shall  not  under- 
take to  say  where  the  line  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  colonies  should  be  drawn ;  but  I  am  clearly 
of  opinion,  that  one  ought  to  be  drawn,  and  our 
rights  clearly  ascertained.  I  could  wish,  I  own, 
that  the  dispute  had  been  left  to  posterity  to  deter- 
mine, but  the  crisis  is  arrived  when  we  must  assert 
our  rights,  or  submit  to  every  imposition,  that  can 
be  heaped  upon  us,  till  custom  and  use  shall  make 
us  as  tame  and  abject  slaves,  as  the  blacks  we  rule 
over  with  such  arbitrary  sway. 

I  intended  to  have  wrote  no  more  than  an  apol- 
ogy for  not  writing;  but  I  find  I  am  insensibly 
running  into  a  length  I  did  not  expect,  and  there- 
fore shall  conclude  with  remarking,  that,  if  you 
disavow  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  us,  (un- 
represented as  we  are,)  we  only  differ  in  respect 
to  the  mode  of  opposition,  and  this  difference  prin- 
cipally arises  from  your  belief,  that  they — the  Par- 
liament, I  mean, — want  a  decent  opportunity  to 
repeal  the  acts;  whilst  I  am  as  fully  convinced,  as 
I  am  of  my  own  existence,  that  there  has  been  a 
regular,  systematic  plan  formed  to  enforce  them, 
and  that  nothing  but  unanimity  in  the  colonies  (a 
stroke  they  did  not  expect)  and  firmness,  can  pre- 
vent it.  It  seems  from  the  best  advices  from  Bos- 
ton, that  General  Gage  is  exceedingly  disconcerted 
at  the  quiet  and  steady  conduct  of  the  people  of 


26  George  Washington 

the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  at  the  measures  pur- 
suing by  the  other  governments;  as  I  dare  say  he 
expected  to  have  forced  those  oppressed  people 
into  compliance,  or  irritated  them  to  acts  of  vio- 
lence before  this,  for  a  more  colorable  pretense  of 
ruling  that  and  the  other  colonies  with  a  high  hand. 
But  I  am  done. 

I  shall  set  off  on  Wednesday  next  for  Philadel- 
phia, whither,  if  you  have  any  commands,  I  shall 
be  glad  to  oblige  you  in  them ;  being,  dear  Sir,  with 
real  regard,  &c. 

P.S.  Pray  what  do  you  think  of  the  Canada 
Bill? 


TO  CAPTAIN  ROBERT  MACKENZIE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  9  October,  1774. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  13th  ultimo  from  Boston  gave 
me  pleasure,  as  I  learnt  thereby,  that  you  were 
well,  and  might  be  expected  at  Mount  Vernon  in 
your  way  to  or  from  James  River,  in  the  course  of 
the  winter.1 

1 "  At  that  Congress  [the  first  Continental] ,  Washington  had 
appeared  as  one  of  the  representatives  of  Virginia,  but  ap- 
parently not  yet  clear  as  to  what  extent  it  was  proper  to  in- 
volve himself  in  the  difficulties  into  which  Massachusetts  was 
plunged.  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  he  shared  somewhat 
in  the  distrust  generally  felt,  south  of  New  England,  of  the 
purposes  of  the  Massachusetts  leaders.  Whilst  in  this  state  of 
mind,  he  received  a  letter  from  Captain  MacKenzie.  MacKen- 
zie  was  a  native  of  Virginia,  and  an  acquaintance  of  Washing- 
ton, who  had  taken  a  commission  in  the  British  army,  and  was 
at  this  time  attached  to  one  of  the  regiments  stationed  at 


Captain  Robert  MacKenzie  27 

When  I  have  said  this,  permit  me  with  the  free- 
dom of  a  friend  (for  you  know  I  always  esteemed 
you)  to  express  my  sorrow,  that  fortune  should 
place  you  in  a  service,  that  must  fix  curses  to  the 
latest  posterity  upon  the  contrivers,  and,  if  suc- 
cess (which,  by  the  by,  is  impossible)  accompanies 
it,  execrations  upon  all  those,  who  have  been  in- 
strumental in  the  execution. 

I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  insinuate,  that  an  officer 
is  not  to  discharge  his  duty,  even  when  chance,  not 
choice,  has  placed  him  in  a  disagreeable  situation; 
but  I  conceive,  when  you  condemn  the  conduct  of 
the  Massachusetts  people,  you  reason  from  effects, 
not  causes;  otherwise  you  would  not  wonder  at  a 
people,  who  are  every  day  receiving  fresh  proofs 
of  a  systematic  assertion  of  an  arbitrary  power, 
deeply  planned  to  overturn  the  laws  and  constitu- 
tion of  their  country,  and  to  violate  the  most 
essential  and  valuable  rights  of  mankind,  being 

Boston.  The  object  of  the  letter  was  to  prejudice  his  mind 
against  the  action  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  and  to  in- 
duce him  to  exert  his  influence  to  counteract  the  policy  their 
delegates  were  advocating  in  Philadelphia.  Determined  to  sat- 
isfy himself  as  to  the  true  character  and  designs  of  these  dele- 
gates, he  seems  to  have  sought  an  interview  and  free  conference 
with  them  at  their  lodgings.  That  interview  took  place  on  the 
evening  of  the  28th  of  September,  1774.  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
and  Dr.  Shippen  of  Philadelphia,  were  also  present.  It  seems 
to  have  settled  all  Washington's  doubts,  if  he  had  any;  for  in- 
stead of  noisy,  brawling  demagogues,  meaning  mischief  only, 
he  found  the  delegates  plain,  downright  practical  men,  seeking 
safety  from  oppression,  and  contemplating  violence  only  as  a 
result  of  an  absolute  necessity  forced  on  them  by  the  govern- 
ment at  home.  The  effect  of  this  conference  is  made  visible  in 
his  answer  to  MacKenzie." — Charles  Francis  Adams,  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  iv.,  69. 


28  George  Washington 

irritated,  and  with  difficulty  restrained  from  acts 
of  the  greatest  violence  and  intemperance.  For 
my  own  part,  I  confess  to  you  candidly,  that  I 
view  things  in  a  very  different  point  of  light  from 
the  one  in  which  you  seem  to  consider  them;  and 
though  you  are  led  to  believe  by  venal  men,— for 
such  I  must  take  the  liberty  of  calling  those  new- 
fangled counsellors,  who  fly  to  and  surround  you, 
and  all  others,  who,  for  honors  or  pecuniary 
gratifications,  will  lend  their  aid  to  overturn  the 
constitution,  and  introduce  a  system  of  arbitrary 
government, — although  you  are  taught,  I  say,  by 
discoursing  with  such  men,  to  believe,  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Massachusetts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for 
independency,  and  what  not,  give  me  leave,  my 
good  friend,  to  tell  you,  that  you  are  abused, 
grossly  abused.  This  I  advance  with  a  degree  of 
confidence  and  boldness,  which  may  claim  your  be- 
lief, having  better  opportunities  of  knowing  the 
real  sentiments  of  the  people  you  are  among,  from 
the  leaders  of  them,  in  opposition  to  the  present 
measures  of  the  administration,  than  you  have  from 
those  whose  business  it  is,  not  to  disclose  truths, 
but  to  misrepresent  facts  in  order  to  justify  as 
much  as  possible  to  the  world  their  own  conduct. 
Give  me  leave  to  add,  and  I  think  I  can  announce 
it  as  a  fact,  that  it  is  not  the  wish  or  interest  of  that 
government,  or  any  other  upon  this  continent, 
separately  or  collectively,  to  set  up  for  indepen- 
dence; but  this  you  may  at  the  same  time  rely 
on,  that  none  of  them  will  ever  submit  to  the  loss  of 
those  valuable  rights  and  privileges,  which  are 


Captain  Robert  MacKenzie  29 

essential  to  the  happiness  of  every  free  state,  and 
without  which,  life,  liberty,  and  property  are  ren- 
dered totally  insecure. 

These,  Sir,  being  certain  consequences,  which 
must  naturally  result  from  the  late  acts  of  Par- 
liament relative  to  America  in  general,  and  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  particular, 
is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  I  repeat,  that  men,  who 
wish  to  avert  the  impending  blow,  should  attempt 
to  oppose  it  in  its  progress,  or  prepare  for  their 
defence,  if  it  cannot  be  averted?  Surely  I  may 
be  allowed  to  answer  in  the  negative;  and  again 
give  me  leave  to  add  as  my  opinion,  that  more 
blood  will  be  spilled  on  this  occasion,  if  the  minis- 
try are  determined  to  push  matters  to  extremity, 
than  history  has  ever  yet  furnished  instances  of 
in  the  annals  of  North  America,  and  such  a  vital 
wound  will  be  given  to  the  peace  of  this  great 
country,  as  time  itself  cannot  cure,  or  eradicate  the 
remembrance  of. 

But  I  have  done.1  I  was  involuntarily  led  into 
a  short  discussion  of  this  subject  by  your  remarks 
on  the  conduct  of  the  Boston  people,  and  your 
opinion  of  their  wishes  to  set  up  for  independency. 
I  am  well  satisfied,  that  no  such  thing  is  desired  by 
any  thinking  man  in  all  North  America;  on  the 
contrary,  that  it  is  the  ardent  wish  of  the  warmest 

1  This  letter  was  written  while  Washington  was  in  Phila- 
delphia attending  the  sessions  of  the  First  Continental  Con- 
gress. Something  of  the  impression  that  he  made  upon  his 
associates  in  that  body  may  be  gleaned  from  the  report  of 
Patrick  Henry.  That  statesman  upon  his  return  to  Virginia 
was  asked  whom  he  regarded  as  the  greatest  man  in  the  Con- 


30  George  Washington 

advocates  for  liberty,  that  peace  and  tranquillity, 
upon  constitutional  grounds,  may  be  restored,  and 
the  horrors  of  civil  discord  prevented.  *  *  * 

gress.  His  reply  was,  "  If  you  speak  of  eloquence,  Mr.  Rut- 
ledge  of  South  Carolina  is  by  far  the  greatest  orator;  but  if  you 
speak  of  solid  information  and  sound  judgment,  Colonel  Wash- 
ington is  unquestionably  the  greatest  man  on  that  floor." — 
Wirt,  Sketches  of  the  Life  and  Character  of  Patrick  Henry,  113. 


II 

In  the  War  for  Independence 

Who  can  hope  ever  to  know  the  mind 
and  conscience  of  our  Revolution,  its 
motive,  its  conduct,  its  stern  and 
patient  purpose,  or  its  cost,  without 
studying  Washington's  letters? 

MOSES  COIT  TYLER. 


II 

In  the  War  for  Independence 


ADDRESS   ACCEPTING   THE   COMMAND   OF  THE  ARMY, 
16  JUNE,  1775.1 

MR.  PRESIDENT, 

Though  I  am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honor 
done  me  in  this  appointment,  yet  I  feel  great  dis- 
tress from  a  consciousness  that  my  abilities  and 
military  experience  may  not  be  equal  to  the  exten- 
sive and  important  trust.  However,  as  the  Con- 
gress desire  it,  I  will  enter  upon  the  momentous 
duty  and  exert  every  power  I  possess  in  the  service 

1  On  June  15,  1775,  the  Continental  Congress  resolved  "  that 
a  General  be  appointed  to  command  all  the  continental  forces 
raised,  or  to  be  raised,  for  the  defence  of  American  liberty," 
and  "  that  five  hundred  dollars,  per  month,  be  allowed  for  his 
pay  and  expences."  A  ballot  then  being  taken,  Washington 
was  unanimously  elected.  The  next  day,  Friday,  June  16,  "  the 
president  [John  Hancock]  from  the  chair  informed  Geo:  Wash- 
ington Esqr.  that  he  had  the  order  of  Congress  to  acquaint  him 
that  the  Congress  had  by  a  unanimous  vote  made  choice  of  him 
to  be  general  and  commander  in  chief  to  take  the  supreme  com- 
mand of  the  forces  raised  and  to  be  raised,  in  defence  of 
American  Liberty,  and  desired  his  acceptance  of  it.  Whereupon 
Colonel  Washington,  standing  in  his  place,"  accepted  the  ap- 
pointment. See  The  Journals  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
1774-1789  (Ford's  edition),  ii.,  91,  92. 

33 


34  George  \Vashington 

COMMISSION    AS    COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 


delegates  of  the   United  Colonies  of  New-Hampshire, 
Massachusetts  bay,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New-York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  New  Castle,  Kent  &  Sussex  on  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina  and  South  Carolina 
To   (&ZQVQK  ^taasMttglOtt   Esquire 

'CXUjfc  reposing  especial  trust  and  confidence  in  your  pa- 
triotism, conduct  and  fidelity  Do  by  these  presents  constitute 
and  appoint  you  to  be  (JOkjlJCSal  atttf  CormmamUv  ttt 
$>J&tKf  °f  the  Army  of  the  United  Colonies  and  of  all  the 
forces  raised  or  to  be  raised  by  them  and  of  all  others  who  shall 
voluntary  offer  their  service  and  join  the  said  army  for  the  de- 
fence of  American  Liberty  and  for  repelling  every  hostile  in- 
vasion thereof.  AND  you  are  hereby  vested  with  full  power 
and  authority  to  act  as  you  shall  think  for  the  good  and  wel- 
fare of  the  service. 

JlttXt  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  require  all  officers 
and  soldiers  under  your  command  to  be  obedient  to  your  orders 
&  diligent  in  the  exercise  of  their  several  duties. 

JtttXX  we  do  also  enjoin  and  require  you  to  be  careful  in 
executing  the  great  trust  reposed  in  you,  by  causing  strict  dis- 
cipline and  order  to  be  observed  in  the  army  and  that  the 
soldiers  are  duly  exercised  and  provided  with  all  convenient 
necessaries. 

Jjl-IXXl  y°u  O're  to  regulate  your  conduct  in  every  respect  by 
the  rules  and  discipline  of  war  (as  herewith  given  you)  and 
punctually  to  observe  and  follow  such  orders  and  directions 
from  time  to  time  as  you  shall  receive  from  this  or  a  future 
Congress  of  the  said  United  Colonies  or  a  committee  of  Congress 
for  that  purpose  appointed. 

THIS  COMMISSION  to  continue  in  force  until  revoked  by  this 
or  a  future  Congress. 

By  order  of  the  Congress 

JOHN  HANCOCK  President 
Dated,  Philadelphia  June  19th  1775. 

Attest  CHAS.  THOMSON  Seer. 


Address  Accepting  Command  of  Army     35 

and  for  support  of  the  glorious  cause.  I  beg  they 
will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks  for  this  dis- 
tinguished testimony  of  their  approbation.  But 
lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen  unfavor- 
able to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered 
by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I  this  day  de- 
clare with  the  utmost  sincerity  I  do  not  think  my- 
self equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with. 

As  to  pay,  Sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Con- 
gress, that  as  no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have 
tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous  employment  at 
the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I 
do  not  wish  to  make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will 
keep  an  exact  account  of  my  expenses.  Those  I 
doubt  not  they  will  discharge,  and  that  is  all  I 
desire. 


TO  MBS.    MARTHA   WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA,  18  June,  1775. 

MY  DEAREST, 

I  am  now  set  down  to  write  to  you  on  a  subject, 
which  fills  me  with  inexpressible  concern,  and  this 
concern  is  greatly  aggravated  and  increased,  when 
I  reflect  upon  the  uneasiness  I  know  it  will  give 
you.  It  has  been  determined  in  Congress,  that  the 

1 "  Washington  was  not  only  too  reserved,  but  he  had  too 
much  true  sentiment,  to  leave  his  correspondence  with  Mrs. 
Washington  behind  him.  *  *  *  Only  one  letter  to  Mrs.  Wash- 
ington apparently  has  survived." — Lodge,  George  Washington, 
ii.,  363.  This  statement  is  not  quite  correct.  At  least  two 
letters  to  Mrs.  Washington  survive  (see  page  6  for  the  first 
one),  and  are  interesting  evidence  of  the  warmth  of  Washing- 
ton's affections.  A  man  so  cold  and  unresponsive  as  he  is  com- 
monly represented  to  be  could  not  have  written  such  letters. 


36  George  Washington 

whole  army  raised  for  the  defence  of  the  American 
cause  shall  be  put  under  my  care,  and  that  it  is 
necessary  for  me  to  proceed  immediately  to  Boston 
to  take  upon  me  the  command  of  it. 

You  may  believe  me,  my  dear  Patsy,  when  I 
assure  you,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so 
far  from  seeking  this  appointment,  I  have  used 
every  endeavor  in  my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only 
from  my  unwillingness  to  part  with  you  and  the 
family,  but  from  a  consciousness  of  its  being  a 
trust  too  great  for  my  capacity,  and  that  I  should 
enjoy  more  real  happiness  in  one  month  with  you 
at  home,  than  I  have  the  most  distant  prospect  of 
finding  abroad,  if  my  stay  were  to  be  seven  times 
seven  years.  But  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of  destiny, 
that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  service,  I  shall  hope 
that  my  undertaking  it  is  designed  to  answer  some 
good  purpose.  You  might,  and  I  suppose  did 
perceive,  from  the  tenor  of  my  letters,  that  I  was 
apprehensive  I  could  not  avoid  this  appointment, 
as  I  did  not  pretend  to  intimate  when  I  should 
return.  That  was  the  case.  It  was  utterly  out  of 
my  power  to  refuse  this  appointment,  without  ex- 
posing my  character  to  such  censures,  as  would 
have  reflected  dishonor  upon  myself,  and  given  pain 
to  my  friends.  This,  I  am  sure,  could  not,  and 
ought  not,  to  be  pleasing  to  you,  and  must  have 
lessened  me  considerably  in  my  own  esteem.  I 
shall  rely,  therefore,  confidently  on  that  Provi- 
dence, which  has  heretofore  preserved  and  been 
bountiful  to  me,  not  doubting  but  that  I  shall  return 
safe  to  you  in  the  fall.  I  shall  feel  no  pain  from 


Mrs.  Martha  Washington  37 

the  toil  or  the  danger  of  the  campaign ;  my  unhap- 
piness  will  flow  from  the  uneasiness  I  know  you 
wrill  feel  from  being  left  alone.  I  therefore  beg, 
that  you  will  summon  your  whole  fortitude,  and 
pass  your  time  as  agreeably  as  possible.  Nothing 
will  give  me  so  much  sincere  satisfaction  as  to  hear 
this,  and  to  hear  it  from  your  own  pen.  My  earn- 
est and  ardent  desire  is,  that  you  would  pursue 
any  plan  that  is  most  likely  to  produce  content,  and 
a  tolerable  degree  of  tranquillity;  as  it  must  add 
greatly  to  my  uneasy  feelings  to  hear,  that  you  are 
dissatisfied  or  complaining  at  what  I  really  could 
not  avoid. 

As  life  is  always  uncertain,  and  common  pru- 
dence dictates  to  every  man  the  necessity  of  settling 
his  temporal  concerns,  while  it  is  in  his  power,  and 
while  the  mind  is  calm  and  undisturbed,  I  have, 
since  I  came  to  this  place  (for  I  had  not  time  to 
do  it  before  I  left  home)  got  Colonel  Pendleton 
to  draft  a  will  for  me,  by  the  directions  I  gave  him, 
which  will  I  now  enclose.  The  provision  made  for 
you  in  case  of  my  death  will,  I  hope,  be  agreeable. 

I  shall  add  nothing  more,  as  I  have  several  let- 
ters to  write,  but  to  desire  that  you  wiU  remember 
me  to  your  friends,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  am, 
with  the  most  unfeigned  regard,  my  dear  Patsy, 
your  affectionate,  &c. 


TO  THE   PRESIDENT   OF   CONGRESS. 

CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE,  21  September,  1775. 

SIR, 

I  have  been  in  daily  expectation  of  being  favored 


38  George  Washington 

with  the  commands  of  the  honorable  Congress  on 
the  subject  of  my  two  last  letters.  The  season 
now  advances  so  fast,  that  I  cannot  any  longer  de- 
fer laying  before  them  such  further  measures  as 
require  their  immediate  attention,  and  in  which  I 
wait  their  direction. 

The  mode  in  which  the  present  army  has  been 
collected  has  occasioned  some  difficulty,  in  procur- 
ing the  subscription  of  both  officers  and  soldiers  to 
the  Continental  articles  of  war.  Their  principal 
objection  has  been,  that  it  might  subject  them  to 
a  longer  service,  than  that  for  which  they  engaged 
under  their  several  provincial  establishments.  It 
is  in  vain  to  attempt  to  reason  away  the  prejudices 
of  a  whole  army,  often  instilled,  and  in  this  instance 
at  least  encouraged,  by  their  officers  from  private 
and  narrow  views.  I  have  therefore  forbore  press- 
ing them,  as  I  did  not  experience  any  such  incon- 
venience from  their  adherence  to  their  former 
rules,  as  would  warrant  the  risk  of  entering  into  a 
contest  upon  it;  more  especially  as  the  restraints, 
necessary  for  the  establishment  of  essential  dis- 
cipline and  subordination,  indisposed  their  minds 
to  every  change,  and  made  it  both  duty  and  policy 
to  introduce  as  little  novelty  as  possible.  With 
the  present  army,  I  fear,  such  a  subscription  is  im- 
practicable; but  the  difficulty  will  cease  with  this 
army.1 

The  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  troops  stand 

1  The  Continental  Articles  of  War,  or  as  they  were  otherwise 
called,  "  Rules  and  Regulations  for  the  Army,"  may  be  seen  in 
the  Journals  of  Congress,  30  June,  1775. — Sparks. 


President  of  Congress  39 

engaged  to  the  1st  of  December  only;  and  none 
longer  than  the  1st  of  January.  A  dissolution  of 
the  present  army  therefore  will  take  place,  unless 
some  early  provision  is  made  against  such  an  event. 
Most  of  the  general  officers  are  of  opinion,  that  the 
greater  part  of  them  may  be  reenlisted  for  the  win- 
ter, or  another  campaign,  with  the  indulgence  of  a 
furlough  to  visit  their  friends,  which  may  be  regu- 
lated so  as  not  to  endanger  the  service.  How  far 
it  may  be  proper  to  form  the  new  army  entirely  out 
of  the  old,  for  another  campaign,  rather  than  from 
the  contingents  of  the  several  provinces,  is  a  ques- 
tion which  involves  in  it  too  many  considerations 
of  policy  and  prudence,  for  me  to  undertake  to  de- 
cide. It  appears  to  be  impossible  to  draw  it  from 
any  other  source  than  the  old  army,  for  this  winter ; 
and,  as  the  pay  is  ample,  I  hope  a  sufficient  num- 
ber will  engage  in  the  service  for  that  time  at 
least.  But  there  are  various  opinions  of  the  temper 
of  the  men  on  the  subject;  and  there  may  be  great 
hazard  in  deferring  the  trial  too  long.  *  *  * 

It  gives  me  great  pain  to  be  obliged  to  solicit  the 
attention  of  the  honorable  Congress  to  the  state  of 
this  army,  in  terms  which  imply  the  slightest  ap- 
prehension of  being  neglected.  B*ut  my  situation 
is  inexpressibly  distressing,  to  see  the  winter  fast 
approaching  upon  a  naked  army,  the  time  of  their 
service  within  a  few  weeks  of  expiring,  and  no  pro- 
vision yet  made  for  such  important  events.  Added 
to  these,  the  military  chest  is  totally  exhausted ;  the 
paymaster  has  not  a  single  dollar  in  hand ;  the  com- 
missary-general assures  me  he  has  strained  his 


40  George  Washington 

credit,  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army,  to  the  ut- 
most. The  quartermaster-general  is  precisely  in 
the  same  situation;  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
troops  are  in  a  state  not  far  from  mutiny,  upon  the 
deduction  from  their  stated  allowance.  I  know 
not  to  whom  I  am  to  impute  this  failure;  but  I  am 
of  opinion,  if  the  evil  is  not  immediately  remedied, 
and  more  punctually  observed  in  future,  the  army 
must  absolutely  break  up.  I  hoped  I  had  expressed 
myself  so  fully  on  this  subject,  both  by  letter,  and 
to  those  members  of  the  Congress,  who  honored  the 
camp  with  a  visit,  that  no  disappointment  could 
possibly  happen.  I  therefore  hourly  expected  ad- 
vice from  the  paymaster,  that  he  had  received  a 
fresh  supply,  in  addition  to  the  hundred  and  sev- 
enty-two thousand  dollars  delivered  him  in  August ; 
and  thought  myself  warranted  to  assure  the  public 
creditors,  that  in  a  few  days  they  should  be  satis- 
fied. But  the  delay  has  brought  matters  to  such  a 
crisis,  as  admits  of  no  farther  uncertain  expecta- 
tions. I  have  therefore  sent  off  this  express  with 
orders  to  make  all  possible  despatch.  It  is  my 
most  earnest  request,  that  he  may  be  returned  with 
all  possible  expedition,  unless  the  honorable  Con- 
gress have  already  forwarded  what  is  so  indispen- 
sably necessary.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 


TO   JOSEPH  REED. 

CAMBRIDGE,  28  November,  1775. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    What  an  astonishing  thing  it  is,  that 


Joseph  Reed  41 

those  who  are  employed  to  sign  the  Continental 
bills  should  not  be  able,  or  inclined,  to  do  it  as  fast 
as  they  are  wanted.  They  will  prove  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  army,  if  they  are  not  more  attentive 
and  diligent.  Such  a  dearth  of  public  spirit,  and 
want  of  virtue,  such  stock- jobbing,  and  fertility 
in  all  the  low  arts  to  obtain  advantages  of  one  kind 
or  another,  in  this  great  change  of  military  ar- 
rangement, I  never  saw  before,  and  pray  God  I 
may  never  be  witness  to  again.  What  will  be  the 
ultimate  end  of  these  manoeuvres  is  beyond  my  scan. 
I  tremble  at  the  prospect.  We  have  been  till  this 
time  enlisting  about  three  thousand  five  hundred 
men.  To  engage  these  I  have  been  obliged  to  allow 
furloughs  as  far  as  fifty  men  a  regiment,  and  the 
officers  I  am  persuaded  indulge  as  many  more. 
The  Connecticut  troops  will  not  be  prevailed  upon 
to  stay  longer  than  their  term  (saving  those  who 
have  enlisted  for  the  next  campaign,  and  mostly  on 
furlough),  and  such  a  dirty,  mercenary  spirit  per- 
vades the  whole,  that  I  should  not  be  at  all  surprised 
at  any  disaster  that  may  happen.  In  short,  after 
the  last  of  this  month  our  lines  will  be  so  weakened, 
that  the  minute-men  and  militia  must  be  called  in 
for  their  defence;  these,  being  under  no  kind  of 
government  themselves,  will  destroy  the  little  sub- 
ordination I  have  been  laboring  to  establish,  and 
run  me  into  one  evil  whilst  I  am  endeavoring  to 
avoid  another;  but  the  lesser  must  be  chosen. 
Could  I  have  foreseen  what  I  have,  and  am  likely 
to  experience,  no  consideration  upon  earth  should 
have  induced  me  to  accept  this  command.  A  regi- 


42  George  Washington 

ment  or  any  subordinate  department  would  have 
been  accompanied  with  ten  times  the  satisfaction, 
and  perhaps  the  honor.1  *  *  * 


TO  JOSEPH  REED. 

CAMBRIDGE,  14  January,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR, 

The  bearer  presents  an  opportunity  to  me  of  ac- 
knowledging the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  30th 
ultimo,  (which  never  came  to  my  hands  till  last 
night,)  and,  if  I  have  not  done  it  before,  of  your 
other  of  the  23d  preceding. 

1 "  I  am  very  sorry  to  be  necessitated  to  mention  to  you  the 
egregious  want  of  public  spirit,  which  reigns  here  [Massachu- 
setts]. Instead  of  pressing  to  be  engaged  in  the  cause  of  their 
country,  which  I  vainly  flattered  myself  would  be  the  case,  I 
find  we  are  likely  to  be  deserted,  and  in  a  most  critical  time. 
Those  that  have  enlisted  must  have  a  furlough,  which  I  have 
been  obliged  to  grant  to  fifty  at  a  time,  from  each  regiment. 
The  Connecticut  troops,  upon  whom  I  reckoned,  are  as  back- 
ward, indeed,  if  possible,  more  so  than  the  people  of  this 
colony.  Our  situation  is  truly  alarming;  and  of  this  General 
Howe  is  well  apprized,  it  being  the  common  topic  of  conversa- 
tion, when  the  people  left  Boston  last  Friday.  No  doubt,  when 
he  is  reinforced,  he  will  avail  himself  of  the  information." 
— Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  28  November,  1775. 

"  His  Excellency  is  a  great  and  good  man.  I  feel  the  high- 
est degree  of  respect  for  him.  I  wish  him  immortal  honor. 
I  think  myself  happy  in  an  opportunity  to  serve  under  so  good 
a  general.  My  happiness  will  be  still  greater  if  fortune  gives 
me  an  opportunity  to  contribute  to  his  glory  and  my  country's 
good.  But  his  Excellency,  as  you  observe,  has  not  had  time  to 
make  himself  acquainted  with  the  genius  of  this  people.  They 
are  naturally  as  brave  and  spirited  as  the  peasantry  of  any 
other  country;  but  you  cannot  expect  veterans  of  a  raw  militia 
of  only  a  few  months'  service.  The  common  people  are  ex- 
ceedingly avaricious;  the  genius  of  the  people  is  commercial, 
from  their  long  intercourse  with  trade.  The  sentiment  of 


Joseph  Reed  43 

The  hints  you  have  communicated  from  time  to 
time  not  only  deserve,  but  do  most  sincerely  and 
cordially  meet  with  my  thanks.  You  cannot  ren- 
der a  more  acceptable  service,  nor  in  my  estimation 
give  a  more  convincing  proof  of  your  friendship, 
than  by  a  free,  open,  and  undisguised  account  of 
every  matter  relative  to  myself  or  conduct.  I  can 
bear  to  hear  of  imputed  or  real  errors.  The  man, 
who  wishes  to  stand  well  in  the  opinion  of  others, 
must  do  this;  because  he  is  thereby  enabled  to 
correct  his  faults,  or  remove  prejudices  which  are 
imbibed  against  him.  For  this  reason,  I  shall  thank 
you  for  giving  me  the  opinions  of  the  world,  upon 
such  points  as  you  know  me  to  be  interested  in; 
for,  as  I  have  but  one  capital  object  in  view,  I 
could  wish  to  make  my  conduct  coincide  with  the 
wishes  of  mankind,  as  far  as  I  can  consistently;  I 
mean,  without  departing  from  that  great  line  of 
duty,  which,  though  hid  under  a  cloud  for  some 
time,  from  a  peculiarity  of  circumstances,  may, 
nevertheless  bear  a  scrutiny.  My  constant  atten- 
tion to  the  great  and  perplexing  objects,  which 
continually  rise  to  my  view,  absorbs  all  lesser 

honor,  the  true  characteristic  of  a  soldier,  has  not  yet  got  the 
better  of  interest.  His  Excellency  has  been  taught  to  believe 
the  people  here  a  superior  race  of  mortals;  and  finding  them 
of  the  same  temper  and  dispositions,  passions  and  prejudices, 
virtues  and  vices  of  the  common  people  of  other  governments, 
they  sink  in  his  esteem.  The  country  round  here  set  no  bounds 
to  their  demand  for  hay,  wood  and  teaming.  It  has  given  his 
Excellency  a  great  deal  of  uneasiness  that  they  should  take  this 
opportunity  to  extort  from  the  necessities  of  the  army  such 
enormous  prices." — General  Greene  to  Henry  Ward,  18  Decem- 
ber, 1775. 


44  George  Washington 

considerations,  and  indeed  scarcely  allows  me  time 
to  reflect,  that  there  is  such  a  body  in  existence  as 
the  General  Court  of  this  colony,1  but  when  I  am 
reminded  of  it  by  a  committee;  nor  can  I,  upon 
recollection,  discover  in  what  instances  (I  wish 
they  would  be  more  explicit)  I  have  been  inatten- 
tive to,  or  slighted  them.  They  could  not,  surely, 
conceive  that  there  was  a  propriety  in  unbosoming 
the  secrets  of  an  army  to  them;  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  ask  their  opinion  of  throwing  up  an  in- 
trenchment,  forming  a  battalion,  &c.,  &c.  It 
must,  therefore,  be  what  I  before  hinted  to 
you;  and  how  to  remedy  it  I  hardly  know,  as 
I  am  acquainted  with  few  of  the  members,  never 
go  out  of  my  own  lines,  or  see  any  of  them  in 
them. 

I  am  exceeding  sorry  to  hear,  that  your  little 
fleet  has  been  shut  in  by  the  frost.  I  hope  it  has 
sailed  ere  this,  and  given  you  some  proof  of  the 
utility  of  it,  and  enabled  the  Congress  to  bestow  a 
little  more  attention  to  the  affairs  of  this  army, 
which  suffers  exceedingly  by  their  overmuch  busi- 
ness, or  too  little  attention  to  it.  We  are  now 
without  any  money  in  our  treasury,  powder  in  our 
magazines,  arms  in  our  stores.  We  are  without  a 
brigadier  (the  want  of  which  has  been  twenty  times 
urged),  engineers,  expresses  (though  a  committee 
has  been  appointed  these  two  months  to  establish 
them) ,  and  by  and  by,  when  we  shall  be  called  upon 
to  take  the  field,  shall  not  have  a  tent  to  lie  in. 
Apropos,  what  is  doing  with  mine? 

1  The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  is  called  the  General  Court. 


Joseph  Reed  45 

These  are  evils,  but  small  in  comparison  of  those, 
which  disturb  my  present  repose.  Our  enlistments 
are  at  a  stand ;  the  fears  I  ever  entertained  are  real- 
ized; that  is,  the  discontented  officers  (for  I  do  not 
know  how  else  to  account  for  it)  have  thrown  such 
difficulties  or  stumbling-blocks  in  the  way  of  re- 
cruiting, that  I  no  longer  entertain  a  hope  of  com- 
pleting the  army  by  voluntary  enlistments,  and  I 
see  no  move  or  likelihood  of  one,  to  do  it  by  other 
means.  In  the  last  two  weeks  we  have  enlisted  but 
about  a  thousand  men;  whereas  I  was  confidently 
bid  to  believe,  by  all  the  officers  I  conversed  with, 
that  we  should  by  this  time  have  had  the  regiments 
nearly  completed.  Our  total  number  upon  paper 
amounts  to  about  ten  thousand  five  hundred;  but 
as  a  large  portion  of  these  are  returned  not  joined, 
I  never  expect  to  receive  them,  as  an  ineffectual 
order  has  once  issued  to  call  them  in.  Another  is 
now  gone  forth,  peremptorily  requiring  all  officers 
under  pain  of  being  cashiered,  and  recruits  as  be- 
ing treated  as  deserters,  to  join  their  respective 
regiments  by  the  1st  day  of  next  month,  that  I  may 
know  my  real  strength;  but  if  my  fears  are  not 
imaginary,  I  shall  have  a  dreadful  account  of  the 
advanced  month's  pay.  In  consequence  of  the 
assurances  given,  and  my  expectation  of  having  at 
least  men  enough  enlisted  to  defend  our  lines,  to 
which  may  be  added  my  unwillingness  of  burthen- 
ing  the  cause  with  unnecessary  expense,  no  relief 
of  militia  has  been  ordered  in,  to  supply  the  places 
of  those,  who  are  released  from  their  engagements 
to-morrow,  and  on  whom,  though  many  have  prom- 


46  George  Washington 

ised  to  continue  out  the  month,  there  is  no  security 
for  their  stay. 

Thus  am  I  situated  with  respect  to  men.  With 
regard  to  arms  I  am  yet  worse  off.  Before  the 
dissolution  of  the  old  army,  I  issued  an  order  di- 
recting three  judicious  men  of  each  brigade  to  at- 
tend, review,  and  appraise  the  good  arms  of  every 
regiment;  and  finding  a  very  great  unwillingness 
in  the  men  to  part  with  their  arms,  at  the  same  time 
not  having  it  in  my  power  to  pay  them  for  the 
months  of  November  and  December,  I  threatened 
severely,  that  every  soldier,  who  carried  away  his 
firelock  without  leave,  should  never  receive  pay  for 
those  months;  yet  so  many  have  been  carried  off, 
partly  by  stealth,  but  chiefly  as  condemned,  that  we 
have  not  at  this  time  one  hundred  guns  in  the 
stores,  of  all  that  have  been  taken  in  the  prize-ship 
and  from  the  soldiery,  notwithstanding  our  regi- 
ments are  not  half  complete.  At  the  same  time  I 
am  told,  and  believe  it,  that  to  restrain  the  enlist- 
ment to  men  with  arms,  you  will  get  but  few  of  the 
former,  and  still  fewer  of  the  latter,  which  would 
be  good  for  any  thing. 

How  to  get  furnished  I  know  not.  I  have  applied 
to  this  and  the  neighboring  colonies,  but  with  what 
success  time  only  can  tell.  The  reflection  on  my 
situation,  and  that  of  this  army,  produces  many  an 
uneasy  hour  when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in 
sleep.  Few  people  know  the  predicament  we  are 
in,  on  a  thousand  accounts;  fewer  still  will  believe, 
if  any  disaster  happens  to  these  lines,  from  what 
causes  it  flows.  I  have  often  thought  how  much 


Joseph  Reed  47 

happier  I  should  have  been,  if,  instead  of  accepting 
of  a  command  under  such  circumstances,  I  had 
taken  my  musket  on  my  shoulder  and  entered  the 
ranks,  or,  if  I  could  have  justified  the  measure  to 
posterity  and  my  own  conscience,  had  retired  to 
the  back  country,  and  lived  in  a  wigwam.  If  I 
shall  be  able  to  rise  superior  to  these  and  many 
other  difficulties,  which  might  be  enumerated,  I 
shall  most  religiously  believe,  that  the  finger  of 
Providence  is  in  it,  to  blind  the  eyes  of  our  enemies ; 
for  surely  if  we  get  well  through  this  month,  it  must 
be  for  want  of  their  knowing  the  disadvantages  we 
labor  under. 

Could  I  have  foreseen  the  difficulties,  which  have 
come  upon  us;  could  I  have  known,  that  such  a 
backwardness  would  have  been  discovered  in  the 
old  soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals  upon 
earth  should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety 
of  delaying  an  attack  upon  Boston  till  this  time. 
When  it  can  now  be  attempted,  I  will  not  under- 
take to  say;  but  thus  much  I  will  answer  for,  that 
no  opportunity  can  present  itself  earlier  than  my 
washes.  But  as  this  letter  discloses  some  interest- 
ing truths,  I  shall  be  somewhat  uneasy  until  I  hear 
it  gets  to  your  hands,  although  the  conveyance  is 
thought  safe.  *  *  * 


TO  JOSEPH  REED. 

CAMBRIDGE,  10  February,  1776. 

DEAB.  SIB, 

Your  obliging  favors  of  the  28th  ult.  and  1st 


48  George  Washington 

inst.  are  now  before  me,  and  claim  my  particular 
thanks  for  the  polite  attention  you  pay  to  my 
wishes  in  an  early  and  regular  communication  of 
what  is  passing  in  your  quarter. 

If  you  conceive,  that  I  took  any  thing  wrong,  or 
amiss,  that  was  conveyed  in  any  of  your  former 
letters,  you  are  really  mistaken.  I  only  meant  to 
convince  you,  that  nothing  would  give  more  real 
satisfaction,  than  to  know  the  sentiments,  which  are 
entertained  of  me  by  the  public,  whether  they  be 
favorable  or  otherwise;  and  I  urged  as  a  reason, 
that  the  man,  who  wished  to  steer  clear  of  shelves 
and  rocks,  must  know  where  they  lay.  I  know — 
but  to  declare  it,  unless  to  a  friend,  may  be  an  argu- 
ment of  vanity — the  integrity  of  my  own  heart.  I 
know  the  unhappy  predicament  I  stand  in ;  I  know 
that  much  is  expected  of  me;  I  know,  that  without 
men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition,  without 
any  thing  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a  soldier, 
little  is  to  be  done;  and,  which  is  mortifying,  I 
know,  that  I  cannot  stand  justified  to  the  world 
without  exposing  my  own  weakness,  and  injuring 
the  cause,  by  declaring  my  wants,  which  I  am  deter- 
mined not  to  do,  further  than  unavoidable  necessity 
brings  every  man  acquainted  with  them. 

If,  under  these  disadvantages,  I  am  able  to  keep 
above  water,  (as  it  were)  in  the  esteem  of  mankind, 
I  shall  feel  myself  happy;  but  if,  from  the  unknown 
peculiarity  of  my  circumstances,  I  suffer  in  the 
opinion  of  the  world,  I  shall  not  think  you  take  the 
freedom  of  a  friend,  if  you  conceal  the  reflections 
that  may  be  cast  upon  my  conduct.  My  own  situa- 


Joseph  Reed  49 

tion  feels  so  irksome  to  me  at  times,  that,  if  I  did 
not  consult  the  public  good,  more  than  my  own  tran- 
quillity, I  should  long  ere  this  have  put  every  thing 
to  the  cast  of  a  Dye.  So  far  from  my  having 
an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  well  armed, 
I  have  been  here  with  less  than  half  of  it,  includ- 
ing sick,  furloughed,  and  on  command,  and  those 
neither  armed  nor  clothed,  as  they  should  be.  In 
short,  my  situation  has  been  such,  that  I  have  been 
obliged  to  use  art  to  conceal  it  from  my  own  offi- 
cers. The  Congress,  as  you  observe,  expect,  I  be- 
lieve, that  I  should  do  more  than  others, — for 
whilst  they  compel  me  to  inlist  men  without  a 
bounty,  they  give  40  to  others,  which  will,  I  expect, 
put  a  stand  to  our  Inlistments ;  for  notwithstanding 
all  the  publick  virtue  which  is  ascrib'd  to  these  peo- 
ple, there  is  no  nation  under  the  sun,  (that  I  ever 
came  across)  pay  greater  adoration  to  money  than 
they  do — I  am  pleas'd  to  find  that  your  Battalions 
are  cloathed  and  look  well,  and  that  they  are  filing 
off  for  Canada.  I  wish  I  could  say  that  the  troops 
here  had  altered  much  in  Dress  or  appearance. 
Our  regiments  are  little  more  than  half  compleat, 
and  recruiting  nearly  at  a  stand — In  all  my  letters 
I  fail  not  to  mention  of  Tents,  and  now  perceive 
that  notice  is  taken  of  yr.  application.  I  have 
been  convinced,  by  General  Howe's  conduct,  that 
he  has  either  been  very  ignorant  of  our  situation 
(which  I  do  not  believe)  or  that  he  has  received 
positive  orders  (which,  I  think,  is  natural  to  con- 
clude) not  to  put  anything  to  the  hazard  till  his 
reinforcements  arrive;  otherwise  there  has  [not] 


50  George  Washington 

been  a  time  since  the  first  of  December,  that  we 
must  have  fought  like  men  to  have  maintained 
these  Lines,  so  great  in  their  extent. 

The  party  to  Bunker's  Hill  had  some  good  and 
some  bad  men  engaged  in  it.  One  or  two  courts 
have  been  held  on  the  conduct  of  part  of  it.  To  be 
plain,  these  people — among  friends — are  not  to  be 
depended  upon  if  exposed ;  and  any  man  will  fight 
well  if  he  thinks  himself  in  no  danger.  I  do  not 
apply  this  only  to  these  people.  I  suppose  it  to  be 
the  case  with  all  raw  and  undisciplined  troops. 
You  may  rely  upon  it,  that  transports  left  Boston 
six  weeks  ago  with  troops;  where  they  are  gone, 
unless  driven  to  the  West  Indies,  I  know  not. 
You  may  also  rely  upon  General  Clinton's  sailing 
from  Boston  about  three  weeks  ago,  with  about 
four  or  five  hundred  men ;  his  destination  I  am  also 
a  stranger  to.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  failures 
you  speak  of  from  France.  But  why  will  not  Con- 
gress forward  part  of  the  powder  made  in  your 
province?  They  seem  to  look  upon  this  as  the  sea- 
son for  action,  but  will  not  furnish  the  means.  I 
will  not  blame  them.  I  dare  say  the  demands  upon 
them  are  greater  than  they  can  supply.  The  cause 
must  be  starved  till  our  resources  are  greater,  or 
more  certain  within  ourselves. 

With  respect  to  myself,  I  have  never  entertained 
an  idea  of  an  accommodation,  since  I  heard  of  the 
measures,  which  were  adopted  in  consequence  of 
the  Bunker's  Hill  fight.1  The  King's  speech  has 

1 "  I  cannot  sufficiently  express  my  sensibility  for  your  kind 
congratulations  on  the  favorable  termination  of  the  War,  and 


Joseph  Reed  51 

confirmed  the  sentiments  I  entertained  upon  the 
news  of  that  affair;  and,  if  every  man  was  of  my 
mind,  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain  should  know, 
in  a  few  words,  upon  what  issue  the  cause  should  be 
put.  I  would  not  be  deceived  by  artful  declara- 
tions, nor  specious  pretences;  nor  would  I  be 
amused  by  unmeaning  propositions;  but  in  open, 
undisguised,  and  manly  terms  proclaim  our  wrongs, 
and  our  resolution  to  be  redressed.  I  would  tell 
them,  that  we  had  borne  much,  that  we  had  long 
and  ardently  sought  for  reconciliation  upon  honor- 
able terms,  that  it  had  been  denied  us,  that  all  our 
attempts  after  peace  had  proved  abortive,  and  had 
been  grossly  misrepresented,  that  we  had  done 
everything  which  could  be  expected  from  the  best 
of  subjects,  that  the  spirit  of  freedom  beat  too  high 
in  us  to  submit  to  slavery,  and  that,  if  nothing  else 
could  satisfy  a  tyrant  and  his  diabolical  ministry, 
we  are  determined  to  shake  off  all  connexions  with  a 
state  so  unjust  and  unnatural.  This  I  would  tell 
them,  not  under  covert,  but  in  words  as  clear  as 
the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness.  *  *  * 

for  the  flattering  manner  in  which  you  are  pleased  to  speak 
of  my  instrumentality  in  effecting  a  revolution,  which  I  can 
truly  aver,  was  not  in  the  beginning  premeditated;  but  the  re- 
sult of  dire  necessity  brought  about  by  the  persecuting  spirit  of 
the  British  Government.  This  no  man  can  speak  to  with  more 
certainty,  or  assert  upon  better  grounds  than  myself — as  I  was 
a  member  of  Congress  in  the  Councils  of  America  till  the  affair 
at  Bunker  Hill,  and  was  an  attentive  observer  and  witness  to 
those  interesting  and  painful  struggles  for  accomodation,  and 
redress  of  grievances  in  a  Constitutional  way,  which  all  the 
world  saw  and  must  have  approved,  except  the  ignorant,  de- 
luded and  designing." — Washington  to  George  William  Fairfax, 
10  July,  1783. 


52  George  Washington 

TO  JOHN  AUGUSTINE  WASHINGTON. 

CAMBRIDGE,  31  March,  1776. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

*  *  *  The  want  of  arms  and  powder  is  not  pe- 
culiar to  Virginia.  This  country  of  which  doubt- 
less you  have  heard  large  and  flattering  accounts, 
is  more  deficient  in  both  than  you  can  conceive.  I 
have  been  here  months  together,  with  (what  will 
scarcely  be  believed)  not  thirty  rounds  of  musket 
cartridges  to  a  man;  and  have  been  obliged  to  sub- 
mit to  all  the  insults  of  the  enemy's  cannon  for 
want  of  powder,  keeping  what  little  we  had  for 
pistol  distance.  Another  thing  has  been  done, 
which,  added  to  the  above,  will  put  it  in  the  power 
of  this  army  to  say,  what  perhaps  no  other  with 
justice  ever  could  say.  We  have  maintained  our 
ground  against  the  enemy,  under  this  want  of 
powder,  and  we  have  disbanded  one  army,  and  re- 
cruited another,  within  musket-shot  of  two  and 
twenty  regiments,  the  flower  of  the  British  army, 
whilst  our  force  has  been  but  little  if  any  superior 
to  theirs;  and,  at  last,  have  beaten  them  into  a 
shameful  and  precipitate  retreat  out  of  a  place 
the  strongest  by  nature  on  this  continent,  and 
strengthened  and  fortified  at  an  enormous  expense. 

As  some  account  of  the  late  manoeuvres  of  both 
armies  may  not  be  unacceptable,  I  shall,  hurried  as 
I  always  am,  devote  a  little  time  to  it.  Having  re- 
ceived a  small  supply  of  powder,  very  inadequate 
to  our  wants,  I  resolved  to  take  possession  of  Dor- 
chester Point,  lying  east  of  Boston,  looking  di- 


John  Augustine  Washington  53 

rectly  into  it,  and  commanding  the  enemy's  lines 
on  Boston  Neck.  To  do  this,  which  I  knew  would 
force  the  enemy  to  an  engagement,  or  subject  them 
to  be  enfiladed  by  our  cannon,  it  was  necessary,  in 
the  first  instance,  to  possess  two  heights  (those  men- 
tioned in  General  Burgoyne's  letter  to  Lord  Stan- 
ley, in  his  account  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill), 
which  had  the  entire  command  of  the  point.  The 
ground  at  this  point  being  frozen  upwards  of  two 
feet  deep,  and  as  impenetrable  as  a  rock,  nothing 
could  be  attempted  with  earth.  We  were  obliged, 
therefore,  to  provide  an  amazing  quantity  of  chan- 
deliers and  fascines  for  the  work;  and,  on  the  night 
of  the  4th,  after  a  previous  severe  cannonade  and 
bombardment  for  three  nights  together,  to  divert 
the  enemy's  attention  from  our  real  design,  we  re- 
moved every  material  to  the  spot,  under  cover  of 
darkness,  and  took  full  possession  of  those  heights, 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  man. 

Upon  their  discovery  of  the  works  next  morn- 
ing, great  preparations  were  made  for  attacking 
them ;  but  not  being  ready  before  the  afternoon,  and 
the  weather  getting  very  tempestuous,  much  blood 
was  saved,  and  a  very  important  blow,  to  one  side 
or  the  other,  was  prevented.  That  this  most  re- 
markable interposition  of  Providence  is  for  some 
wise  purpose,  I  have  not  a  doubt.  But,  as  the  prin- 
cipal design  of  the  manoeuvre  was  to  draw  the 
enemy  to  an  engagement  under  disadvantages  to 
them,  as  a  premeditated  plan  was  laid  for  this  pur- 
pose, and  seemed  to  be  succeeding  to  my  utmost 
wish,  and  as  no  men  seem  better  disposed  to  make 


54  George  Washington 

the  appeal  than  ours  did  upon  that  occasion,  I  can 
scarcely  forbear  lamenting  the  disappointment, 
unless  the  dispute  is  drawing  to  an  accommoda- 
tion, and  the  sword  going  to  be  sheathed.  But,  to 
return,  the  enemy  thinking,  as  we  have  since 
learnt,  that  we  had  got  too  securely  posted,  before 
the  second  morning,  to  be  much  hurt  by  them,  and 
apprehending  great  annoyance  from  our  new 
works,  resolved  upon  a  retreat,  and  accordingly  on 
the  17th  embarked  in  as  much  hurry,  precipitation, 
and  confusion,  as  ever  troops  did,  not  taking  time 
to  fit  their  transports,  but  leaving  the  King's  prop- 
erty in  Boston,  to  the  amount,  as  is  supposed,  of 
thirty  or  forty  thousand  pounds  in  provisions  and 
stores.  Many  pieces  of  cannon,  some  mortars,  and 
a  number  of  shot  and  shells  are  also  left ;  and  bag- 
gage-wagons and  artillery-carts,  which  they  have 
been  eighteen  months  preparing  to  take  the  field 
with,  were  found  destroyed,  thrown  into  the  docks, 
and  drifted  upon  every  shore.  In  short,  Dunbar's 
destruction  of  stores  after  General  Braddock's  de- 
feat, which  made  so  much  noise,  affords  but  a  faint 
idea  of  what  was  to  be  met  with  here. 

The  enemy  lay  from  the  17th  to  the  27th  in  Nan- 
tasket  and  King's  Roads,  about  nine  miles  from 
Boston,  to  take  in  water  from  the  islands  there- 
abouts, and  to  prepare  themselves  for  sea.  Whither 
they  are  now  bound,  and  where  their  tents  will  be 
next  pitched,  I  know  not;  but,  as  New  York  and 
Hudson's  River  are  the  most  important  objects 
they  can  have  in  view,  as  the  latter  secures  the  com- 
munication with  Canada,  at  the  same  time  that  it 


John  Augustine  Washington  55 

separates  the  northern  and  southern  colonies,  and 
the  former  is  thought  to  abound  in  disaffected  per- 
sons, who  only  wait  a  favorable  opportunity  and 
support  to  declare  themselves  openly,  it  becomes 
equally  important  for  us  to  prevent  their  gaining 
possession  of  these  advantages;  and,  therefore,  as 
soon  as  they  embarked,  I  detached  a  brigade  of  six 
regiments  to  that  government,  and,  when  they 
sailed,  another  brigade  composed  of  the  same  num- 
ber; and  to-morrow  another  brigade  of  five  regi- 
ments will  march.  In  a  day  or  two  more,  I  shall 
follow  myself,  and  be  in  New  York  ready  to  re- 
ceive all  but  the  first. 

The  enemy  left  all  their  works  standing  in  Bos- 
ton and  on  Bunker's  Hill;  and  formidable  they 
are.  The  town  has  shared  a  much  better  fate  than 
was  expected,  the  damage  done  to  the  houses  being 
nothing  equal  to  report.  But  the  inhabitants  have 
suffered  a  good  deal,  in  being  plundered  by  the 
soldiery  at  their  departure.  All  those  who  took 
upon  themselves  the  style  and  title  of  government- 
men  in  Boston,  in  short,  all  those  who  have  acted  an 
unfriendly  part  in  the  great  contest,  have  shipped 
themselves  off  in  the  same  hurry,  but  under 
still  greater  disadvantages  than  the  King's  troops, 
being  obliged  to  man  their  own  vessels,  as  seamen 
enough  could  not  be  had  for  the  King's  transports, 
and  submit  to  every  hardship  that  can  be  conceived. 
One  or  two  have  done,  what  a  great  number  ought 
to  have  done  long  ago,  committed  suicide.  By  all 
accounts,  there  never  existed  a  more  miserable  set 
of  beings,  than  these  wretched  creatures  now  are. 


56  George  Washington 

Taught  to  believe,  that  the  power  of  Great  Britain 
was  superior  to  all  opposition,  and,  if  not,  that  for- 
eign aid  was  at  hand,  they  were  even  higher  and 
more  insulting  in  their  opposition  than  the  regu- 
lars. When  the  order  issued,  therefore,  for  em- 
barking the  troops  in  Boston,  no  electric  shock,  no 
sudden  explosion  of  thunder,  in  a  word,  not  the 
last  trump  could  have  struck  them  with  greater 
consternation.  They  were  at  their  wits'  end,  and, 
conscious  of  their  black  ingratitude,  they  chose  to 
commit  themselves,  in  the  manner  I  have  above  de- 
scribed, to  the  mercy  of  the  waves  at  a  tempestuous 
season,  rather  than  meet  their  offended  countrymen. 
I  believe  I  may  with  great  truth  affirm,  that  no 
man  perhaps  since  the  first  institution  of  armies 
ever  commanded  one  under  more  difficult  cir- 
cumstances, than  I  have  done.  To  enumerate  the 
particulars  would  fill  a  volume.  Many  of  my  diffi- 
culties and  distresses  were  of  so  peculiar  a  cast, 
that,  in  order  to  conceal  them  from  the  enemy,  I 
was  obliged  to  conceal  them  from  my  friends,  and 
indeed  from  my  own  army,  thereby  subjecting  my 
conduct  to  interpretations  unfavorable  to  my  char- 
acter, especially  by  those  at  a  distance,  who  could 
not  in  the  smallest  degree  be  acquainted  with  the 
springs  that  governed  it.  I  am  happy,  however, 
to  find,  and  to  hear  from  different  quarters,  that 
my  reputation  stands  fair,  that  my  conduct  hith- 
erto has  given  universal  satisfaction.  The  ad- 
dresses, which  I  have  received,  and  which  I  suppose 
will  be  published,  from  the  General  Court  of  this 
colony,  and  from  the  selectmen  of  Boston  upon  the 


John  Augustine  Washington  57 

evacuation  of  the  town,  and  my  approaching  de- 
parture from  the  colony,  exhibit  a  pleasing  testi- 
mony of  their  approbation  of  my  conduct,  and  of 
then*  personal  regard,  which  I  have  found  in 
various  other  instances,  and  which,  in  retirement, 
will  afford  many  comfortable  reflections. 

The  share  you  have  taken  in  the  public  disputes 
is  commendable  and  praiseworthy.  It  is  a  duty 
we  owe  our  country;  a  claim  which  posterity  has 
upon  us.  It  is  not  sufficient  for  a  man  to  be  a 
passive  friend  and  well-wisher  to  the  cause.  This, 
and  every  other  cause  of  such  a  nature,  must  in- 
evitably perish  under  such  an  opposition.  Every 
person  should  be  active  in  some  department  or 
other,  without  paying  too  much  attention  to  pri- 
vate interest.  It  is  a  great  stake  we  are  playing 
for,  and  sure  we  are  of  winning,  if  the  cards  are 
well  managed.  Inactivity  in  some,  disaffection  in 
others,  and  timidity  in  many,  may  hurt  the  cause. 
Nothing  else  can;  for  unanimity  will  carry  us 
through  triumphantly,  in  spite  of  every  exertion 
of  Great  Britain,  if  we  are  linked  together  in  one 
indissoluble  bond.  This  the  leaders  know,  and  they 
are  practising  every  stratagem  to  divide  us,  and 
unite  their  own  people.  Upon  this  principle  it  is, 
that  the  restraining  bill  is  passed,  and  commission- 
ers are  coming  over.  The  device,  to  be  sure,  is 
shallow,  the  covering  thin,  but  they  will  hold  out 
to  their  own  people,  that  the  acts  complained  of 
are  repealed,  and  commissioners  sent  to  each  col- 
ony to  treat  with  us,  and  that  we  will  attend  to 
neither  of  them.  This,  upon  weak  minds  among 


58  George  Washington 

us,  will  have  its  effect.  They  wish  for  reconcilia- 
tion; or,  in  other  words,  they  wish  for  peace  with- 
out attending  to  the  conditions. 

General  [Charles]  Lee,  I  suppose,  is  with  you 
before  this.  He  is  the  first  officer,  in  military 
knowledge  and  experience,  we  have  in  the  whole 
army.  He  is  zealously  attached  to  the  cause,  hon- 
est and  well-meaning,  but  rather  fickle  and  violent, 
I  fear,  in  his  temper.  However,  as  he  possesses 
an  uncommon  share  of  good  sense  and  spirit,  I  con- 
gratulate my  countrymen  upon  his  appointment 
to  that  department.  As  I  am  now  nearly  at  the 
end  of  my  eighth  page,  I  think  it  time  to  conclude ; 
especially,  as  I  set  out  with  prefacing  the  little  time 
I  had  for  friendly  correspondences.  I  shall  only 
add,  therefore,  my  affectionate  regards  to  my  sis- 
ter and  the  children,  and  compliments  to  friends; 
and  that  I  am,  with  every  sentiment  of  true 
affection,  your  loving  brother  and  faithful  friend. 


TO  JOSEPH  REED. 

CAMBRIDGE,  1  April,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  The  accounts  brought  by  Mr.  Tem- 
ple, of  the  favorable  disposition  in  the  Ministry  to 
accommodate  matters,  does  not  correspond  with 
their  speeches  in  Parliament; — how  then  does  he 
account  for  their  inconsistency?  If  the  commission- 
ers do  not  come  over  with  full  and  ample  powers 
to  treat  with  Congress,  I  sincerely  wish  they  may 


Joseph  Reed  59 

never  put  their  feet  on  American  ground,  as  it  must 
be  self-evident,  (in  the  other  case,)  that  they  come 
over  with  insidious  intentions;  to  distract,  divide, 
and  create  as  much  confusion  as  possible ;  how  then 
can  any  man,  let  his  passion  for  reconciliation  be 
never  so  strong,  be  so  blinded  and  misled,  as  to 
embrace  a  measure  evidently  designed  for  his  de- 
struction? No  man  does,  no  man  can,  wish  the 
restoration  of  peace  more  fervently  than  I  do,  but 
I  hope,  whenever  made,  it  will  be  upon  such  terms, 
as  will  reflect  honor  upon  the  councils  and  wisdom 
of  America.  With  you,  I  think  a  change  in  the 
American  representation  necessary;  frequent  ap- 
peals to  the  people  can  be  attended  with  no  bad,  but 
may  have  very  salutary  effects.  My  country- 
men I  know,  from  their  form  of  government,  and 
steady  attachment  heretofore  to  royalty,  will  come 
reluctantly  into  the  idea  of  independence,  but  time 
and  persecution  bring  many  wonderful  things  to 
pass;  and  by  private  letters,  which  I  have  lately 
received  from  Virginia,  I  find  "  Common  Sense  "  is 
working  a  powerful  change  there  in  the  minds  of 
many  men.  *  *  * * 

1  Thomas  Paine's  notable  pamphlet,  Common  Sense,  "  the 
first  open  and  unqualified  argument  in  championship  of  the 
doctrine  of  American  Independence,"  was  published  in  Phila- 
delphia in  January,  1776.  Its  author,  curiously  enough,  was 
an  Englishman  who  had  been  in  America  less  than  fifteen 
months.  The  pamphlet  appeared  anonymously  and  was  com- 
monly ascribed  to  Benjamin  Franklin.  On  one  occasion  a 
Loyalist  lady  is  said  to  have  reproved  him  for  having  in  the 
pamphlet  referred  to  George  III.  as  "the  royal  brute  of  Brit- 
ain." "  Madam,"  said  Franklin,  "  let  me  assure  you  that  I 
did  not  write  Common  Sense.  Moreover,  if  I  had  written  it, 
T  would  not  so  have  dishonored — the  brute  creation."  An  ex- 


60  George  Washington 

TO    JOHN    AUGUSTINE    WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  31  May,  1776. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

*  *  *  I  am  very  glad  to  find  that  the  Vir- 
ginia Convention  have  passed  so  noble  a  vote,  and 
with  so  much  unanimity.1  Things  have  come  to 
that  pass  now,  as  to  convince  us,  that  we  have  noth- 
ing more  to  expect  from  the  justice  of  Great  Brit- 
ain; also,  that  she  is  capable  of  the  most  delusive 
arts;  for  I  am  satisfied,  that  no  commissioners  ever 
were  designed,  except  Hessians  and  other  foreign- 
ers ;  and  that  the  idea  was  only  to  deceive  and  throw 
us  off  our  guard.  The  first  has  been  too  effectually 
accomplished,  as  many  members  of  Congress,  in 
short,  the  representation  of  whole  provinces,  are 
still  feeding  themselves  upon  the  dainty  food  of 
reconciliation ;  and,  though  they  will  not  allow,  that 
the  expectation  of  it  has  any  influence  upon  their 
judgment,  (with  respect  to  their  preparations  for 
defence,)  it  is  but  too  obvious,  that  it  has  an 

cellent  account  of  the  pamphlet  and  its  influence  is  given  in 
Tyler,  The  Literary  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  i., 
451-474. 

1  On  Wednesday,  May  15th,  the  Virginia  Convention,  consist- 
ing of  one  hundred  and  twelve  members,  resolved  unanimously 
to  instruct  their  delegates  in  the  Continental  Congress  to  pro- 
pose "  to  that  respectable  body  to  declare  the  Colonies  free  and 
independent  States,  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to,  or  depend- 
ence upon,  the  Crown  or  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,"  pledg- 
ing their  support  to  such  a  declaration,  and  "  to  whatever 
measures  may  be  thought  proper  and  necessary  by  the  Congress 
for  forming  foreign  alliances,  and  a  confederation  of  the  colo- 
nies, at  such  time,  and  in  the  manner,  as  to  them  shall  seem 
best:  Provided,  that  the  power  of  forming  government  for,  and 
the  regulation  of  the  internal  concerns  of  each  colony,  be  left 
to  the  respective  colonial  legislatures." — Ford. 


John  Augustine  Washington  61 

operation  upon  every  part  of  their  conduct,  and  is 
a  clog  to  their  proceedings.  It  is  not  in  the  nature 
of  things  to  he  otherwise;  for  no  man,  that  enter- 
tains a  hope  of  seeing  this  dispute  speedily  and 
equitably  adjusted  by  commissioners,  will  go  to  the 
same  expense  and  run  the  same  hazards  to  prepare 
for  the  worst  event,  as  he  who  believes  that  he  must 
conquer,  or  submit  to  unconditional  terms,  and  its 
concomitants,  such  as  confiscation,  hanging,  &c.,  &c. 
To  form  a  new  government  requires  infinite  care 
and  unbounded  attention;  for  if  the  foundation  is 
badly  laid,  the  superstructure  must  be  bad.  Too 
much  time,  therefore,  cannot  be  bestowed  in  weigh- 
ing and  digesting  matters  well.  We  have,  no 
doubt,  some  good  parts  in  our  present  constitution ; 
many  bad  ones  we  know  we  have.  Wherefore,  no 
time  can  be  misspent  that  is  employed  in  separating 
the  wheat  from  the  tares.  My  fear  is,  that  you  will 
all  get  tired  and  homesick;  the  consequence  of 
which  will  be,  that  you  will  patch  up  some  kind  of 
a  constitution  as  defective  as  the  present.  This 
should  be  avoided.  Every  man  should  consider, 
that  he  is  lending  his  aid  to  frame  a  constitution, 
which  is  to  render  millions  happy  or  miserable,  and 
that  a  matter  of  such  moment  cannot  be  the  work 
of  a  day.  *  *  * 


TO  JOHN   AUGUSTINE   WASHINGTON 

HEIGHTS  OF  HAERLEM,  22  September,  1776. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

My  extream  hurry  for  some  time  past  has  ren- 


62  George  Washington 

dered  it  utterly  impossible  for  me  to  pay  that 
attention  to  the  letters  of  my  friends,  which  inclina- 
tion and  natural  affection  always  inclines  me  to. 
I  have  no  doubt,  therefore,  of  meeting  with  their 
excuse,  tho'  with  respect  to  yourself  I  have  had  no 
Letter  from  you  since  the  date  of  my  last  saving 
the  one  of  Septr.  the  1st.  With  respect  to  the  at- 
tack and  Retreat  from  Long  Island,  the  public 
Papers  would  furnish  you  with  accounts  nearly  true. 
I  shall  only  add,  that  in  the  former  we  lost  about 
eight  hundred  men,  more  than  three  fourths  of 
which  were  taken  prisoners.  This  misfortune  hap- 
pened in  a  great  measure  by  Two  detachments  of 
our  People,  who  were  Posted  in  two  Roads  leading 
thro'  a  wood,  in  order  to  intercept  the  Enemy  in 
their  march,  suffering  a  Surprise,  and  making  a 
precipitate  Retreat,  which  enabled  the  Enemy  to 
lead  a  great  part  of  their  force  against  the  Troops 
commanded  by  Lord  Stirling,  who  formed  a  third 
detachment,  who  behaved  with  great  bravery  and 
resolution. 

As  to  the  Retreat  from  the  Island,  under  the 
circumstances  we  then  were,  it  became  absolutely 
necessary,  and  was  effected  without  loss  of  men, 
and  with  but  very  little  baggage.  A  few  heavy 
cannon  were  left,  not  being  movable  on  account  of 
the  Ground  being  soft  and  miry,  Thro'  the  heavy 
and  incessant  rains  which  had  fallen.  The  Enemy's 
loss  in  killed  we  could  never  ascertain,  but  have 
many  reasons  to  believe,  that  it  was  pretty  consid- 
erable, and  exceeded  ours  a  good  deal.  Our  Re- 
treat from  thence,  as  I  said  before,  was  absolutely 


John  Augustine  Washington  63 

necessary,  the  Enemy  having  landed  the  main  body 
of  their  army  to  attack  us  in  Front,  while  their 
ships  of  war  were  to  cut  off  all  communication  with 
the  city,  from  whence  resources  of  men  and  pro- 
visions were  to  be  djawn.1 

Having  made  this  Retreat,  not  long  after  we 
discovered,  by  the  movements  of  the  Enemy  and 
the  information  we  received  from  Deserters  and 
others,  that  they  declined  attacking  our  Lines  in 
the  city,  and  were  forming  a  plan  to  get  in  our 
Rear  with  their  Land  army,  by  crossing  the  Sound 
above  us,  and  thereby  to  cut  off  all  Intercourse 
with  the  country  and  every  necessary  supply.  The 
ships  of  war  were  to  cooperate,  possess  the  North 
River,  and  prevent  succours  from  the  Jerseys,  &c. 
This  Plan  appearing  probable,  and  but  too  prac- 
ticable in  its  execution,  it  became  necessary  to  guard 
agt.  the  fatal  consequences,  that  must  follow,  if  the 
scheme  were  effected;  for  which  purpose  I  caused 
a  removal  of  a  part  of  our  troops  and  stores  from 
the  city;  and  a  council  of  general  officers  deter- 
mined, that  it  must  be  entirely  abandoned,  as  we 
had,  with  an  army  weaker  than  theirs,  a  line  of  six- 
teen or  eighteen  miles  to  defend,  to  keep  open  our 
communication  with  the  country,  besides  the  de- 
fence of  the  city.  We  held  up,  however,  every 
show  of  defence,  till  our  Sick  and  all  our  stores 
could  be  brought  away.  The  evacuation  being  re- 
solved upon,  every  exertion  in  our  power  was  made 
to  baffle  their  designs  and  effect  our  own.  The 

1  General  Greene  described  the  retreat  as  "  the  best  effected 
retreat  I  ever  heard  or  read  of,  considering  the  difficulties." 


64  George  Washington 

sick  were  numerous,  amounting  to  more  than  the 
fourth  part  of  our  whole  army,  and  an  object  of 
great  Importance.  Happily  we  got  them  away; 
but,  before  we  could  bring  off  all  our  stores,  on 
Sunday  morning  six  or  seven  ships  of  war,  which 
had  gone  up  the  East  River  some  few  days  before, 
began  a  most  severe  and  heavy  cannonade,  to  scour 
the  grounds  and  effect  a  landing  of  their  Troops. 
Three  Ships  of  War  also  ran  up  the  North  River 
that  morning  above  the  city,  to  prevent  our  Boats 
and  small  craft  from  carrying  away  our  Baggage, 
&c. 

I  had  gone  the  Evening  before  to  the  main  body 
of  our  army,  which  was  Posted  about  these  Heights 
and  the  Plains  of  Haerlem,  where  it  seemed  prob- 
able, from  the  movements  and  disposition  of  the 
Enemy,  they  meant  to  Land  and  make  an  attack 
the  next  morning.  However  the  Event  did  not 
happen.  Immediately  on  hearing  the  cannonade, 
I  rode  with  all  possible  expedition  towards  the  place 
of  Landing,  and  where  Breastworks  had  been 
thrown  up  to  secure  our  men;  and  found  the 
Troops,  that  had  been  posted  there,  to  my  great 
surprise  and  mortification,  and  those  ordered  to 
their  support,  (consisting  of  Eight  Regiments) 
notwithstanding  the  exertions  of  their  Generals  to 
form  them,  running  away  in  the  most  shameful  and 
disgraceful  manner.  I  used  every  possible  effort 
to  rally  them,  but  to  no  purpose;  and,  on  the 
appearance  of  a  small  part  of  the  Enemy,  (not 
more  than  sixty  or  seventy,)  they  ran  off  without 
firing  a  Single  Gun.  Many  of  our  heavy  cannon 


John  Augustine  Washington  65 

would  inevitably  have  fallen  into  the  Enemy's 
hands,  as  they  landed  so  soon;  but  this  scandal- 
ous conduct  occasioned  a  loss  of  many  Tents, 
Baggage,  and  Camp-equipage,  which  would  have 
been  easily  secured,  had  they  made  the  least 
opposition. 

The  Retreat  was  made  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men 
only.  We  Encamped,  and  still  are,  on  the  Heights 
of  Haerlem,  which  are  well  suited  for  Defence 
against  their  approaches.  On  Monday  morning, 
they  advanced  in  sight  in  several  large  bodies,  but 
attempted  nothing  of  a  general  nature,  tho'  there 
were  smart  skirmishes  between  their  advanced  par- 
ties and  some  Detachments  from  our  lines,  which  I 
sent  out.  In  these  our  Troops  behaved  well,  put- 
ting the  enemy  to  flight  in  open  Ground,  and  forc- 
ing them  from  Posts  they  had  seized  two  or  three 
times.  A  sergeant,  who  deserted  from  them,  says 
they  had,  as  he  was  told,  eighty-nine  wounded  and 
missing,  besides  slain;  but  other  accounts  make 
the  wounded  much  greater.  Our  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  was  about  sixty;  but  the  greatest  loss  we 
sustained  was  in  the  death  of  Lieutenant- Colonel 
Knowlton,  a  brave  and  gallant  officer.  Major 
Leitch  of  Weedon's  Regiment  had  three  balls 
through  his  side,  and  behaved  exceedingly  well. 
He  is  in  a  fair  way  of  recovery.  Nothing  ma- 
terial has  happened  since  this.  The  Enemy,  it  is 
said,  are  bringing  up  their  heavy  cannon,  so  that 
we  are  to  expect  another  attack  soon,  both  by  Land 
and  Water,  as  we  are  upon  the  Hudson,  (or 
North  River)  at  the  place  where  we  have  attempted 


66  George  Washington 

to  stop  the  navigation  by  sinking  obstructions  in 
the  river  and  erecting  Batteries. 

The  Dependence,  which  the  Congress  have 
placed  upon  the  militia,  has  already  greatly  in- 
jured, and  I  fear  will  totally  ruin  our  cause.  Being 
subject  to  no  controul  themselves,  they  introduce 
disorder  among  the  troops,  whom  you  have  at- 
tempted to  discipline,  while  the  change  in  their  liv- 
ing brings  on  sickness ;  this  makes  them  Impatient 
to  get  home,  which  spreads  universally,  and  in- 
troduces abominable  desertions.  In  short,  it  is 
not  in  the  power  of  words  to  describe  the  task  I 
have  to  act.  Fifty  thousand  pounds  should  not 
induce  me  again  to  undergo  what  I  have  done. 
Our  numbers,  by  sickness,  desertion,  &c.,  are 
greatly  reduced.1  I  have  been  trying  these  four 
or  five  days  to  get  a  return,  but  have  not  yet  suc- 
ceeded. I  am  sure,  however,  we  have  not  more  than 
twelve  or  fourteen  thousand  men  fit  for  duty,  whilst 
the  enemy,  who,  it  is  said,  are  very  healthy, 
cannot  have  less  than  near  twenty-five  thousand. 
With  sincere  love  to  my  sister  and  the  family,  and 
compliments  to  any  inquiring  friends,  I  am,  &c. 

1 "  The  thirteen  militia  regiments  from  Connecticut  being  re- 
duced to  a  little  more  than  700  men,  rank  and  file,  fit  for  duty, 
I  have  thought  proper  to  discharge  the  whole  to  save  the  States 
the  immense  charge  that  would  arise  for  officers'  pay.  There 
are,  too,  many  militia  that  have  just  come  in  and  on  their 
way  from  that  State,  none  of  which  are  provided  with  a  tent 
or  a  single  camp  utensil.  This  distresses  me  beyond  measure." 
— Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  24  September, 
1776. 


President  of  Congress  67 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

COLO.  MORRIS'S,  ON  THE  HEIGHTS  OF  HAERLEM,    • 

24  September,  1776. 

SIR, 

From  the  hours  allotted  to  sleep,  I  will  borrow 
a  few  moments  to  convey  my  thoughts  on  sundry 
important  matters  to  Congress.  I  shall  offer  them 
with  the  sincerity,  which  ought  to  characterize  a 
man  of  candor,  and  with  the  freedom,  which  may 
be  used  in  giving  useful  information  without  in- 
curring the  imputation  of  presumption. 

We  are  now,  as  it  were,  upon  the  eve  of  another 
dissolution  of  our  army.1  The  remembrance  of 
the  difficulties,  which  happened  upon  that  occasion 
last  year,  and  the  consequences,  which  might  have 
followed  the  change  if  proper  advantages  had  been 
taken  by  the  enemy,  added  to  a  knowledge  of  the 
present  temper  and  situation  of  the  troops,  reflect 
but  a  very  gloomy  prospect  in  the  appearances  of 
things  now,  and  satisfy  me  beyond  the  possibility 
of  doubt,  that,  unless  some  speedy  and  effectual 
measures  are  adopted  by  Congress,  our  cause  will 
be  lost.  It  is  in  vain  to  expect,  that  any  more  than 
a  trifling  part  of  this  army  will  again  engage  in 
the  service  on  the  encouragement  offered  by  Con- 
gress. When  men  find  that  their  townsmen  and 
companions  are  receiving  twenty,  thirty,  and  more 
dollars  for  a  few  months'  service,  which  is  truly 
the  case,  it  cannot  be  expected,  without  using  com- 
pulsion; and  to  force  them  into  the  service  would 

1  The  term  of  service  for  almost  the  whole  army  was  to  ex- 
pire at  or  before  the  end  of  the  year. — Sparks, 


68  George  Washington 

answer  no  valuable  purpose.  When  men  are  irri- 
tated, and  their  passions  inflamed,  they  fly  hastily 
and  cheerfully  to  arms;  but,  after  the  first  emo- 
tions are  over,  to  expect  among  such  people  as 
compose  the  bulk  of  an  army,  that  they  are  influ- 
enced by  any  other  principles  than  those  of  interest, 
is  to  look  for  what  never  did,  and  I  fear  never  will 
happen;  the  Congress  will  deceive  themselves, 
therefore,  if  they  expect  it.  A  soldier,  reasoned 
with  upon  the  goodness  of  the  cause  he  is  engaged 
in,  and  the  inestimable  rights  he  is  contending  for, 
hears  you  with  patience,  and  acknowledges  the 
truth  of  your  observations,  but  adds  that  it  is  of  no 
more  importance  to  him  than  to  others.  The  offi- 
cer makes  you  the  same  reply,  with  this  further 
remark,  that  his  pay  will  not  support  him,  and  he 
cannot  ruin  himself  and  family  to  serve  his  coun- 
try, when  every  member  of  the  community  is 
equally  interested,  and  benefited  by  his  labors. 
The  few,  therefore,  who  act  upon  principles  of  dis- 
interestedness, comparatively  speaking,  are  no 
more  than  a  drop  in  the  ocean. 

It  becomes  evident  to  me  then,  that,  as  this  con- 
test is  not  likely  to  be  the  work  of  a  day,  as  the 
war  must  be  carried  on  systematically,  and  to  do 
it  you  must  have  good  officers,  there  are  in  my 
judgment  no  other  possible  means  to  obtain  them 
but  by  establishing  your  army  upon  a  permanent 
footing,  and  giving  your  officers  good  pay.  This 
will  induce  gentlemen  and  men  of  character  to  en- 
gage ;  and,  till  the  bulk  of  your  officers  is  composed 
of  such  persons  as  are  actuated  by  principles  of 


President  of  Congress  69 

honor  and  a  spirit  of  enterprise,  you  have  little  to 
expect  from  them.  They  ought  to  have  such  al- 
lowances, as  will  enable  them  to  live  like  and  sup- 
port the  character  of  gentlemen,  and  not  be  driven 
by  a  scanty  pittance  to  the  low  and  dirty  arts, 
which  many  of  them  practise,  to  filch  from  the  pub- 
lic more  than  the  difference  of  pay  would  amount 
to,  upon  an  ample  allowance.  Besides,  something 
is  due  to  the  man,  who  puts  his  life  in  your  hands, 
hazards  his  health,  and  forsakes  the  sweets  of 
domestic  enjoyment.  Why  a  captain  in  the  Con- 
tinental service  should  receive  no  more  than  five 
shillings  currency  per  day  for  performing  the  same 
duties,  that  an  officer  of  the  same  rank  in  the  Brit- 
ish service  receives  ten  shillings  for,  I  never  could 
conceive;  especially  when  the  latter  is  provided 
with  every  necessary  he  requires  upon  the  best 
terms,  and  the  former  can  scarce  procure  them  at 
any  rate.  There  is  nothing  that  gives  a  man  con- 
sequence and  renders  him  fit  for  command,  like  a 
support  that  renders  him  independent  of  every 
body  but  the  state  he  serves.1 

With  respect  to  the  men,  nothing  but  a  good 
bounty  can  obtain  them  upon  a  permanent  estab- 
lishment; and  for  no  shorter  time,  than  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  war,  ought  they  to  be  engaged;  as 
facts  incontestably  prove,  that  the  difficulty  and 
cost  of  enlistments  increase  with  time.  When  the 
army  was  first  raised  at  Cambridge,  I  am  per- 

x"0ur  soldiers  are  as  good  as  ever  were;  and  were  the  of- 
ficers half  as  good  as  the  men,  they  would  beat  any  army  on 
the  globe  of  equal  numbers." — General  Greene,  28  September, 
1776. 


70  George  Washington 

suaded  the  men  might  have  been  got,  without  a 
bounty,  for  the  war.  After  this,  they  began  to  see 
that  the  contest  was  not  likely  to  end  so  speedily  as 
was  imagined,  and  to  feel  their  consequence  by  re- 
marking, that,  to  get  in  their  militia  in  the  course 
of  the  last  year,  many  towns  were  induced  to  give 
them  a  bounty.  Foreseeing  the  evils  resulting 
from  this,  and  the  destructive  consequences,  which 
unavoidably  would  follow  short  enlistments,  I  took 
the  liberty  in  a  long  letter  written  by  myself  (date 
not  now  recollected  as  my  Letter  Book  is  not  here) 
to  recommend  the  enlistments  for  and  during  the 
war,  assigning  such  reasons  for  it  as  experience  has 
since  convinced  me  were  well  founded.  At  that 
time,  twenty  dollars  would,  I  am  persuaded,  have 
engaged  the  men  for  this  term.  But  it  will  not 
do  to  look  back ;  and,  if  the  present  opportunity  is 
slipped,  I  am  persuaded  that  twelve  months  more 
will  increase  our  difficulties  fourfold.  I  shall 
therefore  take  the  freedom  of  giving  it  as  my  opin- 
ion, that  a  good  bounty  should  be  immediately 
offered,  aided  by  the  proffer  of  at  least  a  hundred 
or  a  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land,  and  a  suit  of 
clothes  and  blanket  to  each  non-comissioned  officer 
and  soldier;  as  I  have  good  authority  for  saying, 
that,  however  high  the  men's  pay  may  appear,  it 
is  barely  sufficient,  in  the  present  scarcity  and 
dearness  of  all  kinds  of  goods,  to  keep  them  in 
clothes,  much  less  afford  support  to  their  families. 
If  this  encouragement  then  is  given  to  the  men, 
and  such  pay  allowed  the  officers  as  will  induce 
gentlemen  of  character  and  liberal  sentiments  to 


President  of  Congress  7 1 

engage,  and  proper  care  and  precaution  are  used 
in  the  nomination,  (having  more  regard  to  the 
characters  of  persons,  than  to  the  number  of  men 
they  can  enlist,)  we  should  in  a  little  time  have  an 
army  able  to  cope  with  any  that  can  be  opposed  to 
it,  as  there  are  excellent  materials  to  form  one  out 
of.  But  while  the  only  merit  an  officer  possesses 
is  his  ability  to  raise  men,  while  those  men  consider 
and  treat  him  as  an  equal,  and,  in  the  character  of 
an  officer,  regard  him  no  more  than  a  broomstick, 
being  mixed  together  as  one  common  herd,  no  order 
nor  discipline  can  prevail;  nor  will  the  officer  ever 
meet  with  that  respect,  which  is  essentially  neces- 
sary to  due  subordination. 

To  place  any  dependence  upon  militia  is  as- 
suredly resting  upon  a  broken  staff.  Men  just 
dragged  from  the  tender  scenes  of  domestic  life,  un- 
accustomed to  the  din  of  arms,  totally  unacquainted 
with  every  kind  of  military  skill,  (which  being  fol- 
lowed by  want  of  confidence  in  themselves,  when 
opposed  to  troops  regularly  trained,  disciplined, 
and  appointed,  superior  in  knowledge  and  superior 
in  arms,)  makes  them  timid  and  ready  to  fly  from 
their  own  shadows.  Besides  the  sudden  change  in 
their  manner  of  living,  (particularly  in  the  lodg- 
ing,) brings  on  sickness  in  many,  impatience  in  all, 
and  such  an  unconquerable  desire  of  returning  to 
their  respective  homes,  that  it  not  only  produces 
shameful  and  scandalous  desertions  among  them- 
selves, but  infuses  the  like  spirit  in  others.  Again, 
men  accustomed  to  unbounded  freedom  and  no  con- 
trol cannot  brooke  the  restraint,  which  is  indispen- 


72  George  Washington 

sably  necessary  to  the  good  order  and  government 
of  an  army;  without  which,  licentiousness  and 
every  kind  of  disorder  triumphantly  reign.  To 
bring  men  to  a  proper  degree  of  subordination  is 
not  the  work  of  a  day,  a  month,  or  even  a  year; 
and,  unhappily  for  us  and  the  cause  we  are  engaged 
in,  the  little  discipline  I  have  been  laboring  to  es- 
tablish in  the  army  under  my  immediate  command 
is  in  a  manner  done  away,  by  having  such  a  mixture 
of  troops,  as  have  been  called  together  within  these 
few  months. 

Relaxed  and  as  unfit  as  our  rules  and  regula- 
tions of  war  are  for  the  government  of  an  army, 
the  militia  (those  properly  so  called,  for  of  these 
we  have  two  sorts,  the  six-months'  men,  and  those 
sent  in  as  a  temporary  aid)  do  not  think  themselves 
subject  to  them,  and  therefore  take  liberties,  which 
the  soldier  is  punished  for.  This  creates  jealousy; 
jealousy  begets  dissatisfaction;  and  these  by  de- 
grees ripen  into  mutiny,  keeping  the  whole  army 
in  a  confused  and  disordered  state,  rendering  the 
time  of  those,  who  wish  to  see  regularity  and  good 
order  prevail,  more  unhappy  than  words  can  de- 
scribe. Besides  this,  such  repeated  changes  take 
place,  that  all  arrangement  is  set  at  nought,  and 
the  constant  fluctuation  of  things  deranges  every 
plan  as  fast  as  adopted. 

These,  Sir,  Congress  may  be  assured,  are  but  a 
small  part  of  the  inconveniences,  which  might  be 
enumerated,  and  attributed  to  militia;  but  there  is 
one,  that  merits  particular  attention,  and  that  is 
the  expense.  Certain  I  am,  that  it  would  be 


President  of  Congress  73 

cheaper  to  keep  fifty  or  a  hundred  thousand  in  con- 
stant pay,  than  to  depend  upon  half  the  number 
and  supply  the  other  half  occasionally  by  militia. 
The  time  the  latter  are  in  pay  before  and  after  they 
are  in  camp,  assembling  and  marching,  the  waste 
of  ammunition,  the  consumption  of  stores,  which, 
in  spite  of  every  resolution  or  requisition  of  Con- 
gress, they  must  be  furnished  with,  or  sent  home, 
added  to  other  incidental  expenses  consequent 
upon  their  coming  and  conduct  in  camp,  surpasses 
all  idea,  and  destroys  every  kind  of  regularity  and 
economy,  which  you  could  establish  among  fixed 
and  settled  troops,  and  will,  in  my  opinion,  prove, 
if  the  scheme  is  adhered  to,  the  ruin  of  our 
cause. 

The  jealousy  of  a  standing  army,  and  the  evils 
to  be  apprehended  from  one,  are  remote,  and,  in 
my  judgment,  situated  and  circumstanced  as  we 
are,  not  at  all  to  be  dreaded;  but  the  consequence 
of  wanting  one,  according  to  my  ideas  formed  from 
the  present  view  of  things,  is  certain  and  inevitable 
ruin.  For,  if  I  was  called  upon  to  declare  upon 
oath,  whether  the  militia  have  been  most  serviceable 
or  hurtful  upon  the  whole,  I  should  subscribe  to 
the  latter.  I  do  not  mean  by  this,  however,  to  ar- 
raign the  conduct  of  Congress ;  in  so  doing  I  should 
equally  condemn  my  own  measures,  if  I  did  not 
my  judgment;  but  experience,  which  is  the  best 
criterion  to  work  by,  so  fully,  clearly,  and  decisively 
reprobates  the  practice  of  trusting  to  militia,  that 
no  man,  who  regards  order,  regularity,  and  econ- 
omy, or  who  has  any  regard  for  his  own  honor, 


74  George  Washington 

character,  or  peace  of  mind,  will  risk  them  upon 
this  issue. 

No  less  attention  should  be  paid  to  the  choice  of 
surgeons,  than  of  other  officers  of  the  army.  They 
should  undergo  a  regular  examination,  and,  if  not 
appointed  by  the  director-general  and  surgeons  of 
the  hospital,  they  ought  to  be  subordinate  to  and 
governed  by  his  directions.  The  regimental  sur- 
geons I  am  speaking  of,  many  of  whom  are  very 
great  rascals,  countenancing  the  men  in  sham  com- 
plaints to  exempt  them  from  duty,  and  often  re- 
ceiving bribes  to  certify  indispositions,  with  a  view 
to  procure  discharges  or  furloughs;  but,  independ- 
ent of  these  practices,  while  they  are  considered  as 
unconnected  with  the  general  hospital,  there  will 
be  nothing  but  continual  complaints  of  each  other; 
the  director  of  the  hospital  charging  them  with 
enormity  in  their  drafts  for  the  sick,  and  they  him 
with  the  same  for  denying  such  things  as  are  neces- 
sary. In  short,  there  is  a  constant  bickering  among 
them,  which  tends  greatly  to  the  injury  of  the  sick, 
and  will  always  subsist  till  the  regimental  surgeons 
are  made  to  look  up  to  the  director-general  of  the 
hospital  as  a  superior.  Whether  this  is  the  case 
in  regular  armies  or  not,  I  cannot  undertake  to 
say;  but  certain  I  am,  there  is  a  necessity  for  it 
in  this,  or  the  sick  will  suffer.  The  regimental  sur- 
geons are  aiming,  I  am  persuaded,  to  break  up  the 
general  hospital,  and  have,  in  numberless  instances, 
drawn  for  medicines  and  stores  in  the  most  profuse 
and  extravagant  manner  for  private  purposes.  • 

Another  matter  highly  worthy  of  attention  is, 


President  of  Congress  75 

that  other  rules  and  regulations  may  be  adopted 
for  the  government  of  the  army,  than  those  now  in 
existence;  otherwise  the  army,  but  for  the  name, 
might  as  well  be  disbanded.  For  the  most  atro- 
cious offences,  one  or-  two  instances  only  excepted,  a 
man  receives  no  more  than  thirty-nine  lashes;  and 
these,  perhaps,  through  the  collusion  of  the  officer, 
who  is  to  see  it  inflicted,  are  given  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  become  rather  a  matter  of  sport  than  punish- 
ment; but,  when  inflicted  as  they  ought,  many 
hardened  fellows,  who  have  been  the  subjects,  have 
declared  that,  for  a  bottle  of  rum,  they  would  un- 
dergo a  second  operation.  It  is  evident,  therefore, 
that  this  punishment  is  inadequate  to  many  crimes 
it  is  assigned  to.  As  a  proof  of  it,  thirty  or  forty 
soldiers  will  desert  at  a  time,  and  of  late  a  practice 
prevails  (as  you  will  see  by  my  letter  of  the  22d) 
of  the  most  alarming  nature  and  which  will,  if  it 
cannot  be  checked,  prove  fatal  both  to  the  country 
and  army;  I  mean  the  infamous  practice  of  plun- 
dering. For,  under  the  idea  of  Tory  property,  or 
property  that  may  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
no  man  is  secure  in  his  effects,  and  scarcely  in  his 
person.  In  order  to  get  at  them,  we  have  several 
instances  of  people  being  frightened  out  of  their 
houses,  under  pretence  of  those  houses  being  or- 
dered to  be  burnt,  and  this  is  done  with  a  view  of 
seizing  the  goods;  nay,  in  order  that  the  villany 
may  be  more  effectually  concealed,  some  houses  have 
actually  been  burnt,  to  cover  the  theft.  I  have, 
with  some  others,  used  my  utmost  endeavors  to 
stop  this  horrid  practice ;  but  under  the  present  lust 


76  George  Washington 

after  plunder,  and  want  of  laws  to  punish  offend- 
ers, I  might  almost  as  well  attempt  to  remove 
Mount  Atlas.  I  have  ordered  instant  corporal 
punishment  upon  every  man,  who  passes  our  lines, 
or  is  seen  with  plunder,  that  the  offenders  might  be 
punished  for  disobedience  of  orders;  and  enclose  to 
you  the  proceedings  of  a  court-martial  held  upon 
an  officer  [Ensign  Matthew  McCumber]  who,  with 
a  party  of  men,  had  robbed  a  house  a  little  beyond 
our  lines  of  a  number  of  valuable  goods,  among 
which  (to  show  that  nothing  escapes)  were  four 
large  pier  looking-glasses,  women's  clothes,  and 
other  articles,  which,  one  would  think,  could  be  of 
no  earthly  use  to  him.  He  was  met  by  a  major 
of  brigade,  [Box]  who  ordered  him  to  return  the 
goods,  as  taken  contrary  to  general  orders,  which 
he  not  only  peremptorily  refused  to  do,  but  drew 
up  his  party,  and  swore  he  would  defend  them  at 
the  hazard  of  his  life ;  on  which  I  ordered  him  to  be 
arrested  and  tried  for  plundering,  disobedience  of 
orders,  and  mutiny.  For  the  result,  I  refer  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  court,  whose  judgment  ap- 
peared so  exceedingly  extraordinary,1  that  I  or- 
dered a  reconsideration  of  the  matter,  upon  which, 
and  with  the  assistance  of  a  fresh  evidence,  they 
made  a  shift  to  cashier  him.  I  adduce  this  in- 

JThe  court  decided  that  the  prisoner  was  "not  guilty  of 
plundering  or  of  robbery,  nor  of  mutiny,  but  that  he  is  guilty 
of  offering  violence  to  and  disobeying  Major  Box,  his  superior 
officer."  He  was  sentenced  to  ask  pardon  of  Major  Box,  and 
to  be  severely  reprimanded  at  the  head  of  his  regiment.  Wash- 
ington had  added  "  Note.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  men 
who  were  to  share  the  plunder  became  the  evidences  for  the 
prisoner." — Ford. 


President  of  Congress  77 

stance,  to  give  some  idea  to  Congress  of  the  cur- 
rent sentiments  and  general  run  of  the  officers, 
which  compose  the  present  army;  and  to  show  how 
exceedingly  necessary  it  is  to  be  careful  in  the 
choice  of  the  new  set;  even  if  it  should  take  double 
the  time  to  complete  the  levies. 

An  army  formed  of  good  officers  moves  like 
clock-work;  but  there  is  no  situation  upon  earth 
less  enviable,  nor  more  distressing,  than  that  per- 
son's, who  is  at  the  head  of  troops  which  are 
regardless  of  order  and  discipline,  and  who  are  un- 
provided with  almost  every  necessary.  In  a  word, 
the  difficulties,  which  have  for  ever  surrounded  me 
since  I  have  been  in  the  service,  and  kept  my  mind 
constantly  upon  the  stretch,  the  wounds,  which  my 
feelings  as  an  officer  have  received  by  a  thousand 
things,  which  have  happened  contrary  to  my  ex- 
pectation and  wishes;  the  effect  of  my  own  con- 
duct, and  present  appearance  of  things,  so  little 
pleasing  to  myself,  as  to  render  it  a  matter  of  no 
surprise  to  me  if  I  should  stand  capitally  censured 
by  Congress;  added  to  a  consciousness  of  my  in- 
ability to  govern  an  army  composed  of  such  dis- 
cordant parts,  and  under  such  a  variety  of  intricate 
and  perplexing  circumstances; — induces  not  only 
a  belief,  but  a  thorough  conviction  in  my  mind,  that 
it  will  be  impossible,  unless  there  is  a  thorough 
change  in  our  military  system,  for  me  to  conduct 
matters  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  satisfaction  to 
the  public,  which  is  all  the  recompense  I  aim  at,  or 
ever  wished  for.  *  *  * 


78  George  Washington 

TO  JOHN  AUGUSTINE  WASHINGTON. 

HACKINSAC,  19  November,  1776. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

*  *  *  It  is  a  matter  of  great  grief  and  sur- 
prise to  me  to  find  the  different  States  so  slow  and 
inattentive  to  that  essential  business  of  levying 
their  quotas  of  men.  In  ten  days  from  this  date, 
there  will  not  be  above  two  thousand  men,  if  that 
number,  of  the  fixed  established  regiments  on  this 
side  of  Hudson's  River  to  oppose  Howe's  whole 
army,  and  very  little  more  on  the  other  to  secure 
the  eastern  colonies  and  the  important  passes  lead- 
ing through  the  Highlands  to  Albany,  and  the 
country  about  the  Lakes.  In  short,  it  is  impos- 
sible for  me,  in  the  compass  of  a  letter,  to  give  you 
any  idea  of  our  situation,  of  my  difficulties,  and  of 
the  constant  perplexities  and  mortifications  I  meet 
with,  derived  from  the  unhappy  policy  of  short  en- 
listments, and  delaying  them  too  long.  Last  fall, 
or  winter,  before  the  army,  which  was  then  to  be 
raised,  was  set  about,  I  represented  in. clear  and 
explicit  terms  the  evils,  which  would  arise  from 
short  enlistments,  the  expense  which  must  attend 
the  raising  an  army  every  year,  the  futility  of  such 
an  army  when  raised;  and,  if  I  had  spoken  with  a 
prophetic  spirit,  I  could  not  have  foretold  the  evils 
with  more  accuracy  than  I  did.  All  the  year  since, 
I  have  been  pressing  Congress  to  delay  no  time  in 
engaging  men  upon  such  terms  as  would  ensure 
success,  telling  them  that  the  longer  it  was  delayed 
the  more  difficult  it  would  prove.  But  the  meas- 


John  Augustine  Washington  79 

lire  was  not  commenced  till  it  was  too  late  to  be 
effected,  and  then  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  bid 
adieu  to  every  hope  of  getting  an  army,  from  which 
any  services  are  to  be  expected;  the  different 
States,  without  regard  to  the  qualifications  of  an 
officer,  quarelling  about  the  appointments,  and 
nominating  such  as  are  not  fit  to  be  shoe  blacks, 
from  the  local  attachments  of  this  or  that  member 
of  Assembly. 

I  am  wearied  almost  to  death  with  the  retrograde 
motion  of  things,  and  I  solemnly  protest,  that  a 
pecuniary  reward  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  a  year 
would  not  induce  me  to  undergo  what  I  do;  and 
after  all,  perhaps,  to  lose  my  character,  as  it  is 
impossible,  under  such  a  variety  of  distressing 
circumstances,  to  conduct  matters  agreeably  to 
public  expectation,  or  even  to  the  expectation  of 
those,  who  employ  me,  as  they  will  not  make  proper 
allowances  for  the  difficulties  their  own  errors  have 
occasioned.  *  *  * 1 

iaA  large  part  of  the  Jerseys  have  givea  every  proof  of 
disaffection  that  they  can  do,  and  this  part  of  Pennsylvania  are 
equally  inimical.  In  short,  your  imagination  can  scarce  extend 
to  a  situation  more  distressing  than  mine.  Our  only  depend- 
ence now  is  upon  the  speedy  enlistment  of  a  new  army.  If  this 
fails,  I  think  the  game  will  be  pretty  well  up,  as,  from  disaffec- 
tion and  want  of  spirit  and  fortitude,  the  inhabitants,  instead 
of  resistance,  are  offering  submission  and  taking  protection 
from  Gen.  Howe  in  Jersey." — Washington  to  Lund  Washington, 
17  December,  1776. 

"  But  we  are  in  a  very  disaffected  part  of  the  Province;  and, 
between  you  and  me,  I  think  our  affairs  are  in  a  very  bad  situa- 
tion; not  so  much  from  the  apprehension  of  General  Howe's 
army,  as  from  the  defection  of  New  York,  Jerseys,  and  Penn- 
sylvania, In  short,  the  conduct  of  the  Jerseys  has  been  most 
Infamous.  Instead  of  turning  out  to  defend  their  country,  & 


8o  George  Washington 

TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  NEWTOWN, 

27  December,  1776. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  congratulating  you  upon 
the  success  of  an  enterprise,  which  I  had  formed 
against  a  detachment  of  the  enemy  lying  in  Tren- 
ton, and  which  was  executed  yesterday  morning. 
The  evening  of  the  25th  I  ordered  the  troops 
intended  for  this  service  to  parade  back  of  McKon- 
key's  Ferry,  that  they  might  begin  to  pass  as  soon 
as  it  grew  dark,  imagining  we  should  be  able  to 
throw  them  all  over,  with  the  necessary  artillery, 
by  twelve  o'clock,  and  that  we  might  easily  arrive 
at  Trenton  by  five  in  the  morning,  the  distance  be- 
ing about  nine  miles.  But  the  quantity  of  ice, 

affording  aid  to  our  army,  they  are  making  their  submissions 
as  fast  as  they  can.  If  the  Jerseys  had  given  us  any  support, 
we  might  have  made  a  stand  at  Hackinsac,  and  after  that  at 
Brunswic;  but  the  few  militia,  that  were  in  arms,  disbanded 
themselves  &  left  the  poor  remains  of  our  army  to  make  the 
best  we  could  of  it." — Washington  to  John  Augustine  Washing- 
ton, 18  December,  1776. 

"  Your  collection  of  old  clothes  for  the  use  of  our  army  de- 
serves my  warmest  thanks;  they  are  of  the  greatest  use,  and 
shall  be  distributed  where  they  are  most  wanted.  I  think  if  the 
Committee,  or  some  proper  persons,  were  appointed  to  go 
through  the  County  of  Bucks  and  make  a  collection  of  blank- 
ets, &c.,  in  the  manner  you  have  done  in  Philadelphia,  it  would 
be  better  than  doing  it  in  a  military  way  by  me,  for  many  peo- 
ple, who  would  be  willing  to  contribute  or  sell,  if  asked  to  do 
so  by  their  neighbors  or  acquaintances,  feel  themselves  hurt 
when  the  demand  is  made,  backed  by  an  armed  force.  But  I 
would  at  the  same  time  remark  that  if  any,  who  can  spare  with- 
out inconvenience,  refuse  to  do  it,  I  would  immediately  give 
proper  assistance  to  take  from  them." — Washington  to  the  Penn- 
sylvania Council  of  Safety,  22  December,  1776. 


President  of  Congress  81 

made  that  night,  impeded  the  passage  of  the  boats 
so  much,  that  it  was  three  o'clock  before  the  artillery 
could  all  be  got  over;  and  near  four,  before  the 
troops  took  up  their  line  of  march.  This  made  me 
despair  of  surprising  the  town,  as  I  well  knew  we 
could  not  reach  it  before  the  day  was  fairly  broke. 
But  as  I  was  certain  there  was  no  making  a  retreat 
without  being  discovered  and  harassed  on  repass- 
ing  the  river,  I  determined  to  push  on  at  all  events. 
I  formed  my  detachment  into  two  divisions,  one 
to  march  by  the  lower  or  river  road,  the  other  by 
the  upper  or  Pennington  road.  As  the  divisions 
had  nearly  the  same  distance  to  march,  I  ordered 
each  of  them,  immediately  upon  forcing  the  out- 
guards,  to  push  directly  into  the  town,  that  they 
might  charge  the  enemy  before  they  had  time  to 
form. 

The  upper  division  arrived  at  the  enemy's  ad- 
vanced posts  exactly  at  eight  o'clock;  and  in  three 
minutes  after,  I  found,  from  the  fire  on  the  lower 
road,  that  the  [other]  division  had  also  got  up. 
The  outguards  made  but  small  opposition,  though, 
for  their  numbers,  they  behaved  very  well,  keeping 
up  a  constant  retreating  fire  from  behind  houses. 
We  presently  saw  their  main  body  formed;  but, 
from  their  motions,  they  seemed  undetermined  how 
to  act.  Being  hard  pressed  by  our  troops,  who  had 
already  got  possession  of  their  artillery,  they  at- 
tempted to  file  off  by  a  road  on  their  right,  leading 
to  Princeton.  But,  perceiving  their  intention,  I 
threw  a  body  of  troops  in  their  way,  which  im- 
mediately checked  them.  Finding  from  our  dis- 


82  George  Washington 

position,  that  they  were  surrounded,  and  that  they 
must  inevitably  be  cut  to  pieces  if  they  made  any 
further  resistance,  they  agreed  to  lay  down  their 
arms.  The  number  that  submitted  in  this  manner 
was  twenty-three  officers  and  eight  hundred  and 
eighty-six  men.  Colonel  Rahl,  the  commanding 
officer,  and  seven  others  were  found  wounded  in 
the  town.  I  do  not  exactly  know  how  many  were 
killed;  but  I  fancy  not  above  twenty  or  thirty,  as 
they  never  made  any  regular  stand.  Our  loss  is 
very  trifling  indeed,  only  two  officers  and  one  or 
two  privates  wounded. 

I  find  that  the  detachment  of  the  enemy  con- 
sisted of  the  three  Hessian  regiments  of  Anspach, 
Kniphausen,  and  Rahl,  amounting  to  about  fifteen 
hundred  men,  and  a  troop  of  British  light-horse; 
but  immediately  upon  the  beginning  of  the  attack, 
all  those,  who  were  not  killed  or  taken,  pushed  di- 
rectly down  the  road  towards  Bordentown.  These 
would  likewise  have  fallen  into  our  hands,  could 
my  plan  have  been  completely  carried  into  execu- 
tion. General  Ewing  was  to  have  crossed  before 
day  at  Trenton  Ferry,  and  taken  possession  of  the 
bridge  leading  out  of  town;  but  the  quantity  of  ice 
was  so  great,  that,  though  he  did  everything  in  his 
power,  to  effect  it,  he  could  not  get  over.  The  dif- 
ficulty also  hindered  General  Cadwalader  from 
crossing  with  the  Pennsylvania  militia  from  Bris- 
tol. He  got  part  of  his  foot  over;  but,  finding  it 
impossible  to  embark  his  artillery,  he  was  obliged 
to  desist.  I  am  fully  confident,  that,  could  the 
troops  under  Generals  Ewing  and  Cadwalader  have 


President  of  Congress  83 

passed  the  river,  I  should  have  been  able  with  their 
assistance  to  drive  the  enemy  from  all  their  posts 
below  Trenton.  But  the  numbers  I  had  with  me 
being  inferior  to  theirs  below  me,  and  a  strong 
battalion  of  light  infantry  being  at  Princeton  above 
me,  I  thought  it  most  prudent  to  return  the  same 
evening  with  the  prisoners  and  the  artillery  we  had 
taken.  We  found  no  stores  of  any  consequence 
in  the  town. 

In  justice  to  the  officers  and  men,  I  must  add, 
that  their  behavior  upon  this  occasion  reflects  the 
highest  honor  upon  them.  The  difficulty  of  pass- 
ing the  river  in  a  very  severe  night,  and  their  march 
through  a  violent  storm  of  snow  and  hail,  did  not 
in  the  least  abate  their  ardor ;  but,  when  they  came 
to  the  charge,  each  seemed  to  vie  with  the  other  in 
pressing  forward;  and  were  I  to  give  a  preference 
to  any  particular  corps,  I  should  do  great  injus- 
tice to  the  others.  Colonel  Baylor,  my  first  aid- 
de-camp,  will  have  the  honor  of  delivering  this  to 
you;  and  from  him  you  may  be  made  acquainted 
with  many  other  particulars.  His  spirited  behav- 
ior upon  every  occasion  requires  me  to  recommend 
him  to  your  particular  notice.  I  have  the  honor  to 
be,  &c. 

P.S.  Inclosed  you  have  a  particular  list  of  the 
Prisoners,  Artillery,  and  other  stores. 


84  George  Washington 

TO  THE   PRESIDENT   OF  CONGRESS. 

PLUCKEMIN,  5  January,  1777. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that,  since  the 
date  of  my  last  from  Trenton,  I  have  removed  with 
the  army  under  my  command  to  this  place.  The 
difficulty  of  crossing  the  Delaware,  on  account  of 
the  ice,  made  our  passage  over  it  tedious,  and  gave 
the  enemy  an  opportunity  of  drawing  in  their  sev- 
eral cantonments,  and  assembling  their  whole  force 
at  Princeton.  Their  large  pickets  advanced  to- 
wards Trenton,  their  great  preparations,  and  some 
intelligence  I  had  received,  added  to  their  know- 
ledge, that  the  1st  of  January  brought  on  a  dis- 
solution of  the  best  part  of  our  army,  gave  me  the 
strongest  reasons  to  conclude,  that  an  attack  upon 
us  was  meditating. 

Our  situation  was  most  critical,  and  our  force 
small.  To  remove  immediately  was  again  de- 
stroying every  dawn  of  hope,  which  had  begun  to 
revive  in  the  breasts  of  the  Jersey  militia;  and  to 
bring  those  troops,  who  had  first  crossed  the  Dela- 
ware and  were  lying  at  Crosswicks  under  General 
Cadwalader,  and  those  under  General  Mifflin  at 
Bordentown,  (amounting  in  the  whole  to  about 
three  thousand  six  hundred)  to  Trenton,  was  to 
bring  them  to  an  exposed  place.  One  or  the  other, 
however,  was  unavoidable.  The  latter  was  pre- 
ferred, and  they  were  ordered  to  join  us  at  Tren- 
ton, which  they  did,  by  a  night-march,  on  the  1st 
instant.  On  the  2d,  according  to  my  expectation, 
the  enemy  began  to  advance  upon  us;  and,  after 


President  of  Congress  85 

some  skirmishing,  the  head  of  their  column  reached 
Trenton  about  four  o'clock,  whilst  their  rear  was 
as  far  back  as  Maidenhead.  They  attempted  to 
pass  Sanpink  Creek,  which  runs  through  Trenton, 
at  different  places ;"  but,  finding  the  fords  guarded, 
they  halted,  and  kindled  their  fires.  We  were 
drawn  up  on  the  other  side  of  the  creek.  In  this 
situation  we  remained  till  dark,  cannonading  the 
enemy,  and  receiving  the  fire  of  their  field-pieces, 
which  did  us  but  little  damage. 

Having  by  this  time  discovered,  that  the  enemy 
were  greatly  superior  in  number,  and  that  their 
design  was  to  surround  us,  I  ordered  all  our  bag- 
gage to  be  removed  silently  to  Burlington  soon 
after  dark;  and  at  twelve  o'clock  after  renewing 
our  fires,  and  leaving  guards  at  the  bridge  in  Tren- 
ton, and  other  passes  on  the  same  stream  above, 
marched  by  a  roundabout  road  to  Princeton,  where 
I  knew  they  could  not  have  much  force  left,  and 
might  have  stores.  One  thing  I  was  certain  of,  that 
it  would  avoid  the  appearance  of  a  retreat  (which 
was  of  consequence,  or  to  run  the  hazard  of  the 
whole  army  being  cut  off),  whilst  we  might  by  a 
fortunate  stroke  withdraw  General  Howe  from 
Trenton,  and  give  some  reputation  to  our  arms. 
Happily  we  succeeded.  We  found  Princeton 
about  sunrise,  with  only  three  regiments  and  three 
troops  of  light-horse  in  it,  two  of  which  were  on 
their  march  to  Trenton.  These  three  regiments, 
especially  the  two  first,  made  a  gallant  resistance, 
and,  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners,  must  have 
lost  five  hundred  men;  upwards  of  one  hundred  of 


86  George  Washington 

them  were  left  dead  on  the  field;  and,  with  what  I 
have  with  me  and  what  were  taken  in  the  pursuit 
and  carried  across  the  Delaware,  there  are  near 
three  hundred  prisoners,  fourteen  of  whom  are  offi- 
cers, all  British. 

This  piece  of  good  fortune  is  counterbalanced  by 
the  loss  of  the  brave  and  worthy  General  Mercer,1 
Colonels  Hazlet  and  Potter,  Captain  Neal  of  the 
artillery,  Captain  Fleming,  who  commanded  the 
1st  Virginia  regiment,  and  four  or  five  other  valu- 
able officers,  who,  with  about  twenty-five  or  thirty 
privates,  were  slain  in  the  field.  Our  whole  loss 
cannot  be  ascertained,  as  many,  who  were  in  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy  (who  were  chased  three  or  four 
miles),  are  not  yet  come  in.  The  rear  of  the  ene- 
my's army  lying  at  Maidenhead,  not  more  than  five 
or  six  miles  from  Princeton,  was  up  with  us  before 
our  pursuit  was  over;  but,  as  I  had  the  precaution 
to  destroy  the  bridge  over  Stony  Brook,  about  half 
a  mile  from  the  field  of  action,  they  were  so  long 
retarded  there,  as  to  give  us  time  to  move  off  in 
good  order  for  this  place.  We  took  two  brass 
field-pieces ;  but,  for  want  of  horses,  could  not  bring 
them  away.  We  also  took  some  blankets,  shoes, 
and  a  few  other  trifling  articles,  burned  the  hay, 
and  destroyed  such  other  things,  as  the  shortness 
of  the  time  would  admit  of. 

My  original  plan,  when  I  set  out  from  Trenton, 
was,  to  push  on  to  Brunswic;  but  the  harassed  state 

1  This  report  of  General  Mercer's  death  was  premature.  He 
was  captured  by  the  British  and  died  of  his  wounds  on  Janu- 
ary 12th. 


President  of  Congress  87 

of  our  troops,  many  of  them  having  had  no  rest 
for  two  nights  and  a  day,  and  the  danger  of  los- 
ing the  advantage  we  had  gained  by  aiming  at  too 
much,  induced  me,  by  the  advice  of  my  officers,  to 
relinquish  the  attempt.  But,  in  my  judgment,  six 
or  eight  hundred  fresh  troops  upon  a  forced  march 
would  have  destroyed  all  their  stores  and  maga- 
zines, taken  (as  we  have  since  learned)  their  mili- 
tary chest,  containing  seventy  thousand  pounds, 
and  put  an  end  to  the  war.  The  enemy,  from  the 
best  intelligence  I  have  been  able  to  get,  were  so 
much  alarmed  at  the  apprehension  of  this,  that  they 
marched  immediately  to  Brunswic  without  halting, 
except  at  the  bridges  (for  I  also  took  up  those  on 
Millstone,  on  the  different  routes  to  Brunswic), 
and  got  there  before  day. 

From  the  best  information  I  have  received,  Gen- 
eral Howe  has  left  no  men  either  at  Trenton  or 
Princeton.  The  truth  of  this  I  am  endeavoring 
to  ascertain,  that  I  may  regulate  my  movements 
accordingly.  The  militia  are  taking  spirits,  and, 
I  am  told,  are  coming  in  fast  from  this  State;  but 
I  fear  those  from  Philadelphia  will  scarcely  submit 
to  the  hardships  of  a  winter  campaign  much 
longer,  especially  as  they  very  unluckily  sent  their 
blankets  with  their  baggage  to  Burlington.  I 
must  do  them  the  justice  however  to  add,  that  they 
have  undergone  more  fatigue  and  hardship,  than 
I  expected  militia,  especially  citizens,  would  have 
done  at  this  inclement  season.  I  am  just  moving 
to  Morristown,  where  I  shall  endeavor  to  put  them 
under  the  best  cover  I  can.  Hitherto  we  have  been 


88  George  Washington 

without  any;  and  many  of  our  poor  soldiers  quite 
barefoot,  and  ill  clad  in  other  respects.  I  have  the 
honor  to  be,  &C.1 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS  J 

CHESTER  twelve  o'clock  at  Night, 
11  September,  1777. 

SIR, 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  you,  that,  in  this  day's  en- 
gagement [the  battle  of  Brandy  wine],  we  have 
been  obliged  to  leave  the  enemy  masters  of  the 
field.  Unfortunately  the  intelligence  reed.,  of  the 
enemy's  advancing  up  the  Brandywine  &  crossing 
at  a  ford  about  six  miles  above  us,  was  uncertain 
&  contradictory,  notwithstanding  all  my  pains  to 
get  the  best.  This  prevented  my  making  a  dis- 
position adequate  to  the  force  with  which  the  enemy 

1  In  both  the  actions  at  Trenton  and  Princeton,  General  Wash- 
ington encouraged  the  troops  by  his  presence  in  the  most  ex- 
posed  situations.    An   officer   who   was   in   these   engagements 
wrote  from  Morristown  on  the  7th  of  January :  "  Our  army  love 
their  General  very  much,  but  they  have  one  thing  against  him, 
which  is  the  little  care  he  takes  of  himself  in  any  action.     His 
personal  bravery,  and  the  desire  he  has  of  animating  his  troops 
by  example,  make  him  fearless  of  danger.     This  occasions  us 
much   uneasiness.     But   Heaven,  which   has   hitherto   been  his 
shield,  I  hope  will  still  continue  to  guard  so  valuable  a  life." — 
Sparks. 

2  It  is  told  of  this  letter  that  Washington  after  the  fatigues 
of  this  day  was  too  wearied  to  write  to  Congress,  and  directed 
one  of  his  aides  to  do  it.     Harrison  was  too  "  distressed,"  and 
so  it  fell  to  Pickering,  the  Adjutant-General.     "  I  wrote  it  and 
gave  it  to  the  General  to  read.     He,  with  perfect  composure, 
directed  me  to  add  a  consolatory  hope  that  another  day  would 
give    a    more    fortunate    result."     Greene,    Life    of    Nathaniel 
Greene,  i.,  454.     The  draft  and  original  letter  are  both  in  Pick- 
ering's handwriting. — Ford. 


President  of  Congress  89 

attacked  us  on  our  right;  in  consequence  of  which, 
the  troops  first  engaged  were  obliged  to  retire  be- 
fore they  could  be  reinforced.  In  the  midst  of  the 
attack  on  our  right,  that  body  of  the  enemy,  which 
remained  on  the  othe'r  side  of  Chad's  Ford,  crossed 
it,  &  attacked  the  division  there  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Wayne,  &  the  light  troops  under 
Genl  Maxwell,  who,  after  a  severe  conflict,  also  re- 
tired. The  militia  under  the  command  of  Major- 
General  Armstrong,  being  posted  at  a  ford  about 
two  miles  below  Chad's,  had  no  opportunity  of 
engaging. 

But  altho  we  fought  under  many  disadvantages, 
and  were,  from  the  causes  above  mentioned,  obliged 
to  retire,  yet  our  loss  of  men  is  not,  I  am  persuaded, 
very  considerable;  I  believe  much  less  than  the 
enemy's.  We  have  also  lost  seven  or  eight  pieces 
of  cannon,  according  to  the  best  information  I  can 
at  present  obtain.  The  baggage,  having  been  pre- 
viously moved  off,  is  all  secure,  saving  the  men's 
blankets,  which  being  at  their  backs,  many  of  them 
doubtless  were  lost.  I  have  directed  all  the  troops 
to  assemble  behind  Chester,  where  they  are  now 
arranging  for  this  night.  Notwithstanding  the 
misfortune  of  the  day,  I  am  happy  to  find  the 
troops  in  good  spirits ;  and  I  hope  another  time  we 
shall  compensate  for  the  losses  now  sustained. 
The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  was  wounded  in  the 
leg,  &  General  Woodf ord  in  the  hand ;  divers  other 
officers  were  wounded,  &  some  slain;  but  the  num- 
bers of  either  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  I  have 
the  honor  to  be,  &c. 


QO  George  Washington 

P.  S.  It  has  not  been  in  my  power  to  send  you 
earlier  intelligence,  the  present  being  the  first  leis- 
ure moment  I  have  had  since  the  action. 


TO    LIEUTENANT-COLONEL    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON 

CAMP,  22  September,  1777. 

Snt, 

The  distressed  situation  of  the  army  for  want  of 
blankets,  and  many  necessary  articles  of  cloathing, 
is  truly  deplorable;  and  must  inevitably  be  de- 
structive to  it,  unless  a  speedy  remedy  be  applied. 
Without  a  better  supply  than  they  at  present  have, 
it  will  be  impossible  for  the  men  to  support  the 
fatigues  of  the  campaign  in  the  further  progress 
of  the  approaching  inclement  season.  This  you 
well  know  to  be  a  melancholy  truth.  It  is  equally 
the  dictate  of  common  sense  and  the  opinion  of  the 
Physicians  of  the  army,  as  well  as  of  every  officer 
in  it.  No  supply  can  be  drawn  from  the  public 
magazines.  We  have  therefore  no  resource  but 
from  the  private  stock  of  individuals.  I  feel,  and 
I  lament,  the  absolute  necessity  of  requiring  the 
inhabitants  to  contribute  to  those  wants,  which  we 
have  no  other  means  of  satisfying,  and  which  if  un- 
removed  would  involve  the  ruin  of  the  army,  and 
perhaps  the  ruin  of  America.  Painful  as  it  is  to 
me  to  order  and  as  it  will  be  to  you  to  execute  the 
measure,  I  am  compelled  to  desire  you  immediately 
to  proceed  to  Philadelphia,  and  there  procure  from 
the  inhabitants  contributions  of  blankets  and 
cloathing,  and  materials  to  answer  the  purposes  of 


Lieutenant-Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton  91 

both,  in  proportion  to  the  ability  of  each.  This 
you  will  do  with  as  much  delicacy  and  discretion, 
as  the  nature  of  the  business  demands;  and  I  trust 
the  necessity  will  justify  the  proceeding  in  the  eyes 
of  every  person  well  affected  to  the  American 
cause,  and  that  all  good  citizens  will  chearfully 
afford  their  assistance  to  soldiers,  whose  sufferings 
they  are  bound  to  commiserate,  and  who  are  emi- 
nently exposed  to  danger  and  distress,  in  defence 
of  every  thing  they  ought  to  hold  dear. 

As  there  are  also  a  number  of  horses  in  Phila- 
delphia both  of  public  and  private  property,  which 
would  be  a  valuable  acquisition  to  the  enemy, 
should  the  city  by  any  accident  fall  into  their  hands, 
you  are  hereby  authorized  and  commanded  to  re- 
move them  thence  into  the  Country  to  some  place 
of  greater  security,  and  more  remote  from  the 
operations  of  the  enemy.  You  will  stand  in  need 
of  assistance  from  others  to  execute  this  commis- 
sion with  despatch  and  propriety,  and  you  are 
therefore  empowered  to  employ  such  persons  as 
you  shall  think  proper  to  aid  you  therein.  I  am, 
Sir,  &C.1 

1 "  I  do  not  wish  your  exertions  to  be  solely  directed  to  ob- 
taining Shoes  and  Blankets — extend  them  to  every  other  article 
you  know  to  be  material  for  the  army;  your  own  prudence  will 
point  out  the  least  exceptionable  means  to  be  pursued  in  these 
instances — but  remember,  that  delicacy  and  a  strict  adherence 
to  the  ordinary  modes  of  application  must  give  place  to  our 
necessities.  We  must  if  possible,  accommodate  the  soldiery 
with  such  articles  as  they  stand  in  need  of  or  we  shall  have  just 
reasons  to  apprehend  the  most  injurious  and  alarming  conse- 
quences from  the  approaching  season.  .  .  .  The  business 
you  are  upon  I  know  is  disagreeable,  and  perhaps  in  the  execu- 
tion you  may  meet  with  more  obstacles  than  were  at  first  ap- 


9  2  George  Washington 

TO    JOHN    AUGUSTINE    WASHINGTON 

PHILADELPHIA  COUNTY,  18  October,  1777. 

DEAR  BROTHER, 

Your  kind  and  affectionate  Letters  of  the  21st 
of  Septr.  &  2d  Inst.  came  safe  to  hand. 

When  my  last  to  you  was  dated  I  know  not; 
for  truly  I  can  say,  that  my  whole  time  is  so  much 
engrossed,  that  I  have  scarcely  a  moment,  but 
sleeping  ones,  for  relaxation,  or  to  indulge  myself 
in  writing  to  a  friend.  The  anxiety  you  have  been 
under,  on  acct  of  this  army,  I  can  easily  conceive. 
Would  to  God  there  had  been  less  cause  for  it;  or 
that  our  situation  at  present  was  such  as  to  promise 
much  from  it.  The  Enemy  crossed  the  Schuyl- 
kill  which,  by  the  by,  above  the  Falls  (&  the  Falls 
you  know  is  only  five  miles  from  the  city)  is  as 
easily  crossed  in  any  place  as  Potomac  Run,  Aquia, 
or  any  other  broad  &  shallow  water,  rather  by 
stratagem;  tho  I  do  not  know,  that  it  was  in  our 
power  to  prevent  it,  as  their  manoeuvres  made  it 


prehended  and  also  with  opposition.  To  the  parties  I  have 
mentioned,  call  in  such  a  number  of  militia  as  you  may  think 
necessary,  observing  however,  over  the  conduct  of  the  whole, 
a  strict  discipline,  to  prevent  every  species  of  rapine  and  dis- 
order."— Washington  to  Hamilton,  22  September,  1777. 

"  I  am  glad  you  have  began  the  collection  of  Blankets  and 
Shoes.  This  business  cannot  be  carried  to  too  great  an  extent, 
and  I  think  if  the  measure  is  properly  pursued,  great  quanti- 
ties of  Blankets,  Rugs  and  coverlids  may  be  collected  in  the 
back  Counties.  The  approach  of  the  enemy  to  Philadelphia 
hindered  the  officers  I  sent  upon  that  Business  from  doing  much, 
the  disaffected  hid  their  goods  the  moment  the  thing  took  wind, 
and  our  friends  had  before  parted  with  all  they  could  spare." 
— Washington  to  Elbridge  Gerry,  27  September,  1777. 


John  Augustine  Washington  93 

necessary  for  us  to  attend  to  our  Stores,  which  lay 
at  Reading,  towards  which  they  seemed  bending 
their  course,  and  the  loss  of  which  must  have  proved 
our  Ruin.  After  they  had  crossed,  we  took  the 
first  favorable  opportunity  of  attacking  them.1 

This  was  attempted  by  a  night's  march  of  four- 
teen miles  to  surprise  them,  which  we  effectually 
did,  so  far  as  to  reach  their  guards  before  they 
had  notice  of  our  coming ;  and  but  for  a  thick  Fog, 
which  rendered  so  infinitely  dark  at  times  as  not 
to  distinguish  friend  from  Foe  at  the  distance  of 
thirty  yards,  we  should,  I  believe,  have  made  a  de- 
cisive and  glorious  day  of  it.  But  Providence  or 
some  unaccountable  something  designed  it  other- 
wise ;  for  after  we  had  driven  the  Enemy  a  mile  or 
two,  after  they  were  in  the  utmost  confusion  and 
flying  before  us  in  most  places,  after  we  were  upon 
the  point,  ( as  it  appeared  to  every  body, )  of  grasp- 
ing a  compleat  victory,  our  own  troops  took  fright 
and  fled  with  precipitation  and  disorder.  How  to 
acct  for  this,  I  know  not;  unless,  as  I  before  ob- 
served, the  Fog  represented  their  own  Friends  to 
them  for  a  Reinforcement  of  the  Enemy,  as  we  at- 
tacked in  different  Quarters  at  the  same  time,  and 
were  about  closing  the  wings  of  our  army  when 
this  happened.  One  thing,  indeed,  contributed 
not  a  little  to  our  misfortune,  and  that  was  want  of 
ammunition  on  the  right  wing,  which  began  the 
Engagement,  and  in  the  course  of  two  hours  and 
forty  minutes,  which  time  it  lasted,  had,  (many  of 

1  The  engagement  here  described  is  the  battle  of  Germantown. 


94  George  Washington 

them,)  expended  the  forty  Rounds,  that  they  took 
into  the  Field.  After  the  Engagement  we  re- 
moved to  a  place  about  twenty  miles  from  the 
Enemy,  to  collect  our  Forces  together,  to  take  care 
of  our  wounded,  get  furnished  with  necessaries 
again,  and  be  in  a  better  posture,  either  for  offen- 
sive or  defensive  operations.  We  are  now  ad- 
vancing towards  the  Enemy  again,  being  at  this 
time  within  twelve  miles  of  them. 

Our  loss  in  the  late  action  was,  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  about  one  thousand  men, 
but  of  the  missing,  many,  I  dare  say,  took  advan- 
tage of  the  times,  and  deserted.  Genl.  Nash  of  No. 
Carolina  was  wounded,  and  died  two  or  three  days 
after.  Many  valuable  officers  of  ours  was  also 
wounded,  and  some  killed.  The  Enemy's  loss  is 
variously  reported — none  make  it  less  than  1500 
(killed  &  wounded)  &  many  estimate  it  much 
larger.  Genl.  Agnew  of  theirs  was  certainly  killed 
— many  officers  wounded  among  whom  some  of 
distinction.  This  we  certainly  know,  that  the 
Hospital  at  Philadelphia  &  several  large  Meeting 
Houses,  are  filled  with  their  wounded  besides  pri- 
vate Houses  with  the  Horses.  In  a  word,  it  was  a 
bloody  day.  Would  to  Heaven  I  could  add,  that 
it  had  been  a  more  fortunate  one  for  us. 

Our  distress  on  acct.  of  Cloathing  is  great,  and 
in  a  little  time  must  be  very  sensibly  felt,  unless 
some  expedient  can  be  hit  upon  to  obtain  them. 
We  have  since  the  Battle  got  in  abt.  1200  Militia 
from  Virginia — about  the  same  number  have  gone 


John  Augustine  Washington  95 

off  from  this  State  and  Jersey  but  others  are  prom- 
ised in  lieu  of  them — with  truth  however  it  may  be 
said,  that  this  State  acts  most  infamously,  the  Peo- 
ple of  it,  I  mean,  as  we  derive  little  or  no  assistance, 
from  them.  In  short  they  are,  in  a  manner,  to- 
tally, disaffected,  or  in  a  kind  of  Lethargy. 

The  Enemy  are  making  vigorous  efforts  to 
remove  the  obstructions  in  the  Delaware,  and  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  Works  which  have  been 
constructed  for  the  Defence  of  them. — I  am  doing 
all  I  can  in  my  present  situation  to  save  them, 
God  only  knows  which  will  succeed. 

I  very  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  the  change 
in  your  Family.  Tell  the  young  couple,  after 
wishing  them  joy  of  their  union,  that  it  is  my  sin- 
cere hope,  that  it  will  be  as  happy  and  lasting  as 
their  present  joys  are  boundless.  The  Enclosed 
Letter  of  thanks  to  my  sister  for  her  elegant  pres- 
ent you  will  please  to  deliver;  and,  with  sincere 
affection  for  you  all,  I  am  &c. 

P.  S.  I  had  scarce  finished  this  Letter  when  by 
express  from  the  State  of  New  York  I  received  the 
Important  and  glorious  news  which  follows: — 

"ALBANY  13th  Octr.,  1777. 

"  Last  night  at  8  o'clock  the  capitulation  whereby 
General  Burgoyne  &  whole  Army  surrendered  themselves 
Prisoners  of  War,  was  signed  and  this  Morning  they 
have  to  march  out  towds.  the  River  above  Fish  Creek 
with  the  Honours  of  War  (and  there  ground  their  Arms) 
they  are  from  thence  to  be  marched  to  Massachusetts 
bay. 


96  George  Washington 

"  We  congratulate  you  on  this  happy  event,  &  remain 
&c. 

"  GEO.  CLINTON." 

I  most  devoutly  congratulate  you,  my  country, 
and  every  well  wisher  to  the  cause  on  this  signal 
stroke  of  Providence.  Yrs.  as  before.1 


TO  THE   PRESIDENT   OF   CONGRESS 

VALLEY  FORGE,  23  December,  1777. 

SIR, 

Full  as  I  was  in  my  representation  of  the  mat- 
ters in  the  commissary's  department  yesterday, 
fresh  and  more  powerful  reasons  oblige  me  to  add, 
that  I  am  now  convinced  beyond  a  doubt,  that,  un- 
less some  great  and  capital  change  suddenly  takes 
[place]  in  that  line,  this  army  must  inevitably  be 
reduced  to  one  or  other  of  these  three  things ;  starve, 
dissolve,  or  disperse  in  order  to  obtain  subsistence 

1  General  Gates  made  no  official  report  to  the  commander-in- 
chief  concerning  Burgoyne's  surrender.  Washington  expressed 
to  him  his  regret  "that  a  matter  of  such  magnitude,  and  so 
interesting  to  our  general  operations,  should  have  reached  me 
by  report  only,  or  through  the  channel  of  letters,  not  bearing 
that  authenticity,  which  the  importance  of  it  required,  and 
which  it  would  have  received  by  a  line  under  your  signature, 
stating  the  simple  fact." — Washington  to  Gates,  30  October, 
1777.  In  a  letter  written  November  2,  1777,  and  devoted  chiefly 
to  other  matters,  Gates  said,  apparently  as  an  afterthought, 
"  Congress  having  been  requested  immediately  to  transmit  cop- 
ies of  all  my  despatches  to  them,  I  am  confident  your  Excellency 
has  long  ago  received  all  the  good  news  from  this  quarter." 
This  is  the  only  statement  which  Gates  saw  fit  to  send  to 
Washington  concerning  one  of  the  most  important  events  of 
the  war. 


President  of  Congress  97 

in  the  best  manner  they  can.  Rest  assured,  Sir, 
this  is  not  an  exaggerated  picture,  and  that  I  have 
abundant  reason  to  suppose  what  I  say. 

Yesterday  afternoon,  receiving  information  that 
the  enemy  in  force  had  left  the  city,  and  were  ad- 
vancing towards  Derby  with  the  apparent  design 
to  forage,  and  draw  subsistence  from  that  part  of 
the  country,  I  ordered  the  troops  to  be  in  readiness, 
that  I  might  give  every  opposition  in  my  power; 
when  behold,  to  my  great  mortification,  I  was  not 
only  informed,  but  convinced,  that  the  men  were 
unable  to  stir  on  account  of  provision,  and  that  a 
dangerous  mutiny,  begun  the  night  before,  and 
which  with  difficulty  was  suppressed  by  the  spirited 
exertions  of  some  officers,  was  still  much  to  be  ap- 
prehended for  want  of  this  article.  This  brought 
forth  the  only  commissary  in  the  purchasing  line 
in  this  camp;  and,  with  him,  this  melancholy  and 
alarming  truth,  that  he  had  not  a  single  hoof  of 
any  kind  to  slaughter,  and  not  more  than  twenty- 
five  barrels  of  flour!  From  hence  form  an  opinion 
of  our  situation  when  I  add,  that  he  could  not  tell 
when  to  expect  any. 

All  I  could  do  under  these  circumstances,  was 
to  send  out  a  few  light  parties  to  watch  and  harass 
the  enemy,  whilst  other  parties  were  instantly  de- 
tached different  ways  to  collect,  if  possible,  as  much 
provision  as  would  satisfy  the  present  pressing 
wants  of  the  soldiery.  But  will  this  answer?  No, 
Sir;  three  or  four  days  of  bad  weather  would  prove 
our  destruction.  What  then  is  to  become  of  the 
army  this  winter?  And  if  we  are  so  often  without 


98  George  Washington 

provisions  now,  what  is  to  become  of  us  in  the 
spring,  when  our  force  will  be  collected,  with  the  aid 
perhaps  of  militia  to  take  advantage  of  an  early 
campaign,  before  the  enemy  can  be  reinforced? 
These  are  considerations  of  great  magnitude, 
meriting  the  closest  attention;  and  they  will,  when 
my  own  reputation  is  so  intimately  connected  with 
the  event  and  to  be  affected  by  it,  justify  my  say- 
ing, that  the  present  commissaries  are  by  no  means 
equal  to  the  execution  of  the  office,  or  that  the 
disaffection  of  the  people  is  past  all  belief.  The 
misfortune,  however,  does  in  my  opinion  proceed 
from  both  causes;  and,  though  I  have  been  tender 
heretofore  of  giving  any  opinion,  or  lodging  com- 
plaints, as  the  change  in  that  department  took  place 
contrary  to  my  judgment,  and  the  consequences 
thereof  were  predicted;  yet,  finding  that  the  in- 
activity of  the  army,  whether  for  want  of  provis- 
ions, clothes,  or  other  essentials,  is  charged  to  my 
account,  not  only  by  the  common  vulgar  but  by 
those  in  power,  it  is  time  to  speak  plain  in  exculpa- 
tion of  myself.  With  truth,  then,  I  can  declare, 
that  no  man  in  my  opinion  ever  had  his  measures 
more  impeded  than  I  have,  by  every  department  of 
the  army. 

Since  the  month  of  July  we  have  had  no  assist- 
ance from  the  quartermaster-general,  and  to  want 
of  assistance  from  this  department  the  commissary- 
general  charges  great  part  of  his  deficiency.  To 
this  I  am  to  add,  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  a 
standing  order,  and  often  repeated,  that  the  troops 
shall  always  have  two  days'  provisions  by  them, 


President  of  Congress  99 

that  they  might  be  ready  at  any  sudden  call;  yet  an 
opportunity  has  scarcely  ever  offered,  of  taking  an 
advantage  of  the  enemy,  that  has  not  been  either 
totally  obstructed,  or  greatly  impeded,  on  this  ac- 
count. And  this,  tHe  great  and  crying  evil,  is  not 
all.  The  soap,  vinegar,  and  other  articles  allowed 
by  Congress,  we  see  none  of,  nor  have  we  seen 
them,  I  believe,  since  the  battle  of  Brandywine. 
The  first,  indeed,  we  have  now  little  occasion  for; 
few  men  having  more  than  one  shirt,  many  only 
the  moiety  of  one,  and  some  none  at  all.  In  ad- 
dition to  which,  as  a  proof  of  the  little  benefit  re- 
ceived from  a  clothier-general,  and  as  a  further 
proof  of  the  inability  of  an  army,  under  the  circum- 
stances of  this,  to  perform  the  common  duties  of 
soldiers,  (besides  a  number  of  men  confined  to 
hospitals  for  want  of  shoes,  and  others  in  farmers' 
houses  on  the  same  account,)  we  have,  by  a  field- 
return  this  day  made,  no  less  than  two  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  ninety-eight  men  now  in  camp 
unfit  for  duty,  because  they  are  barefoot  and  other- 
wise naked.  By  the  same  return  it  appears,  that 
our  whole  strength  in  Continental  troops,  includ- 
ing the  eastern  brigades,  which  have  joined  us  since 
the  surrender  of  General  Burgoyne,  exclusive  of 
the  Maryland  troops  sent  to  Wilmington,  amounts 
to  no  more  than  eight  thousand  two  hundred  in 
camp  fit  for  duty;  notwithstanding  which,  and  that 
since  the  4th  instant,  our  numbers  fit  for  duty, 
from  the  hardships  and  exposures  they  have  un- 
dergone, particularly  on  account  of  blankets 
(numbers  having  been  obliged,  and  still  are,  to  sit 


George  Washington 

up  all  night  by  fires,  instead  of  taking  comfortable 
rest  in  a  natural  and  common  way),  have  decreased 
near  two  thousand  men. 

We  find  gentlemen,  without  knowing  whether 
the  army  was  really  going  into  winter-quarters  or 
not  (for  I  am  sure  no  resolution  of  mine  would 
warrant  the  Remonstrance) ,  reprobating  the  meas- 
ure as  much  as  if  they  thought  the  soldiers  were 
made  of  stocks  or  stones,  and  equally  insensible  of 
frost  and  snow;  and  moreover,  as  if  they  conceived 
it  easily  practicable  for  an  inferior  army,  under  the 
disadvantages  I  have  described  ours  to  be,  which 
are  by  no  means  exaggerated,  to  confine  a  superior 
one,  in  all  respects  well-appointed  and  provided 
for  a  winter's  campaign,  within  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  to  cover  from  depredation  and  waste 
the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Jersey.  But  what 
makes  this  matter  still  more  extraordinary  in  my 
eye  is,  that  these  very  gentlemen, — who  were  well 
apprized  of  the  nakedness  of  the  troops  from  ocu- 
lar demonstration,  who  thought  their  own  soldiers 
worse  clad  than  others,  and  who  advised  me  near  a 
month  ago  to  postpone  the  execution  of  a  plan  I 
was  about  to  adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  resolve  of 
Congress  for  seizing  clothes,  under  strong  assur- 
ances that  an  ample  supply  would  be  collected  in 
ten  days  agreeably  to  a  decree  of  the  State  (not 
one  article  of  which,  by  the  by,  is  yet  come  to  hand) , 
— should  think  a  winter's  campaign,  and  the  cov- 
ering of  these  States  from  the  invasion  of  an 
enemy,  so  easy  and  practicable  a  business.  I  can 
assure  those  gentlemen,  that  it  is  a  much  easier  and 


President  of  Congress  101 

less  distressing  thing  to  draw  remonstrances  in  a 
comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside,  than  to  occupy 
a  cold,  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  under  frost  and  snow, 
without  clothes  or  blankets.  However,  although 
they  seem  to  have  liltle  feeling  for  the  naked  and 
distressed  soldiers,  I  feel  superabundantly  for 
them,  and,  from  my  soul,  I  pity  those  miseries, 
which  it  is  neither  in  my  power  to  relieve  or 
prevent.1 

It  is  for  these  reasons,  therefore,  that  I  have 
dwelt  upon  the  subject;  and  it  adds  not  a  little  to 
my  other  difficulties  and  distress  to  find,  that  much 
more  is  expected  of  me  than  is  possible  to  be  per- 
formed, and  that  upon  the  ground  of  safety  and 
policy  I  am  obliged  to  conceal  the  true  state  of  the 
army  from  public  view,  and  thereby  expose  my- 
self to  detraction  and  calumny.  The  honorable 
committee  of  Congress  went  from  camp  fully  pos- 
sessed of  my  sentiments  respecting  the  establish- 
ment of  this  army,  the  necessity  of  auditors  of 
accounts,  the  appointment  of  officers,  and  new 
arrangements.  I  have  no  need,  therefore,  to  be 
prolix  upon  these  subjects,  but  I  refer  to  the  com- 
mittee. I  shall  add  a  word  or  two  to  show,  first, 
the  necessity  of  some  better  provision  for  binding 
the  officers  by  the  tie  of  interest  to  the  service,  as  no 
day  nor  scarce  an  hour  passes  without  the  offer  of 
a  resigned  commission  2 ;  ( otherwise  I  much  doubt 

1  Alluding  to  the  Memorial,  or  Remonstrance,  of  the  legisla- 
ture of   Pennsylvania,   respecting  his   going  into   winter-quar- 
ters.— Sparks. 

2  Resignations  had  become   so  numerous  that  the  House  of 
Commons  of  North  Carolina  passed  a  resolution  to  the  effect 


102  George  Washington 

the  practicability  of  holding  the  army  together 
much  longer,  and  in  this  I  shall  probably  be  thought 
the  more  sincere,  when  I  freely  declare,  that  I  do 
not  myself  expect  to  derive  the  smallest  benefit 
from  any  establishment  that  Congress  may  adopt, 
otherwise  than  as  a  member  of  the  community  at 
large  in  the  good,  which  I  am  persuaded  will  result 
from  the  measure,  by  making  better  officers  and 
better  troops;)  and,  secondly,  to  point  out  the 
necessity  of  making  the  appointments  and  ar- 
rangements without  loss  of  time.  We  have  not 
more  than  three  months,  in  which  to  prepare  a  great 
deal  of  business.  If  we  let  these  slip  or  waste,  we 
shall  be  laboring  under  the  same  difficulties  all 
next  campaign,  as  we  have  been  this,  to  rectify 
mistakes  and  bring  things  to  order. 

Military  arrangement,  and  movements  in  conse- 
quence, like  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  will  be  im- 
perfect and  disordered  by  the  want  of  a  part.  In 
a  very  sensible  degree  have  I  experienced  this,  in 
the  course  of  the  last  summer,  several  brigades 
having  no  brigadiers  appointed  to  them  till  late, 
and  some  not  at  all;  by  which  means  it  follows,  that 
an  additional  weight  is  thrown  upon  the  shoulders 
of  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  withdraw  his  atten- 
tion from  the  great  line  of  his  duty.  The  gentle- 
men of  the  committee,  when  they  were  at  camp, 
talked  of  an  expedient  for  adjusting  these  matters, 

that  any  Carolina  officer  who  should  resign  his  commission 
without  reasons  which  were  acceptable  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief  should  be  ineligible  to  any  office,  civil  or  military,  within 
the  gift  of  the  State. 


President  of  Congress  103 

which  I  highly  approved  and  wish  to  see  adopted; 
namely,  that  two  or  three  members  of  the  Board  of 
War,  or  a  committee  of  Congress,  should  repair 
immediately  to  camp,  where  the  best  aid  can  be 
had,  and  with  the  commanding  officer,  or  a  com- 
mittee of  his  appointment,  prepare  and  digest  the 
most  perfect  plan,  that  can  be  devised,  for  correct- 
ing all  abuses  and  making  new  arrangements ;  con- 
sidering what  is  to  be  done  with  the  weak  and 
debilitated  regiments,  if  the  States  to  which  they 
belong  will  not  draft  men  to  fill  them,  for  as  to  en- 
listing soldiers  it  seems  to  me  to  be  totally  out  of 
the  question;  together  with  many  other  things,  that 
would  occur  in  the  course  of  such  a  conference; 
and,  after  digesting  matters  in  the  best  manner 
they  can,  to  submit  the  whole  to  the  ultimate  deter- 
mination of  Congress. 

If  this  measure  is  approved,  I  would  earnestly 
advise  the  immediate  execution  of  it,  and  that  the 
commissary-general  of  purchases,  whom  I  rarely 
see,  may  be  directed  to  form  magazines  without  a 
moment's  delay  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  camp, 
in  order  to  secure  provision  for  us  in  case  of  bad 
weather.  The  quartermaster-general  ought  also 
to  be  busy  in  his  department.  In  short,  there  is  as 
much  to  be  done  in  preparing  for  a  campaign,  as 
in  the  active  part  of  it.  Everything  depends  upon 
the  preparation  that  is  made  in  the  several  depart- 
ments, and  the  success  or  misfortunes  of  the  next 
campaign  will  more  than  probably  originate  with 
our  activity  or  supineness  during  this  winter.  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 


104  George  Washington 

TO  BRYAN   FAIRFAX1 

VALLEY  FORGE,  1  March,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  8th  of  December  came  safe  to 
my  hands,  after  a  considerable  delay  on  its  pas- 
sage. The  sentiments  you  have  expressed  to  me 
in  this  letter  are  highly  flattering,  meriting  my 
warmest  acknowledgments,  as  I  have  too  good  an 
opinion  of  your  sincerity  and  candor  to  believe 
that  you  are  capable  of  unmeaning  professions, 
and  speaking  a  language  foreign  to  your  heart. 

1  An  early  and  intimate  friendship  subsisted  between  Wash- 
ington and  Bryan  Fairfax,  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
at  any  period  of  their  lives  interrupted,  although  they  differed 
widely  in  their  political  sentiments.  This  was  illustrated  in  a 
striking  manner  by  the  letters  that  passed  between  them  in  the 
year  1774.  Mr.  Fairfax  considered  the  pretensions  of  Parlia- 
ment unjustifiable,  and  believed  there  were  many  grievances, 
which  ought  to  be  redressed;  but  he  could  not  reconcile  to  him- 
self the  idea  of  taking  up  arms  against  the  King.  Differing 
thus  from  the  majority  of  his  countrymen  and  from  his  friends, 
he  thought  it  his  duty  to  go  to  England  and  remain  there  during 
the  contest.  With  this  aim  he  repaired  to  New  York,  having 
obtained  a  passport  from  the  Commander-in-chief.  But  when 
he  arrived  there,  he  was  diverted  from  his  purpose  by  having 
certain  oaths  prescribed  to  him,  which  his  conscience  would  not 
allow  him  to  take,  being  afraid  they  might  prevent  him  from 
ever  again  seeing  his  wife  and  children.  This  hesitancy  ex- 
cited a  prejudice  against  him,  which  he  thought  unreasonable, 
and  he  obtained  permission  from  the  British  commander  to  re- 
turn to  his  family.  On  his  journey  he  again  visited  General 
Washington,  and  was  received  by  him  with  so  much  kindness, 
and  such  marked  civilities,  that  he  wrote  him  a  letter  of  ac- 
knowledgments and  thanks  soon  after  he  reached  Virginia,  to 
which  the  above  is  a  reply.  In  that  letter  he  said: 

"  There  are  times  when  favors  conferred  make  a  greater 
impression  than  at  others,  for,  though  I  have  received  many,  I 
hope  I  have  not  been  unmindful  of  them;  yet  that,  at  a  time 
your  popularity  was  at  the  highest  and  mine  at  the  lowest,  and 


Bryan  Fairfax  105 

The  friendship,  which  I  ever  professed  and  felt  for 
you,  met  with  no  diminution  from  the  difference  in 
our  political  sentiments.  I  know  the  rectitude  of 
my  own  intentions,  and,  believing  in  the  sincerity 
of  yours,  lamented,"  though  I  did  not  condemn, 
your  renunciation  of  the  creed  I  had  adopted.  Nor 
do  I  think  any  person  or  power  ought  to  do  it, 
whilst  your  conduct  is  not  opposed  to  the  general 
interest  of  the  people,  and  the  measures  they  are 
pursuing;  the  latter,  that  is,  our  actions,  depend- 
ing upon  ourselves,  may  be  controlled,  while  the 
powers  of  thinking,  originating  in  higher  causes, 
cannot  always  be  moulded  to  our  wishes. 

The  determinations  of  Providence  are  always 
wise,  often  inscrutable;  and,  though  its  decrees  ap- 
pear to  bear  hard  upon  us  at  times,  is  neverthe- 
less meant  for  gracious  purposes.  In  this  light  I 
cannot  help  viewing  your  late  disappointment;  for 
if  you  had  been  permitted  to  have  gone  to  Eng- 
land, unrestrained  even  by  the  rigid  oaths,  which 
are  administered  on  those  occasions,  your  feelings 
as  a  husband,  parent  &c,  must  have  been  consid- 
erably wounded  in  the  prospect  of  a  long,  perhaps 
lasting,  separation  from  your  nearest  relatives. 
What  then  must  they  have  been,  if  the  obligation 
of  an  oath  had  left  you  without  a  will?  Your  hope 
of  being  instrumental  in  restoring  peace  would 

when  it  is  so  common  for  men's  resentments  to  run  high  against 
those,  who  differ  from  them  in  opinion,  you  should  act  with 
your  wonted  kindness  towards  me,  has  affected  me  more  than 
any  favor  I  have  received;  and  could  not  be  believed  by  some 
in  New  York,  it  being  above  the  run  of  common  minds." — 
Sparks. 


io6  George  Washington 

prove  as  unsubstantial,  as  mist  before  the  noon- 
day's sun,  and  would  as  soon  dispel;  for,  believe 
me,  Sir,  Great  Britain  understood  herself  perfectly 
well  in  this  dispute,  but  did  not  comprehend 
America.  She  meant,  as  Lord  Camden,  in  his  late 
speech  in  Parliament,  clearly  and  explicitly  de- 
clared, to  drive  America  into  rebellion,  that  her  own 
purposes  might  be  more  fully  answered  by  it;  but 
take  this  along  with  it,  that  this  plan  originated  in 
a  firm  belief,  founded  on  misinformation,  that  no 
effectual  opposition  would  or  could  be  made.  They 
little  dreamt  of  what  has  happened,  and  are  dis- 
appointed in  their  views.1 

Does  not  every  act  of  Administration,  from  the 
Tea  Act  to  the  present  session  of  Parliament,  de- 

1  The  allusion  here  is  to  Lord  Camden's  remarks,  in  the  debate 
respecting  the  reply  to  the  King's  Speech  at  the  opening  of 
Parliament,  November  18,  1777.  The  debate  turned  on  Ameri- 
can affairs,  the  causes  of  the  dispute,  and  the  mode  in  which  the 
war  had  been  conducted.  Lord  Camden,  referring  to  some  of 
the  preliminary  steps  in  the  contest,  said :  "  The  people  of 
America  showed  great  dissatisfaction,  but  that  did  not  fully 
answer  the  intentions  of  government.  It  was  not  dissatisfac- 
tion, but  rebellion,  that  was  sought;  dissatisfaction  might  fur- 
nish a  pretence  for  adding  to  the  intolerable  oppressions,  that 
those  people  had  for  a  series  of  years  groaned  under j  but  noth- 
ing short  of  something  in  the  shape  of  rebellion,  or  nearly 
approaching  to  it,  could  create  a  decent  apology  for  slaughter, 
conquest,  and  unconditional  submission."  Again,  in  regard  to 
the  address  declaring  Massachusetts  Bay  to  be  in  rebellion, 
Lord  Camden  continued :  "  But  all  this  did  not  do ;  the  New 
Englanders  were  resolved  not  to  verify  the  address;  they  were 
determined  not  to  be  rebels;  but  only  to  prepare,  should  the 
worst  happen,  to  be  in  a  situation  to  defend  themselves.  Some- 
thing more  was  still  wanting,  and  that  was  obtained.  Our 
troops  were  ordered  to  act  effectively;  and  self-defence  was 
styled  actual  and  declared  rebellion." — Almon's  Parliamentary 
Register,  vol.  x.,  pp.  30,  31. — Sparks. 


Bryan  Fairfax  107 

clare  this  in  plain  and  self-evident  characters? 
Had  the  commissioners  any  power  to  treat  with 
America?  If  they  meant  peace,  would  Lord  Howe 
have  been  detained  in  England  five  months  after 
passing  the  act?  Would  the  powers  of  these  com- 
missioners have  been  confined  to  mere  acts  of  grace, 
upon  condition  of  absolute  submission?  No! 
surely,  no !  They  meant  to  drive  us  into  what  they 
termed  rebellion,  that  they  might  be  furnished  with 
a  pretext  to  disarm,  and  then  strip  us  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  Englishmen  and  citizens. 

If  they  were  actuated  by  the  principles  of  jus- 
tice, why  did  they  refuse  indignantly  to  accede  to 
the  terms,  which  were  humbly  supplicated  before 
hostilities  commenced,  and  this  country  deluged  in 
blood;  and  now  make  their  principal  officers,  and 
even  the  commissioners  themselves,  say  that  these 
terms  are  just  and  reasonable;  nay,  that  more  will 
be  granted,  than  we  have  yet  asked,  if  we  will  re- 
linquish our  claim  to  independency?  What  name 
does  such  conduct  as  this  deserve?  And  what  pun- 
ishment is  there  in  store  for  the  men,  who  have  dis- 
tressed millions,  involved  thousands  in  ruin,  and 
plunged  numberless  families  in  inextricable  woe? 
Could  that,  which  is  just  and  reasonable  now,  have 
been  unjust  four  years  ago?  If  not,  upon  what 
principles,  I  say,  does  Administration  act?  They 
must  either  be  wantonly  wicked  and  cruel,  or 
(which  is  only  another  mode  of  describing  the  same 
thing)  under  false  colors  are  now  endeavoring  to 
deceive  the  great  body  of  the  people,  by  indus- 
triously propagating  a  belief,  that  Great  Britain 


io8  George  Washington 

is  willing  to  offer  any,  and  that  we  will  accept  of 
no  terms;  thereby  hoping  to  poison  and  disaffect 
the  minds  of  those,  who  wish  for  peace,  and  create 
feuds  and  dissensions  among  ourselves.  In  a 
word,  having  less  dependence  now  in  their  arms 
than  in  their  arts,  they  are  practising  such  low  and 
dirty  tricks,  that  men  of  sentiment  and  honor  must 
blush  at  their  villainy.  Among  other  manoeuvres 
in  this  way,  they  are  counterfeiting  letters,  and 
publishing  them  as  intercepted  ones  of  mine,  to 
prove  that  I  am  an  enemy  to  the  present  measures, 
and  have  been  led  into  them  step  by  step,  still  hop- 
ing that  Congress  would  recede  from  their  present 
claims.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient  and 
affectionate,  &c. 


TO  JOHN  BANISTER,   DELEGATE  IN   CONGRESS 

VALLEY  FORGE,  21  April,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, 

On  Saturday  evening  I  had  the  pleasure  to  re- 
ceive your  favor  of  the  16th  instant. 

I  thank  you  very  much  for  your  obliging  tender 
of  a  friendly  intercourse  between  us ;  and  you  may 
rest  assured  that  I  embrace  it  with  cheerfulness, 
and  shall  write  you  freely,  as  often  as  leisure  will 
permit,  of  such  points  as  appear  to  me  material 
and  interesting.  I  am  pleased  to  find,  that  you 
expect  the  proposed  establishment  of  the  army  will 
succeed;  though  is  it  a  painful  consideration,  that 
matters  of  such  pressing  importance  and  obvious 
necessity  meet  with  so  much  difficulty  and  delay. 


John  Banister  109 

Be  assured,  the  success  of  the  measure  is  a  matter 
of  the  most  serious  moment,  and  that  it  ought  to 
be  brought  to  a  conclusion  as  speedily  as  possible. 
The  spirit  of  resigning  commissions  has  been  long 
at  an  alarming  height,  and  increases  daily.  Ap- 
plications from  officers  on  furlough  are  hourly  ar- 
riving and  Genls.  Heath  at  Boston — McDougall 
on  the  north  River  and  Mason  of  Virginia  are  ask- 
ing what  they  are  to  do  with  the  applicants  to 
them. 

The  Virginia  line  has  sustained  a  violent  shock 
in  this  instance.  Not  less  than  ninety  have  al- 
ready resigned  to  me.  The  same  conduct  has  pre- 
vailed among  the  officers  from  the  other  States, 
though  not  yet  to  so  considerable  a  degree;  and 
there  are  but  too  just  grounds  to  fear,  that  it  will 
shake  the  very  existence  of  the  army,  unless  a 
remedy  is  soon,  very  soon,  applied.  There  is  none, 
in  my  opinion,  so  effectual  as  the  one  pointed  out.1 
This,  I  trust,  will  satisfy  the  officers,  and  at  the 
same  time  it  will  produce  no  present  additional 
emission  of  money.  They  will  not  be  persuaded 
to  sacrifice  all  views  of  present  interest,  and  en- 
counter the  numerous  vicissitudes  of  war,  in  the 
defence  of  their  country,  unless  she  will  be  gener- 
ous enough  on  her  part  to  make  a  decent  provision 
for  their  future  support.  I  do  not  pronounce  ab- 
solutely, that  we  shall  have  no  army  if  the  estab- 
lishment fails,  but  the  army  we  may  have  will  be 
without  discipline,  without  energy,  incapable  of 

1  The  remedy  advocated  by  Washington   was  the   establish- 
ment of  half -pay  for  the  officers  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war. 


no  George  Washington 

acting  with  vigor,  and  destitute  of  those  elements 
necessary  to  promise  success  on  the  one  hand,  or 
to  withstand  the  shocks  of  adversity  on  the  other. 
It  is  indeed  hard  to  say  how  extensive  the  evil  may 
be,  if  the  measure  should  be  rejected,  or  much 
longer  delayed.  I  find  it  a  very  arduous  task  to 
keep  the  officers  in  tolerable  humor,  and  to  pro- 
tract such  a  combination  in  quitting  the  service,  as 
might  possibly  undo  us  for  ever. 

The  difference  between  our  service  and  that  of 
the  enemy  is  very  striking.  With  us,  from  the 
peculiar,  unhappy  situation  of  things,  the  officer, 
a  few  instances  excepted,  must  break  in  upon  his 
private  fortune  for  present  support,  without  a 
prospect  of  future  relief.  With  them,  even  com- 
panies are  esteemed  so  honorable  and  so  valuable, 
that  they  have  sold  of  late  from  fifteen  to  twenty- 
two  hundred  pounds  sterling;  and  I  am  credibly 
informed,  that  four  thousand  guineas  have  been 
given  for  a  troop  of  dragoons.  You  will  readily 
determine  how  this  difference  will  operate;  what 
effects  it  must  produce.  Men  may  speculate  as 
they  will;  they  may  talk  of  patriotism;  they 
may  draw  a  few  examples  from  ancient  story,  of 
great  achievements  performed  by  its  influence;  but 
whoever  builds  upon  them,  as  a  sufficient  basis  for 
conducting  a  long  and  bloody  war,  will  find  them- 
selves deceived  in  the  end.  We  must  take  the  pas- 
sions of  men  as  nature  has  given  them,  and  those 
principles  as  a  guide,  which  are  generally  the  rule 
of  action.  I  do  not  mean  to  exclude  altogether  the 
idea  of  patriotism.  I  know  it  exists,  and  I  know 


John  Banister  in 

it  has  done  much  in  the  present  contest.  But  I 
will  venture  to  assert,  that  a  great  and  lasting  war 
can  never  be  supported  on  this  principle  alone. 
It  must  be  aided  by  a  prospect  of  interest,  or  some 
reward.  For  a  time  it  may,  of  itself,  push  men  to 
action,  to  bear  much,  to  encounter  difficulties;  but 
it  will  not  endure  unassisted  by  interest. 

The  necessity  of  putting  the  army  upon  a  re- 
spectable footing,  both  as  to  numbers  and  con- 
stitution, is  now  become  more  essential  than  ever. 
The  enemy  are  beginning  to  play  a  game  more 
dangerous,  than  their  efforts  by  arms  (though 
these  will  not  be  remitted  in  the  smallest  degree), 
and  which  threatens  a  fatal  blow  to  the  independ- 
ence of  America,  and  to  her  liberties  of  course. 
They  are  endeavoring  to  ensnare  the  people  by 
specious  allurements  of  peace.  It  is  not  improb- 
able they  have  had  such  abundant  cause  to  be  tired 
of  the  war,  that  they  may  be  sincere  in  the  terms 
they  offer,  which,  though  far  short  of  our  preten- 
sions, will  be  extremely  flattering  to  minds,  that  do 
not  penetrate  far  into  political  consequences;  but, 
whether  they  are  sincere  or  not,  they  may  be 
equally  destructive ;  for,  to  discerning  men  nothing 
can  be  more  evident,  than  that  a  peace  on  the  prin- 
ciples of  dependence,  however  limited,  after  what 
has  happened,  would  be  to  the  last  degree  dis- 
honorable and  ruinous.1  It  is  however  much  to  be 

1  There  was  at  this  time  in  Parliament  a  small  party  in  favor 
of  granting  independence  to  America,  and  of  instructing  the 
commissioners  to  make  a  treaty  on  that  footing.  Governor 
Pownall  held  out  this  idea,  and  enforced  it  with  strong  argu- 
ments, in  the  debate  on  the  address  to  the  King,  in  reply  to  his 


George  Washington 

apprehended,  that  the  idea  of  such  an  event  will 
have  a  very  powerful  effect  upon  the  country,  and 
if  not  combated  with  the  greatest  address  will  serve, 
at  least,  to  produce  supineness  and  disunion.  Men 
are  naturally  fond  of  peace,  and  there  are  symp- 
toms which  may  authorize  an  opinion,  that  the  peo- 
ple of  America  are  pretty  generally  weary  of  the 
present  war.  It  is  doubtful,  whether  many  of  our 
friends  might  not  incline  to  an  accommodation  on 
the  grounds  held  out,  or  which  may  be,  rather  than 
persevere  in  a  contest  for  independence.  If  this 
is  the  case,  it  must  surely  be  the  truest  policy  to 
strengthen  the  army,  and  place  it  upon  a  sub- 
stantial footing.  This  will  conduce  to  inspire  the 
country  with  confidence;  enable  those  at  the  head 
of  affairs  to  consult  the  public  honor  and  interest, 
notwithstanding  the  defection  of  some  and  tem- 
porary inconsistency  and  irresolution  of  others, 
who  may  desire  to  compromise  the  dispute;  and,  if 
a  treaty  should  be  deemed  expedient,  will  put  it  in 


message  accompanying  the  declaration  of  the  French  ambassa- 
dor, which  gave  notice  of  the  treaty  between  France  and  the 
United  States.  "  This  treaty,"  said  Governor  Pownall,  "  does 
not  alter  my  idea  of  the  probability  of  our  having  even  yet 
peace  with  America,  if  we  will  but  take  the  way  that  leads  to 
it,  and  the  only  one  that  is  open.  Nothing  but  the  perverseness 
of  our  own  conduct  can  cross  it.  We  know  that  the  Americans 
are  and  must  be  independent;  and  yet  we  will  not  treat  with 
them  as  such.  If  government  itself  retains  the  least  idea  of 
sovereignty,  it  has  already  gone  too  far  for  that;  if  it  enter- 
tains the  least  hope  of  peace,  it  has  not  gone  far  enough;  and 
every  step  we  shall  take  to  put  the  Americans  back  from  in- 
dependency, will  convince  them  the  more  of  the  necessity  of 
going  forward." — Parliamentary  Debates,  March  17th,  1778. — 
Sparks. 


John  Banister  113 

their  power  to  insist  upon  better  terms,  than  they 
could  otherwise  expect. 

Besides  the  most  vigorous  exertions  at  home  to 
increase  and  establish  our  military  force  upon  a 
good  basis,  it  appears  to  me  advisable,  that  we 
should  immediately  try  the  full  extent  of  our  inter- 
est abroad,  and  bring  our  European  negotiations 
to  an  issue.  I  think  France  must  have  ratified 
our  independence,1  and  will  declare  war  imme- 
diately, on  finding  that  serious  proposals  of 
accommodation  are  made;  but  lest,  from  a  mis- 
taken policy  or  too  exalted  an  opinion  of  our  power 
from  the  representations  she  has  had,  she  should 
still  remain  indecisive,  it  were  to  be  wished,  proper 
persons  were  instantly  despatched,  or  our  envoys 
already  there  instructed  to  insist  pointedly  on  her 
coming  to  a  final  determination.2  It  cannot  be 
fairly  supposed,  that  she  will  hesitate  a  moment  to 

1  This  was  true,  although  the  fact  was  not  yet  known   in 
America.    The  treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance  between  France 
and  the  United  States  were  signed  on  the  6th  of  February.    The 
first  meeting  between  the  French  minister  and  the  American 
commissioners,  for   the   purpose   of  negotiating   a  treaty,  was 
held  at  Versailles  on  the  12th  of  December.     It  was  stated,  in 
an  article  of  the  treaty  of  alliance,  to  be  its  direct  end,  "to 
maintain  effectually  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  independence, 
absolute  and  unlimited,  of  the  United  States,  as  well  in  matters 
of  government  as  commerce." — See  Diplomatic  Correspondence, 
vol.  i.,  pp.  355,  364. — Sparks. 

2  It  seems  there  were  some  fears  at  this  moment  as  to  the 
effect  which  might  be  produced  on  the  American  people  by  the 
advances  of  the  British  ministry  in  Lord  North's  propositions. 
In  a  reply  to  General  Washington's  circular  letter,  asking  the 
advice  of  the  general   officers  respecting  a   plan   of  the   cam- 
paign, the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  stated,  as  reasons  for  vigorous 
measures,  the  expected  reinforcements  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
approaching  arrival  of  three   commissioners,   "  whom   I   fear," 


ii4  George  Washington 

declare  war,  if  she  is  given  to  understand,  in  a 
proper  manner,  that  a  reunion  of  the  two  countries 
may  be  the  consequence  of  procrastination.  A 
European  war  and  a  European  alliance  would  ef- 
fectually answer  our  purposes.  If  the  step  I  now 
mention  should  be  eligible,  despatches  ought  to  be 
sent  at  once  by  different  conveyances,  for  fear  of 
accidents.  I  confess,  it  appears  to  me  a  measure 
of  this  kind  could  not  but  be  productive  of  the  most 
salutary  consequences.  If  possible,  I  should  also 
suppose  it  absolutely  necessary  to  obtain  good  in- 
telligence from  England,  pointing  out  the  true 
springs  of  this  manoeuvre  of  ministry ;  the  prepara- 
tions of  force  they  are  making;  the  prospects  there 

said  he,  "more  than  ten  thousand  men." — MS.  Letter,  April 
25th. 

General  Washington  himself,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  writ- 
ten a  few  days  after  the  above,  speaks  as  follows,  alluding  to 
the  British  commissioners.  "  It  will  require,"  he  observes,  "  all 
the  skill,  wisdom,  and  policy  of  the  first  abilities  of  these  States 
to  manage  the  helm,  and  steer  with  judgment  to  the  haven  of 
our  wishes,  through  so  many  shelves  and  rocks  as  will  be 
thrown  in  our  way.  This,  more  than  ever,  is  the  time  for  Con- 
gress to  be  filled  with  the  first  characters  from  every  State,  in- 
stead of  having  a  thin  assembly,  and  many  States  totally 
unrepresented,  as  is  the  case  at  present.  I  have  often  regretted 
the  pernicious,  and  what  appears  to  me  fatal  policy  of  having 
our  ablest  men  engaged  in  the  formation  of  the  more  local  gov- 
ernments, and  filling  offices  in  their  respective  States,  leaving 
the  great  national  concern  (on  which  the  superstructure  of  all 
and  every  of  them  absolutely  depends,  and  without  which  none 
can  exist,)  to  be  managed  by  men  of  more  contracted  abilities. 
Indeed,  those  at  a  distance  from  the  seat  of  war  live  in  such 
perfect  tranquillity,  that  they  conceive  the  dispute  to  be  in  a 
manner  at  an  end;  and  those  near  it  are  so  disaffected,  that  they 
only  serve  as  embarrassments.  Between  the  two,  therefore, 
time  slips  away  without  the  necessary  means  for  opening  the 
campaign  in  season  or  with  propriety." — Sparks. 


John  Banister  115 

are  of  raising  it;  the  amount,  and  when  it  may 
be  expected. 

It  really  seems  to  me,  from  a  comprehensive 
view  of  things,  that  a  period  is  fast  approaching, 
big  with  events  of"  the  most  interesting  import- 
ance ;  when  the  counsels  we  pursue,  and  the  part  we 
act,  may  lead  decisively  to  liberty  or  to  slavery. 
Under  this  idea,  I  cannot  but  regret  that  inactivity, 
that  inattention,  that  want  of  something,  which  un- 
happily I  have  but  too  often  experienced  in  our 
public  affairs.  I  wish  that  our  representation  in 
Congress  was  complete  and  full  from  every  State, 
and  that  it  was  formed  of  the  first  abilities  among 
us.  Whether  we  continue  to  war  or  proceed  to 
negotiate,  the  wisdom  of  America  in  council  cannot 
be  too  great.  Our  situation  will  be  truly  delicate. 
To  enter  into  a  negotiation  too  hastily,  or  to  reject 
it  altogether,  may  be  attended  with  consequences 
equally  fatal.  The  wishes  of  the  people,  seldom 
founded  in  deep  disquisitions,  or  resulting  from 
other  reasonings  than  their  present  feelings,  may 
not  entirely  accord  with  our  true  policy  and  inter- 
est. If  they  do  not,  to  observe  a  proper  line  of 
conduct  for  promoting  the  one,  and  avoiding  of- 
fence to  the  other,  will  be  a  work  of  great  difficulty. 

Nothing  short  of  independence,  it  appears  to 
me,  can  possibly  do.  A  peace  on  other  terms 
would,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  be  a 
peace  of  war.  The  injuries  we  have  received  from 
the  British  nation  were  so  unprovoked,  and  have 
been  so  great  and  so  many,  that  they  can  never  be 
forgotten.  Besides  the  feuds,  the  jealousies,  the 


n6  George  Washington 

animosities,  that  would  ever  attend  a  union  with 
them;  besides  the  importance,  the  advantages,  we 
should  derive  from  an  unrestricted  commerce;  our 
fidelity  as  a  people,  our  gratitude,  our  character  as 
men,  are  opposed  to  a  coalition  with  them  as  sub- 
jects, but  in  case  of  the  last  extremity.  Were  we 
easily  to  accede  to  terms  of  dependence,  no  nation, 
upon  future  occasions,  let  the  oppressions  of  Brit- 
ain be  never  so  flagrant  and  unjust,  would  inter- 
pose for  our  relief;  or,  at  most,  they  would  do  it 
with  a  cautious  reluctance,  and  upon  conditions 
most  probably  that  would  be  hard,  if  not  dishonor- 
able to  us.  France,  by  her  supplies,  has  saved  us 
from  the  yoke  thus  far;  and  a  wise  and  virtuous 
perseverance  would,  and  I  trust  will,  free  us 
entirely. 

I  have  sent  Congress  Lord  North's  speech,  and 
the  two  bills  offered  by  him  to  Parliament.  They 
are  spreading  fast  through  the  country,  and  will 
soon  become  a  subject  of  general  notoriety.  I 
therefore  think  they  had  best  be  published  in  our 
papers,  and  persons  of  leisure  and  ability  set  to 
work  to  counteract  the  impressions  they  may  make 
on  the  minds  of  the  people. 

Before  I  conclude,  there  are  one  or  two  points 
more,  upon  which  I  will  add  an  observation  or  two. 
The  first  is,  the  indecision  of  Congress  and  the  de- 
lay used  in  coming  to  determinations  on  matters 
referred  to  them.  This  is  productive  of  a  variety 
of  inconveniences;  and  an  early  decision,  in  many 
cases,  though  it  should  be  against  the  measure 
submitted,  would  be  attended  with  less  pernicious 


John  Banister  117 

effects.  Some  new  plan  might  then  be  tried;  but, 
while  the  matter  is  held  in  suspense,  nothing  can  be 
attempted.  The  other  point  is,  the  jealousy, 
which  Congress  unhappily  entertain  of  the  army, 
and  which,  if  reports  are  right,  some  members  labor 
to  establish.  You  may  be  assured,  there  is  nothing 
more  injurious,  or  more  unjustly  founded.  This 
jealousy  stands  upon  the  commonly  received  opin- 
ion, which  under  proper  limitations  is  certainly 
true,  that  standing  armies  are  dangerous  to  a  State, 
and  from  forming  the  same  conclusion  of  the  com- 
ponent parts  of  all,  though  they  are  totally  dis- 
similar in  their  nature.  The  prejudices  in  other 
countries  have  only  gone  to  them  in  time  of  peace, 
and  these  from  their  not  having  in  general  cases 
any  of  the  ties,  the  concerns,  or  interests  of  citi- 
zens, or  any  other  dependence,  than  what  flowed 
from  their  military  employ;  in  short,  from  their  be- 
ing mercenaries,  hirelings.  It  is  our  policy  to  be 
prejudiced  against  them  in  time  of  war;  &  though 
they  are  citizens,  having  all  the  ties  and  interests  of 
citizens,  and  in  most  cases  property  totally  uncon- 
nected with  the  military  line. 

If  we  would  pursue  a  right  system  of  policy,  in 
my  opinion,  there  should  be  none  of  these  distinc- 
tions. We  should  all  be  considered,  Congress  and 
army,  as  one  people,  embarked  in  one  cause,  in  one 
interest;  acting  on  the  same  principle,  and  to  the 
same  end.  The  distinction,  the  jealousies  set  up, 
or  perhaps  only  incautiously  let  out,  can  answer 
not  a  single  good  purpose.  They  are  impolitic  in 
the  extreme.  Among  individuals  the  most  certain 


n8  George  Washington 

way  to  make  a  man  your  enemy  is  to  tell  him  you 
esteem  him  such.  So  with  public  bodies;  and  the 
very  jealousy,  which  the  narrow  politics  of  some 
may  affect  to  entertain  of  the  army,  in  order  to  a 
due  subordination  to  the  supreme  civil  authority, 
is  a  likely  mean  to  produce  a  contrary  effect;  to 
incline  it  to  the  pursuit  of  those  measures,  which 
they  may  wish  it  to  avoid.  It  is  unjust,  because 
no  order  of  men  in  the  Thirteen  States  has  paid  a 
more  sanctimonious  regard  to  their  proceedings 
than  the  army;  and  indeed  it  may  be  questioned 
whether  there  has  been  that  scrupulous  adherence 
had  to  them  by  any  other,  for  without  arrogance  or 
the  smallest  deviation  from  truth  it  may  be  said, 
that  no  history  now  extant  can  furnish  an  instance 
of  an  army's  suffering  such  uncommon  hardships 
as  ours  has  done,  and  bearing  them  with  the  same 
patience  and  fortitude.  To  see  men,  without 
clothes  to  cover  their  nakedness,  without  blankets 
to  lie  on,  without  shoes,  by  which  their  marches 
might  be  traced  by  the  blood  from  their  feet,  and 
almost  as  often  without  provisions  as  with  them, 
marching  through  the  frost  and  snow,  and  at 
Christmas  taking  up  their  winter-quarters  within 
a  day's  march  of  the  enemy,  without  a  house  or  hut 
to  cover  them,  till  they  could  be  built,  and  sub- 
mitting to  it  without  a  murmur,  is  a  proof  of  pa- 
tience and  obedience,  which  in  my  opinion  can 
scarce  be  paralleled. 

There  may  have  been  some  remonstrances  or  ap- 
plications to  Congress,  in  the  style  of  complaint, 
from  the  army,  and  slaves  indeed  should  we  be,  if 


John  Banister  119 

this  privilege  were  denied,  on  account  of  their  pro- 
ceedings in  particular  instances;  but  these  will  not 
authorize  nor  even  excuse  a  jealousy,  that  they 
are  therefore  aiming  at  unreasonable  powers,  or 
making  strides  dangerous  or  subversive  of  civil 
authority.  Things  should  not  be  viewed  in  that 
light,  more  especially  as  Congress  in  some  cases 
have  relieved  the  injuries  complained  of,  &  which 
had  flowed  from  their  own  acts.  I  refer  you  to 
my  letter  to  yourself  and  Colo.  Lee  which  accom- 
panies this  upon  the  subject  of  money  for  such  of 
the  old  Virginia  troops  as  have  or  may  reinlist. 

In  respect  to  the  volunteer  plan,  I  scarce  know 
what  opinion  to  give  at  this  time.  The  propriety 
of  a  requisition  on  this  head  will  depend  altogether 
on  our  operations.  Such  kind  of  troops  should  not 
be  called  for,  but  upon  the  spur  of  the  occasion, 
and  at  the  moment  of  executing  an  enterprise. 
They  will  not  endure  a  long  service ;  and,  of  all  men 
in  the  military  line,  they  are  the  most  impatient  of 
restraint  and  necessary  government. 

As  the  propositions  and  the  speech  of  Lord 
North  must  be  founded  in  the  despair  of  the  nation 
of  succeeding  against  us;  or  from  a  rupture  in 
Europe,  that  has  actually  happened,  or  certainly 
will  happen  1 ;  or  from  some  deep  political  man- 

1  This  conjecture  was  well  founded.  There  is  no  room  to 
doubt  that,  when  the  Conciliatory  Bills  were  brought  before 
Parliament  by  Lord  North,  the  ministry  were  convinced  a 
negotiation  was  pending  between  the  French  court  and  the 
American  commissioners.  During  the  debate  (February  17th), 
and  in  reply  to  Lord  North's  speech,  Mr.  Fox  affirmed,  upon 
information  on  which  reliance  might  be  placed,  that  a  treaty 


120  George  Washington 

ceuvre;  or  from  what  I  think  still  more  likely,  a 
composition  of  the  whole,  would  it  not  be  good 
policy,  in  this  day  of  uncertainty  and  distress  to 
the  Tories,  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  occasion,  and 
for  the  several  States  to  hold  out  pardon  &c.  to 
all  delinquents  returning  by  a  certain  day?  *  They 
are  frightened,  and  this  is  the  time  to  operate  upon 
them.  Upon  a  short  consideration  of  the  matter, 
it  appears  to  me,  that  such  a  measure  would  de- 
tach the  Tories  from  the  enemy,  and  bring  things 
to  a  much  speedier  conclusion,  and  of  course  be  a 
mean  of  saving  much  public  treasure. 

I  will  now  be  done  and  I  trust  that  you  excuse, 
not  only  the  length  of  my  letter,  but  the  freedom 
with  which  I  have  delivered  my  sentiments  in  the 
course  of  it  upon  several  occasions.  The  subjects 
struck  me  as  important  and  interesting,  and  I  have 
only  to  wish,  that  they  may  appear  to  you  in  the 
same  light. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  with  great  regard,  &c. 2 

had  already  been  signed;  and  when  the  question  was  pressed 
by  Mr.  Grenville  upon  Lord  North,  he  answered,  "  that  he  could 
not  say  from  authority  that  the  treaty  alluded  to  was  signed; 
that,  indeed,  it  was  possible,  nay  too  probable,  but  not  au- 
thenticated by  the  ambassador." — Almon's  Parliamentary 
Register,  vol.  viii.,  385,  389.  The  question  how  the  British  were 
informed  of  the  signing  of  the  treaty  before  the  formal  notice  of 
the  French  minister,  led  to  a  serious  dispute  among  the  Ameri- 
can commissioners  at  Paris. — Sparks. 

1  This  measure  was  adopted  by  Congress  two  days  after  the 
above  letter  was  written. — Journals,  April  23d. — Sparks. 

- "  With  respect  to  your  future  treatment  of  the  Tories,  the 
most  effectual  way  of  putting  a  stop  to  their  traitorous  prac- 
tices will  be  shooting  some  of  the  most  notorious  offenders 
wherever  they  can  be  found  in  flagrante  delicto.  This  sum- 
mary punishment  inflicted  on  a  few  traitors  will  probably 


Gouverneur  Morris  121 

TO    GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS 

FISHKILL,  Oct.  4th,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, 

My  public  Letters  to  the  President  of  Congress 
will  inform  you  of  the  wind  that  wafted  me  to  this 
place.  Nothing  more  therefore  need  be  said  on 
that  head.  Your  Letter  of  the  8th  ulto.  contains 
three  questions  and  answers,  to  wit ;  Can  the  Enemy 
prosecute  the  war?  Do  they  mean  to  stay  on  the 
Continent?  And,  is  it  our  interest  to  put  impedi- 
ments in  the  way  of  their  departure?  To  the  first 
you  answer  in  the  negative.  To  the  second  you 
are  decided  in  opinion,  that  they  do  not.  And  to 
the  third  say  clearly,  ISTo. 

Much,  my  good  Sir,  may  be  said  in  favor  of  these 
answers,  and  some  things  against  the  two  first  of 
them.  By  way  therefore  of  dissertation  on  the  first, 
I  will  also  beg  leave  to  put  a  question,  and  give  it 
an  answer.  Can  we  carry  on  the  war  much  longer? 
Certainly  NO,  unless  some  measures  can  be  de- 
vised &  speedily  executed  to  restore  the  credit  of 
our  currency,  restrain  extortion,  &  punish  f  orestal- 
lers.  Without  these  can  be  effected,  what  funds 
can  stand  the  present  expenses  of  the  army?  And 
what  officer  can  bear  the  weight  of  prices,  that 
every  necessary  article  is  now  got  to?  A  Rat  in 
the  shape  of  a  horse,  is  not  to  be  bought  at  this  time 
for  less  than  £200;  A  Saddle  under  Thirty  or 

strike  terror  into  others  and  deter  them  from  exposing  them- 
selves to  a  similar  fate." — Washington  to  Joseph  Kirkbride, 
Lieutenant  of  the  County  of  Bucks,  20  April,  1778. 


i22  George  Washington 

Forty; — Boots  twenty, — and  shoes  and  other  arti- 
cles in  the  like  proportion. — How  is  it  possible, 
therefore,  for  officers  to  stand  this  without  an  in- 
crease of  pay?  And  how  is  it  possible  to  advance 
their  Pay,  when  Flour  is  selling  (at  different 
places)  from  five  to  fifteen  pounds  pr  cwt., — Hay 
from  ten  to  thirty  pounds  pr  Tunn,  and  Beef  & 
other  essentials  in  this  proportion? 

The  true  point  of  light,  then,  to  place  &  con- 
sider this  matter  in  is,  not  simply  whether  Gt. 
Britain  can  carry  on  the  war,  but  whose  Finances, 
(theirs  or  ours,)  is  most  likely  to  fail;  which  leads 
me  to  doubt  very  much  the  infallibility  of  the  an- 
swer given  to  your  second  question,  respecting  the 
Enemy's  leaving  the  Continent;  for  I  believe  they 
will  not  do  it,  while  ever  hope  and  the  chapter  of 
accidents  can  give  them  a  chance  of  bringing  us  to 
terms  short  of  Independence. — But  this,  you  will 
perhaps  say,  they  are  now  bereft  of.  I  shall  ac- 
knowledge that  many  things  favor  the  idea;  but 
add,  that,  upon  a  comparative  view  of  circum- 
stances, there  is  abundant  matter  to  puzzle  &  con- 
found the  judgment.  To  your  third  answer  I 
subscribe  with  hand  and  heart.  The  opening  is  now 
fair,  and  God  grant  that  they  may  embrace  the 
opportunity  of  bidding  an  eternal  adieu  to  our 
(once  quit  of  them)  happy  Land.  If  the  Span- 
iards would  but  join  their  Fleets  to  those  of  France, 
&  commence  hostilities,  my  doubts  would  all  sub- 
side. Without  it,  I  fear  the  British  Navy  has  it 
too  much  in  its  power  to  counteract  the  Schemes  of 
France. 


Henry  Laurens  123 

The  high  prices  of  every  necessary;  The  little, 
indeed  no  benefit,  which  officers  have  derived  from 
the  intended  bounty  of  Congress  in  the  article  of 
cloathing;  The  change  in  the  establishment,  by 
which  so  many  of  tnem  are  discontinued;  The  un- 
fortunate delay  of  this  business,  which  kept  them 
too  long  in  suspense,  and  set  a  number  of  evil 
spirits  to  wrork;  The  unsettled  Rank,  and  contra- 
dictory modes  of  adjusting  it, — with  other  causes, 
which  might  be  enumerated  have  conspired  to  sour 
the  temper  of  the  army  exceedingly;  and  has,  I  am 
told,  been  productive  of  a  memorial  or  representa- 
tion of  some  kind  to  Congress;  which  neither  di- 
rectly nor  indirectly  did  I  know  or  even  hear  was 
in  agitation,  till  some  days  after  it  was  despatched; 
owing,  as  I  apprehend,  to  the  secrecy  with  which  it 
was  conducted  to  keep  it  from  my  knowledge,  as 
I  had  in  a  similar  instance  last  spring  discounte- 
nanced and  stifled  a  child  of  the  same  illegitimacy  in 
its  birth.  If  you  have  any  news  worth  communi- 
cating, do  not  put  it  under  a  bushel,  but  give  it  to, 
dear  Sir,  yours  sincerely,  &c. 


TO    HENRY    LAURENS,    PRESIDENT    OF    CONGRESS 

FREDG.,  14th  Novr.,  1778. 

DR.  SIR, 

This  will  be  accompanied  by  an  official  letter *  on 

1  This  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  dated  11  Novem- 
ber, 1778,  is  one  of  the  best  of  Washington's  military  papers. 
It  is  printed  in  Ford,  The  Writings  of  George  Washington,  vii., 
239. 


124  George  Washington 

the  subject  of  the  proposed  expedition  against 
Canada.  You  will  perceive  I  have  only  consid- 
ered it  in  a  military  light ;  indeed  I  was  not  author- 
ized to  consider  it  in  any  other;  and  I  am  not 
without  apprehensions,  that  I  may  be  thought,  in 
what  I  have  done,  to  have  exceeded  the  limits  in- 
tended by  Congress.  But  my  solicitude  for  the 
public  welfare,  which  I  think  deeply  interested  in 
this  affair,  will,  I  hope,  justify  me  in  the  eyes  of 
all  those,  who  view  things  through  that  just  me- 
dium. I  do  not  know,  Sir,  what  may  be  your  sen- 
timents in  the  present  case;  but,  whatever  they 
are,  I  am  sure  I  can  confide  in  your  honor  and 
friendship,  and  shall  not  hesitate  to  unbosom  my- 
self to  you  on  a  point  of  the  most  delicate  and 
important  nature. 

The  question  of  the  Canadian  expedition,  in  the 
form  it  now  stands,  appears  to  me  one  of  the  most 
interesting  that  has  hitherto  agitated  our  national 
deliberations.  I  have  one  objection  to  it,  untouched 
in  my  public  letter,  which  is,  in  my  estimation,  in- 
surmountable, and  alarms  all  my  feelings  for  the 
true  and  permanent  interests  of  my  country.  This 
is  the  introduction  of  a  large  body  of  French  troops 
into  Canada,  and  putting  them  in  possession  of  the 
capital  of  that  Province,  attached  to  them  by  all 
the  ties  of  blood,  habits,  manners,  religion,  and 
former  connexion  of  government.  I  fear  this 
would  be  too  great  a  temptation  to  be  resisted  by 
any  power  actuated  by  the  common  maxims  of 
national  policy.  Let  us  realize  for  a  moment  the 
striking  advantages  France  would  derive  from  the 


Henry  Laurens  125 

possession  of  Canada;  the  acquisition  of  an  exten- 
sive territory,  abounding  in  supplies  for  the  use  of 
her  Islands;  the  opening  a  vast  source  of  the  most 
beneficial  commerce  with  the  Indian  nations,  which 
she  might  then  monopolize ;  the  having  ports  of  her 
own  on  this  continent  independent  of  the  pre- 
carious good  will  of  an  ally;  the  engrossing  of 
the  whole  trade  of  Newfoundland  whenever  she 
pleased,  the  finest  nursery  of  seamen  in  the  world; 
the  security  afforded  to  her  Islands;  and,  fi- 
nally, the  facility  of  awing  and  controlling  these 
States,  the  natural  and  most  formidable  rival  of 
every  maritime  power  in  Europe.  Canada  would 
be  a  solid  acquisition  to  France  on  all  these  ac- 
counts, and  because  of  the  numerous  inhabitants, 
subjects  to  her  by  inclination,  who  would  aid  in 
preserving  it  under  her  power  against  the  attempt 
of  every  other. 

France,  acknowledged  for  some  time  past  the 
most  powerful  monarchy  in  Europe  by  land,  able 
now  to  dispute  the  empire  of  the  sea  with  Britain, 
and  if  joined  with  Spain,  I  may  say,  certainly  su- 
perior, possessed  of  New  Orleans  on  our  right, 
Canada  on  our  left,  and  seconded  by  the  numerous 
tribes  of  indians  in  our  rear  from  one  extremity  to 
the  other,  a  people  so  generally  friendly  to  her, 
and  whom  she  knows  so  well  to  conciliate,  would, 
it  is  much  to  be  apprehended,  have  it  in  her  power 
to  give  law  to  these  States. 

Let  us  suppose,  that,  when  the  five  thousand 
french  troops  (and  under  the  idea  of  that  number 
twice  as  many  might  be  introduced)  were  entered 


i26  George  Washington 

the  city  of  Quebec,  they  should  declare  an  intention 
to  hold  Canada,  as  a  pledge  and  surety  for  the 
debts  due  to  France  from  the  United  States,  or, 
under  other  specious  pretences,  hold  the  place  till 
they  can  find  a  bone  of  contention,  and,  in  the  mean 
while,  should  excite  the  Canadians  to  engage  in 
supporting  their  pretences  &  claims;  what  should 
we  be  able  to  say,  with  only  four  or  five  thousand 
men  to  carry  on  the  dispute?  It  may  be  supposed, 
that  France  would  not  choose  to  renounce  our 
friendship  by  a  step  of  this  kind,  as  the  conse- 
quence would  be  a  reunion  with  England  on  some 
terms  or  other,  and  the  loss  of  what  she  had  ac- 
quired in  so  violent  and  unjustifiable  a  manner, 
with  all  the  advantages  of  an  alliance  with  us. 
This,  in  my  opinion,  is  too  slender  a  security  against 
the  measure,  to  be  relied  on.  The  truth  of  the 
position  will  entirely  depend  on  naval  events.  If 
France  and  Spain  should  unite,  and  obtain  a  de- 
cided superiority  by  Sea,  a  reunion  with  England 
would  avail  very  little,  and  might  be  set  at  defi- 
ance. France,  with  a  numerous  army  at  com- 
mand, might  throw  in  what  number  of  land  forces 
she  thought  proper,  to  support  her  pretensions; 
and  England,  without  men,  without  money,  and 
inferior  on  her  favorite  element,  could  give  no  effec- 
tual aid  to  oppose  them.  Resentment,  reproaches, 
and  submission  seem  to  be  all  that  would  be  left  to 
us.  Men  are  very  apt  to  run  into  extremes. 
Hatred  to  England  may  carry  some  into  an  ex- 
cess of  Confidence  in  France,  especially  when  mo- 
tives of  gratitude  are  thrown  into  the  scale.  Men 


Henry  Laurens  127 

of  this  description  would  be  unwilling  to  suppose 
France  capable  of  acting  so  ungenerous  a  part. 
I  am  heartily  disposed  to  entertain  the  most  favor- 
able sentiments  of  our  new  ally,  and  to  cherish 
them  in  others  to  a*  reasonable  degree.  But  it  is 
maxim,  founded  on  the  universal  experience  of 
mankind,  that  no  nation  is  to  be  trusted  farther 
than  it  is  bound  by  its  interest;  and  no  prudent 
statesman  or  politician  will  venture  to  depart  from 
it.  In  our  circumstances  we  ought  to  be  particu- 
larly cautious;  for  we  have  not  yet  attained  suffi- 
cient vigor  and  maturity  to  recover  from  the  shock 
of  any  false  step,  into  which  we  may  unwarily  fall. 

If  France  should  even  engage  in  the  scheme,  in 
the  first  instance,  with  the  purest  intentions,  there 
is  the  greatest  danger  that,  in  the  progress  of  the 
business,  invited  to  it  by  circumstances,  and  per- 
haps urged  on  by  the  solicitations  and  wishes  of  the 
Canadians,  she  would  alter  her  views. 

As  the  Marquis  clothed  his  proposition,  when  he 
spoke  it  to  me,  it  would  seem  to  originate  wholly 
with  himself;  but,  it  is  far  from  impossible,  that  it 
had  its  birth  in  the  Cabinet  of  France,  and  was 
put  into  this  artful  dress  to  give  it  the  readier  cur- 
rency. I  fancy  that  I  read  in  the  countenances  of 
some  people,  on  this  occasion,  more  than  the  disin- 
terested zeal  of  allies.  I  hope  I  am  mistaken,  and 
that  my  fears  of  mischief  make  me  refine  too  much, 
and  awaken  jealousies  that  have  no  sufficient  foun- 
dation. But  upon  the  whole,  Sir,  to  wave  every 
other  consideration,  I  do  not  like  to  add  to  the  num- 
ber of  our  national  obligations.  I  would  wish,  as 


128  George  Washington 

much  as  possible,  to  avoid  giving  a  foreign  power 
new  claims  of  merit  for  services  performed  to  the 
United  States,  and  would  ask  no  assistance  that  is 
not  indispensable.  I  am,  with  the  truest  attach- 
ment and  most  perfect  confidence,  dear  Sir,  &C.1 

1  Washington  was  not  alone  in  his  suspicions  concerning  La- 
fayette's project  for  the  conquest  of  Canada.  He  had  consulted 
John  Jay,  who  concurred  in  his  views,  while  President  Laurens 
wrote  him,  "  I  demurred  exceedingly  to  the  Marquis's  scheme, 
and  expressed  some  doubts  of  the  concurrence  of  Congress.  This 
was  going  as  far  as  I  dared  consistently  with  my  office,  or  con- 
sidering him  as  a  gentleman  of  equal  honor  and  tenacity.*  *  * 
The  business  was  referred  to  a  committee,  who  conferred  with 
the  Marquis.  Their  report  was  framed  agreeably  to  his  wishes, 
but  the  House  very  prudently  determined  to  consult  the  Com- 
mander-in-chief previously  to  a  final  determination;  and,  al- 
though your  Excellency's  observations  are  committed,  I  am  much 
mistaken  if  every  member  of  Congress  is  not  decided  in  his 
opinion  in  favor  of  them." — Laurens  to  Washington,  20  Novem- 
ber, 1778.  Lafayette's  project  was  defeated,  however,  in  an 
unexpected  manner.  As  to  this,  one  of  Washington's  biogra- 
phers writes,  "  His  [Washington's]  words  had  no  effect  on 
Congress,  but  as  it  turned  out,  the  plan  failed  through  adverse 
influences  in  the  quarter  where  Washington  least  expected  them. 
He  believed  that  this  Canadian  plan  had  been  put  into  Lafay- 
ette's mind  by  the  cabinet  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  he  could  not 
imagine  that  a  policy  of  such  obvious  wisdom  could  be  over- 
looked by  French  statesmen.  In  this  he  was  completely  mis- 
taken, for  France  failed  to  see  what  seemed  so  simple  to  the 
American  general,  that  the  opportunity  had  come  to  revive  her 
old  American  policy,  and  re-establish  her  colonies  under  the 
most  favorable  conditions.  The  ministers  of  Louis  XVI.,  more- 
over, did  not  wish  the  colonies  to  conquer  Canada,  and  the  plan 
of  Lafayette  and  the  Congress  received  no  aid  in  Paris  and 
came  to  nothing.  But  the  fruitless  incident  exhibits  in  the 
strongest  light  the  attitude  of  Washington  as  a  purely  American 
statesman,  and  the  comprehensiveness  of  his  mind  in  dealing 
with  large  affairs." — Lodge,  George  Washington,  i.,  248. 


Benjamin  Harrison  129 

TO   BENJAMIN    HARRISON,    SPEAKER   OF   THE    HOUSE 
OF   DELEGATES   OF   VIRGINIA 

HEAD-QRS.,  MIDDLE  BROOK,  18  December,  1778. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  I  can  assign  but  two  causes  for  the 
enemy's  continuance  among  us;  and  these  balance 
so  equally  in  my  mind,  that  I  scarcely  know  which 
of  the  two  preponderates.  The  one  is,  that  they 
are  waiting  the  ultimate  determination  of  Parlia- 
ment; the  other,  that  of  our  distresses,  by  which  I 
know  the  Commissioners  went  home  not  a  little 
buoyed  up,  and,  sorry  I  am  to  add,  not  without 
cause.  What  may  be  the  effect  of  such  large  and 
frequent  emissions,  of  the  dissensions, — parties, — 
extravagance,  and  a  general  lax  of  public  virtue, 
Heaven  alone  can  tell!  I  am  afraid  even  to  think 
of  It.  But  it  appears  as  clear  to  me  as  ever  the 
Sun  did  in  its  meridian  brightness,  that  America 
never  stood  in  more  eminent  need  of  the  wise,  pa- 
triotic, and  spirited  exertions  of  her  Sons  than  at 
this  period;  and  if  it  is  not  a  sufficient  cause  for 
genl.  lamentation,  my  misconception  of  the  matter 
impresses  it  too  strongly  upon  me,  that  the  States, 
separately,  are  too  much  engaged  in  their  local  con- 
cerns, and  have  too  many  of  their  ablest  men  with- 
drawn from  the  general  council,  for  the  good  of 
the  common  weal.  In  a  word,  I  think  our  political 
system  may  be  compared  to  the  mechanism  of  a 
clock,  and  that  our  conduct  should  derive  a  lesson 
from  it;  for  it  answers  no  good  purpose  to  keep 
the  smaller  wheels  in  order,  if  the  greater  one, 


130  George  Washington 

which  is  the  support  and  prime  mover  of  the  whole, 
is  neglected. 

How  far  the  latter  is  the  case,  it  does  not  be- 
come me  to  pronounce;  but,  as  there  can  be  no 
harm  in  a  pious  wish  for  the  good  of  one's  Coun- 
try, I  shall  offer  it  as  mine,  that  each  State  wd. 
not  only  choose,  but  absolutely  compel  their  ablest 
men  to  attend  Congress;  and  that  they  would  in- 
struct them  to  go  into  a  thorough  investigation  of 
the  causes,  that  have  produced  so  many  disagree- 
able effects  in  the  army  and  Country;  in  a  word, 
that  public  abuses  should  be  corrected  &  an  entire 
reformation  worked.  Without  these,  it  does  not  in 
my  Judgment  require  the  spirit  of  divination  to 
foretell  the  consequences  of  the  present  adminis- 
tration; nor  to  how  little  purpose  the  States  in- 
dividually are  framing  constitutions,  providing 
laws,  and  filling  offices  with  the  abilities  of  their 
ablest  men.  These,  if  the  great  whole  is  misman- 
aged, must  sink  in  the  general  wreck,  and  will 
carry  with  it  the  remorse  of  thinking,  that  we  are 
lost  by  our  own  folly  and  negligence,  or  the  desire 
perhaps  of  living  in  ease  and  tranquillity  during  the 
expected  accomplishment  of  so  great  a  revolution, 
in  the  effecting  of  which  the  greatest  abilities,  and 
the  honestest  men  our  (i.e.  the  American)  world 
affords,  ought  to  be  employed.1 

iult  gives  me  very  singular  pleasure  to  find,  that  you  have 
again  taken  a  seat  in  Congress.  I  think  there  never  was  a 
time,  when  cool  and  dispassionate  reasoning,  strict  attention 
and  application,  great  integrity,  and,  (if  it  was  in  the  nature 
of  things,  unerring)  wisdom,  were  more  to  be  wished  for,  than 
the  present.  Our  affairs,  according  to  my  judgment,  are  now 


Benjamin  Harrison  131 

It  is  much  to  be  feared,  my  dear  Sir,  that  the 
States,  in  their  separate  capacities,  have  very  in- 
adequate ideas  of  the  present  danger.  Removed 
(some  of  them)  far  distant  from  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion, and  seeing  and  hearing  such  publications 
only,  as  flatter  their  wishes,  they  conceive  that  the 
contest  is  at  an  end,  and  that  to  regulate  the  govern- 
ment and  police  of  their  own  State  is  all  that 
remains  to  be  done ;  but  it  is  devoutly  to  be  wished, 
that  a  sad  reverse  of  this  may  not  fall  upon  them 
like  a  thunder-clap,  that  is  little  expected.  I  do 
not  mean  to  designate  particular  States.  I  wish 
to  cast  no  reflections  upon  any  one.  The  Public 
believe  (and,  if  they  do  believe  it,  the  fact  might 
almost  as  well  be  so),  that  the  States  at  this  time 
are  badly  represented,  and  that  the  great  and  im- 
portant concerns  of  the  nation  are  horribly  con- 
ducted, for  want  either  of  abilities  or  application 
in  the  members,  or  through  the  discord  &  party 
views  of  some  individuals.  That  they  should  be  so, 
is  to  be  lamented  more  at  this  time  than  formerly, 
as  we  are  far  advanced  in  the  dispute,  and,  in  the 
opinn.  of  many,  drawg.  to  a  happy  period;  have 
the  eyes  of  Europe  upon  us,  and  I  am  persuaded 
many  political  spies  to  watch,  discover  our  situa- 

come  to  a  crisis,  and  requires  no  small  degree  of  political  skill 
to  steer  clear  of  those  shelves  and  Rocks,  which,  tho  deeply 
buried,  may  wreck  our  hopes  and  throw  us  upon  some  inhospit- 
able shore.  Unanimity  in  our  Councils,  disinterestedness  in  our 
pursuits,  and  steady  perseverance  in  our  national  duty,  are  the 
only  means  to  avoid  misfortunes.  If  they  come  upon  us  after 
these,  we  shall  have  the  consolation  of  knowing  that  we  have 
done  our  best.  The  rest  is  with  the  Gods." — Washington  to 
Thomas  Nelson,  15  March,  1779. 


132  George  Washington 

tion  and  give  information  of  our  weaknesses  and 
wants.  The  story  you  have  related,  of  a  proposal 
to  redeem  ye  paper  money  at  its  present  depre- 
ciated value,  has  also  come  to  my  ears ;  but  I  cannot 
vouch  for  the  authenticity  of  it. 

I  am  very  happy  to  hear,  that  the  Assembly  of 
Virginia  have  put  the  completion  of  their  regi- 
ments upon  a  footing  so  apparently  certain;  but, 
as  one  great  defect  of  your  past  Laws  for  this 
purpose  has  lain  in  the  mode  of  getting  men  to 
the  army,  I  hope  that  effectual  measures  are 
pointed  out  in  the  present  to  remedy  the  evil,  and 
bring  forward  all  that  shall  be  raised.  The  em- 
bargo upon  provisions  is  a  most  salutary  measure, 
as  I  am  afraid  a  sufficiency  of  flour  will  not  be  ob- 
tained, even  with  money  of  higher  estimation  than 
ours.  Adieu,  my  dear  Sir.  I  am,  &c. 

P.  S.  Phila:  30th.  This  letter  was  to  have 
gone  by  Post  from  Middlebrook  but  missed  that 
conveyance,  since  which  I  have  come  to  this  place 
at  the  request  of  Congress  whence  I  shall  soon 
return. 

I  have  seen  nothing  since  I  came  here  (on  the 
22d  Inst.)  to  change  my  opinion  of  Men  or 
Measrs.,  but  abundant  reason  to  be  convinced  that 
our  affairs  are  in  a  more  distressed,  ruinous,  and 
deplorable  condition  than  they  have  been  in  since 
the  commencement  of  the  War. — By  a  faithful 
laborer  then  in  the  cause — By  a  Man  who  is  daily 
injuring  his  private  Estate  without  even  the  small- 
est earthly  advantage  not  common  to  all  in  case  of 


Benjamin  Harrison  133 

a  favorable  Issue  to  the  dispute — By  one  who 
wishes  the  prosperity  of  America  most  devoutly 
and  sees  or  thinks  he  sees  it,  on  the  brink  of  ruin, 
you  are  beseeched  .most  earnestly,  my  dear  Colo. 
Harrison,  to  exert  yourself  in  endeavoring  to  res- 
cue your  Country  by  (let  me  add)  sending  your 
ablest  and  best  Men  to  Congress — these  characters 
must  not  slumber  nor  sleep  at  home  in  such  times 
of  pressing  danger — they  must  not  content  them- 
selves in  the  enjoyment  of  places  of  honor  or  profit 
in  their  own  Country  while  the  common  interests 
of  America  are  mouldering  and  sinking  into  irre- 
trievable (if  a  remedy  is  not  soon  applied)  ruin 
in  which  theirs  also  must  ultimately  be  involved. 
If  I  was  to  be  called  upon  to  draw  a  picture  of  the 
times  and  of  Men,  from  what  I  have  seen,  and 
heard,  and  in  part  know,  I  should  in  one  word  say 
that  idleness,  dissipation  &  extravagance  seems  to 
have  laid  fast  hold  of  most  of  them. — That  specu- 
lation— peculation — and  an  insatiable  thirst  for 
riches  seems  to  have  got  the  better  of  every  other 
consideration  and  almost  of  every  order  of  Men. 
— That  party  disputes  and  personal  quarrels  are 
the  great  business  of  the  day  whilst  the  momen- 
tous concerns  of  an  empire — a  great  and  accu- 
mulated debt — ruined  finances — depreciated  money 
— and  want  of  credit  (which  in  their  consequences 
is  the  want  of  everything)  are  but  secondary  con- 
siderations and  postponed  from  day  to  day — from 
week  to  week  as  if  our  affairs  wear  the  most  prom- 
ising aspect — after  drawing  this  picture,  which 
from  my  Soul  I  believe  to  be  a  true  one,  I  need 


i34  George  Washington 

not  repeat  to  you  that  I  am  alarmed  and  wish  to 
see  my  Countrymen  roused. — I  have  no  resent- 
ments, nor  do  I  mean  to  point  at  any  particular 
characters, — this  I  can  declare  upon  my  honor  for 
I  have  every  attention  paid  me  by  Congress  that  I 
can  possibly  expect  and  have  reason  to  think  that 
I  stand  well  in  their  estimation,  but  in  the  present 
situation  of  things  I  cannot  help  asking — Where 
is  Mason — Wythe — Jefferson — Nicholas  —  Pen- 
dleton — Nelson — and  another  I  could  name — and 
why,  if  you  are  sufficiently  impressed  with  your 
danger  do  you  not  (as  New  Yk.  has  done  in  the 
case  of  Mr.  Jay)  send  an  extra  member  or  two  for 
at  least  a  certain  limited  time  till  the  great  business 
of  the  Nation  is  put  upon  a  more  respectable  and 
happy  establishmt. — Your  Money  is  now  sinking 
5  pr.  ct.  a  day  in  this  city;  and  I  shall  not  be  sur- 
prized if  in  the  course  of  a  few  months  a  total  stop 
is  put  to  the  currency  of  it. — And  yet  an  Assembly 
— a  concert — a  Dinner — or  supper  (that  will  cost 
three  or  four  hundred  pounds)  will  not  only  take 
Men  off  from  acting  in  but  even  from  thinking  of 
this  business  while  a  great  part  of  the  Officers  of 
ye  Army  from  absolute  necessity  are  quitting  the 
service  and  ye  more  virtuous  few  rather  than  do 
this  are  sinking  by  sure  degrees  into  beggary  and 
want. — I  again  repeat  to  you  that  this  is  not  an 
exaggerated  acct.;  that  it  is  an  alarming  one  I  do 
not  deny,  and  confess  to  you  that  I  feel  more  real 
distress  on  acct.  of  the  prest.  appearances  of  things 
than  I  have  done  at  any  one  time  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  dispute — but  it  is  time  to  bid  you 


George  Mason  135 

once  more  adieu. — Providence  has  heretofore  taken 
me  up  when  all  other  means  and  hope  seemed  to  be 
departing  from  me  in  this.  I  will  confide. — 
Yours — &C.1 


TO   GEORGE   MASON 

MIDDLEBROOK,  27  March,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR: 

*  *  *  Though  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  devote 
much  time  to  a  private  corrispondence  owing  to  the 
multiplicity  of  public  Letters  &  other  business  I 
have  to  read,  write,  &  transact ;  yet,  I  can  with  great 
truth  assure  you  that  it  would  afford  me  very  singu- 
lar pleasure  to  be  favored  at  all  times  with  your 
sentiments  in  a  leizure  hour  upon  public  matters 
of  general  concernment,  as  well  as  those  which  more 
immediately  respect  your  own  State,  if  proper 
conveyances  would  render  prudent  a  free  com- 
munication. I  am  particularly  desirous  of  it  at 
this  time  because  I  view  things  very  differently,  I 
fear,  from  what  the  people  in  general  do,  who  seem 

1 "  It  gives  me  sincere  pleasure  to  find,  that  there  is  likely 
to  be  a  coalition  of  the  Whigs  in  your  State  [Pennsylvania],  (a 
few  only  excepted,)  and  that  the  Assembly  of  it  are  so  well 
disposed  to  second  your  endeavors  in  bringing  those  murderers 
of  our  cause,  the  monopolizers,  forestallers,  and  engrossers,  to 
condign  punishment.  It  is  much  to  be  lamented,  that  each  State 
long  ere  this  has  not  hunted  them  down  as  the  pests  of  society, 
and  the  greatest  enemies  we  have  to  the  happiness  of  America. 
I  would  to  God,  that  one  of  the  most  atrocious  in  each  State 
was  hung  in  gibbets  upon  a  gallows  five  times  as  high  as  the 
one  prepared  by  Haman.  No  punishment,  in  my  opinion,  is 
too  great  for  the  man,  who  can  build  his  greatness  upon  his 
country's  ruin." — Washington  to  Reed,  December  12,  1778. 


136  George  Washington 

to  think  the  contest  is  at  an  end,  &  to  make  money, 
and  get  places  the  only  things  now  remaining  to 
do.  I  have  seen  without  despondency  even  for  a 
momt. — the  hours  which  America  have  stiled  her 
gloomy  ones,  but  I  have  beheld  no  day  since  the 
commencement  of  hostilities  that  I  have  thought 
her  liberties  in  such  eminent  danger  as  at  present. 

Friends  and  Foes  seem  now  to  combine  to  pull 
down  the  goodly  fabric  we  have  hitherto  been  rais- 
ing at  the  expense  of  so  much  time,  blood,  & 
treasure — &  unless  the  bodies  politic  will  exert  them- 
selves to  bring  things  back  to  first  principles — cor- 
rect abuses — &  punish  our  internal  Foes  inevitable 
ruin  must  follow, — indeed  we  seem  to  be  verging 
so  fast  to  destruction  that  I  am  filled  with  sensa- 
tions to  which  I  have  been  a  stranger  till  within 
these  three  months. 

Our  Enemy,  behold  with  exultation  &  joy,  how 
effectually  we  labor  for  their  benefit ;  and  from  be- 
ing in  a  state  of  absolute  despair,  and  on  the  point 
of  evacuating  America,  are  now  on  tiptoe — nothing 
therefore,  in  my  judgement,  can  save  us  but  a  total 
reformation  in  our  own  conduct  or  some  decisive 
turn  to  affairs  in  Europe.  The  former  alas !  to  our 
shame  be  it  spoken!  is  less  likely  to  happen  than 
the  latter;  as  it  is  more  consistent  with  the  views  of 
the  speculators — various  tribes  of  money  makers  & 
stock  jobbers  of  all  denominations  to  continue  the 
War  for  their  own  private  emolument  without 
considering  that  their  avarice  &  thirst  for  gain  must 
plunge  every  thing,  including  themselves  in  one 
common  ruin. 


George  Mason  137 

Were  I  to  endulge  my  present  feelings,  &  give  a 
loose  to  that  freedom  of  expression  which  my  un- 
reserved friendship  for  you  would  prompt  me  to, 
I  should  say  a  great  deal  on  this  subject. 

But  letters  are  liable  to  so  many  accidents,  &  the 
sentiments  of  men  in  office  sought  after  by  the 
enemy  with  so  much  avidity,  &  besides,  conveying 
useful  knowledge  (if  they  get  into  their  hands) 
for  the  superstructure  of  their  plans,  is  often  per- 
verted to  the  wors[t]  of  purposes  that  I  shall  be 
somewhat  reserved  notwithstanding  this  letter 
goes  by  a  private  hand  to  Mount  Vernon. — I  can- 
not refrain  lamenting,  however,  in  the  most  poign- 
ant terms,  the  fatal  policy  too  prevalent  in  most 
of  the  States  of  employing  their  ablest  men  at  home 
in  posts  of  honor  or  profit,  till  the  great  National 
Interest  is  fixed  upon  a  solid  basis. — To  me,  it  ap- 
pears no  unjust  simile  to  compare  the  affairs  of 
this  great  Continent  to  the  mechanism  of  a  clock, 
each  state  representing  some  one  or  other  of  the 
smaller  parts  of  it  which  they  are  endeavoring  to 
put  in  fine  order  without  considering  how  useless 
&  unavailing  their  labor  is  unless  the  great  Wheel, 
or  Spring  which  is  to  set  the  whole  in  motion  is 
also  well  attended  to — &  kept  in  good  order — I 
allude  to  no  particular  state — nor  do  I  mean  to 
cast  reflections  upon  any  of  them — nor  ought  I,  it 
may  be  said  to  do  so  upon  their  representatives; 
but,  as  it  is  a  fact  too  notorious  to  be  concealed  that 

C [Congress]  is  rent  by  Party — that  much 

business  of  a  trifling  nature  &  personal  concern- 
ment withdraw  their  attention  from  matters  of 


138  George  Washington 

great  national  moment  at  this  critical  period. — 
When  it  is  also  known  that  idleness  &  dissipation 
take  place  of  close  attention  &  application,  a  man 
who  wishes  well  to  the  liberties  of  his  Country  and 
desires  to  see  its  rights  established  cannot  avoid 
crying  out  where  are  our  men  of  abilities?  Why 
do  they  not  come  forth  to  save  their  Country?  let 
this  voice  my  dear  Sir  call  upon  you — Jefferson  & 
others — do  not  from  a  mistaken  opinion  that  we 
are  about  to  set  down  under  our  own  vine,  &  our 
own  fig  tree,  let  our  hitherto  noble  struggle  end  in 
ignom'y — believe  me  when  I  tell  you  there  is  dan- 
ger of  it — I  have  pretty  good  reasons  for  thinking 
that  Administration  a  little  while  ago  had  resolved 
to  give  the  matter  up,  and  negotiate  a  peace  with 
us  upon  almost  any  terms ;  but  I  shall  be  much  mis- 
taken if  they  do  not  now  from  the  present  state  of 
our  currency  dissentions  &  other  circumstances 
push  matters  to  the  utmost  extremity — nothing  1 
am  sure  will  prevent  it  but  the  interposition  of 
Spain,  &  their  disappointed  hope  from  Russia. 

I  thank  you  most  cordially  for  your  kind  offer 
of  rendering  me  services.  I  shall  without  reserve, 
as  heretofore,  call  upon  you  whenever  instances 
occur  that  may  require  it,  being  with  the  sincerest 
regard,  &c. 


TO  JAMES  WARREN,   IN   MASSACHUSETTS 

MIDDLEBROOK,  31  March,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    Our  conflict  is  not  likely  to  cease  so 


James  Warren  139 

soon  as  every  good  man  would  wish.  The  measure 
of  iniquity  is  not  yet  filled;  and,  unless  we  can  re- 
turn a  little  more  to  first  principles,  and  act  a  little 
more  upon  patriotic  grounds,  I  do  not  know  when 
it  will,  or  what  may  be  the  issue  of  the  contest. 
Speculation,  Peculation,  Engrossing,  forestalling, 
with  all  their  concomitants,  afford  too  many  mel- 
ancholy proofs  of  the  decay  of  public  virtue,  and 
too  glaring  instances  of  its  being  the  interest  and 
desire  of  too  many,  who  would  wish  to  be  thought 
friends,  to  continue  the  war.  Nothing,  I  am  con- 
vinced, but  the  depreciation  of  our  currency,  pro- 
ceeding in  a  great  measure  from  the  foregoing 
causes,  aided  by  stockjobbing  and  party  dissen- 
sions, has  fed  the  hopes  of  the  Enemy  and  kept  the 
'B.  arms  in  America  to  this  day.  They  do  not 
scruple  to  declare  this  themselves,  and  add,  that  we 
shall  be  our  own  conquerors.  Cannot  our  common 
country,  Ama.,  possess  virtue  enough  to  disappoint 
them?  Is  the  paltry  consideration  of  a  little  dirty 
pelf  to  individuals  to  be  placed  in  competition  with 
the  essential  rights  and  liberties  of  the  present  gen- 
eration, and  of  millions  yet  unborn?  Shall  a  few 
designing  men,  for  their  own  aggrandizement,  & 
to  gratify  their  own  avarice,  overset  the  goodly 
fabric  we  have  been  rearing  at  the  expense  of  so 
much  time,  blood,  &  treasure?  And  shall  we  at 
last  become  the  victims  of  our  own  abominable  lust 
of  gain?  Forbid  it  Heaven!  Forbid  it  all  & 
every  State  in  the  Union!  by  enacting  &  enforcing 
efficacious  laws  for  checking  the  growth  of  these 
monstrous  evils,  &  restoring  matters  in  some  degree 


140  George  Washington 

to  the  pristine  state  they  were  in  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  war! 

Our  cause  is  noble.  It  is  the  cause  of  mankind, 
and  the  danger  to  it  is  to  be  apprehended  from  our- 
selves. Shall  we  slumber  and  sleep,  then,  while  we 
should  be  punishing  those  miscreants,  who  have 
brot.  these  troubles  upon  us,  &  who  are  aimg.  to 
continue  us  in  them;  while  we  should  be  striving 
to  fill  our  battalions,  &  devising  ways  and  means  to 
appreciate  the  currency,  on  the  credit  of  wch.  every 
thing  depends?  I  hope  not.  Let  vigorous  meas- 
ures be  adopted;  not  to  limit  the  prices  of  articles, 
for  this  I  believe  is  inconsistent  with  the  very  na- 
ture of  things,  and  impracticable  in  itself;  but  to 
punish  speculators,  forestallers,  &  extortioners,  and 
above  all  to  sink  the  money  by  heavy  taxes,  to  pro- 
mote public  &  private  economy,  Encourage  manu- 
factures &c.  Measures  of  this  sort,  gone  heartily 
into  by  the  several  States,  would  strike  at  once  at 
the  root  of  all  our  evils,  &  give  the  coup  de  grace 
to  British  hope  of  subjugating  this  continent, 
either  by  their  arms  or  their  arts.  The  first,  as  I 
have  before  observed,  they  acknowledge  is  unequal 
to  the  task ;  the  latter  I  am  sure  will  be  so,  if  we  are 

not  lost  to  every  thing  that  is  good  &  virtuous. 

*    *    #  i 


1 "  It  is  most  devoutly  to  be  wished  that  the  several  States 
would  adopt  some  vigorous  measures  for  the  purpose  of  giving 
credit  to  the  paper  currency  and  punishment  of  speculators, 
forestallers  and  others  who  are  preying  upon  the  vitals  of  this 
great  Country  and  putting  every  thing  to  the  utmost  hazard. 
Alas!  what  is  virtue  come  to — what  a  miserable  change  has  four 
years  produced  in  the  temper  &  dispositions  of  the  Sons  of 


Governor  Trumbull  141 

TO  GOVERNOR  TRUMBULL  * 
HEAD  QUARTERS,  MORRIS-TOWN,  8  January,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,— 

I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  your  Excellency  the 
copy  of  a  letter  I  have  just  received  from  the  late 
Commissary  General  by  which  you  will  see  upon 
how  ill  a  footing  our  future  prospects  of  supplies 
are,  particularly  with  respect  to  meat.  This  corres- 
ponds with  representations  from  every  quarter  and 
with  what  we  actually  feel.  The  army  has  been 
near  three  months  on  a  short  allowance  of  bread; 
within  a  fortnight  past  almost  perishing.  They 
have  been  sometimes  without  bread,  sometimes 
without  meat;  at  no  time  with  much  of  either,  and 
often  without  both.  They  have  borne  their  dis- 
tress, (in  which  the  officers  have  shared  a  common 
lot  with  the  men,)  with  as  much  fortitude  as  human 
nature  is  capable  of;  but  they  have  been  at  last 
brought  to  such  a  dreadful  extremity  that  no  au- 
thority or  influence  of  the  officers — no  virtue  or 
patience  in  the  men  themselves,  could  any  longer 
restrain  them  from  obeying  the  dictates  of  their 
sufferings.  The  soldiery  have  in  several  instances 
plundered  the  neighboring  inhabitants  even  of 
their  necessary  subsistence.  Without  an  immedi- 

America!     It  really  shocks  me  to  think  of  it!  " — Washington  to 
Burwell  Bassett,  22  April,  1779. 

1  Governor  Trumbull  was  one  of  the  most  interesting  char- 
acters in  the  Revolutionary  War.  He  was  in  public  life  more 
than  fifty  years,  during  fourteen  of  which  he  was  governor  of 
Connecticut.  In  October,  1783,  he  declined  re-election,  being 
then  in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 


142  George  Washington 

ate  remedy  this  evil  would  soon  become  intoler- 
able, and  unhappily  for  us,  we  have  no  prospect  of 
relief  through  the  ordinary  channels.  We  are  re- 
duced to  this  alternative,  either  to  let  the  army  dis- 
band or  to  call  upon  the  several  counties  of  this 
State  to  furnish  a  proportion  of  cattle  and  grain 
for  the  immediate  supply  of  our  wants.  If  the 
magistrates  refuse  their  aid,  we  shall  be  obliged  to 
have  recourse  to  a  military  impress.  But  this,  Sir, 
is  an  expedient  as  temporary  in  its  relief  as  it  is 
disagreeable  in  its  execution  and  injurious  in  its 
tendency.  An  Army  is  not  to  be  supported  by 
measures  of  this  kind.  Something  of  a  more  per- 
manent and  effectual  nature  must  be  done.  The 
legislative  authority  of  the  respective  States  must 
interpose  its  aid.  The  public  treasury  is  exhausted ; 
we  have  no  magazines  anywhere  that  I  know  of; 
the  public  officers  have  neither  money  nor  credit  to 
procure  supplies.  I  assure  your  Excellency,  as 
far  as  my  knowledge  extends,  this  is  a  faithful  rep- 
resentation of  our  affairs.  Our  situation  is  more 
than  serious,  it  is  alarming.  I  doubt  not  your  Ex- 
cellency will  view  it  in  the  same  light,  and  that  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  of  Connecticut  will  give 
a  fresh  proof  of  their  wisdom  and  zeal  for  the  com- 
mon cause  by  their  exertions  upon  the  present  oc- 
casion; and  I  hope  I  shall  be  thought  to  be  justified 
by  circumstances  when  I  add,  that  unless  each  State 
enters  into  the  business  of  supplying  the  army,  as 
a  matter  seriously  interesting  to  our  political  salva- 
tion, we  may  shortly  be  plunged  into  misfortunes 
from  which  it  may  be  impossible  to  recover. 


Governor  Trumbull  143 

I  have  made  a  similar  representation  to  all  the 
States  on  which  we  depend  for  supplies.  Maryland 
has  passed  an  act  which  promises  us  much  assist- 
ance in  the  article  of  flour  and  forage,  though  it 
must  be  some  time  before  we  can  feel  the  benefit 
of  it.  She  has  appointed  commissioners  in  each 
County  with  full  power  to  purchase  or  impress  all 
the  grain  in  the  State,  more  than  is  sufficient  for  the 
use  of  the  inhabitants,  and  has  interested  them  in 
a  vigorous  execution  of  the  Commission. 

I  flatter  myself  the  other  States  will  make  equal 
exertions;  and  then  we  shall  escape  the  calamities 
with  which  we  are  now  threatened.1 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

1 "  The  situation  of  the  army  with  respect  to  supplies  is  be- 
yond description  alarming.  It  has  been  five  or  six  weeks  past  on 
half  allowance,  and  we  have  not  more  than  three  days  bread  at  a 
third  allowance  on  hand,  nor  anywhere  within  reach.  When  this 
is  exhausted  we  must  depend  on  the  precarious  gleanings  of 
the  neighboring  country.  Our  magazines  are  absolutely  empty 
everywhere  and  our  Commissaries  entirely  destitute  of  money 
or  credit  to  replenish  them.  We  have  never  experienced  a  like 
extremity  at  any  period  of  the  war.  We  have  often  felt  tem- 
porary want  from  accidental  delays  in  forwarding  supplies,  but 
we  always  had  something  in  our  magazines  and  the  means  of 
procuring  more.  Neither  one  nor  the  other  is  at  present  the 
case. 

"  This  representation  is  the  result  of  a  minute  examination 
of  our  resources.  Unless  some  extraordinary  and  immediate 
exertions  are  made  by  the  State  from  which  we  draw  our  sup- 
plies, there  is  every  appearance  that  the  army  will  infallibly 
disband  in  a  fortnight.  I  think  it  my  duty  to  lay  this  candid 
view  of  our  situation  before  your  Excellency,  and  to  intreat 
the  vigorous  interposition  of  the  State  to  rescue  us  from  the 
danger  of  an  event,  which  if  it  did  not  prove  the  total  ruin  of 
our  affairs,  would  at  least  give  them  a  shock  from  which  they 
would  not  easily  recover,  and  plunge  us  into  a  train  of  new 
and  still  more  perplexing  embarrassments  than  any  we  have 


144  George  Washington 


HEAD-QUARTERS,  MORRIS  TOWN,  3  April,  1780. 

SIR, 

*  *  *  Before  I  conclude,  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
touch  upon  the  general  situation  of  the  army  at 
this  juncture.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  Congress 
should  be  apprized  of  it,  for  it  is  difficult  to  forsee 
what  may  be  the  result;  and,  as  very  serious  con- 
sequences are  to  be  apprehended,  I  should  not  be 
justified  in  preserving  silence.  There  never  has 
been  a  stage  of  the  war,  in  which  the  dissatisfaction 
has  been  so  general  or  alarming.1  It  has  lately,  in 
particular  instances,  worn  features  of  a  very  dan- 
gerous complexion.  A  variety  of  causes  has  con- 
hitherto  felt." — Circular  Letter  to  the  Executives  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, New  Jersey,  New  York,  Maryland,  and  Delaware,  16 
December,  1779. 

"  Our  affairs  are  in  so  deplorable  a  condition  (on  the  score  of 
provisions)  as  to  fill  the  mind  with  the  most  anxious  &  alarm- 
ing fears.  Such  a  situation,  at  all  times  to  be  lamented,  is  pecu- 
liarly unfortunate  at  this  juncture,  when  there  now  is,  or  soon 
must  be,  a  field  opened  for  Enterprise. 

"  Circumstanced  as  things  are,  men  half -starved,  imperfectly 
cloathed,  riotous,  &  robbing  the  country  people  of  their  sub- 
sistence from  sheer  necessity,  I  think  it  scarcely  possible  to  em- 
brace any  momt.  (however  favourable  in  other  respects,)  for 
visiting  the  enemy  on  Staten  Island;  &  yet,  if  this  frost  should 
have  made  a  firm  &  solid  bridge  between  them  and  us,  I  should 
be  unwilling,  indeed  I  cannot  relinquish  the  idea  of  attempting 
it." — Washington  to  Brigadier-General  Irvine,  9  January,  1780. 

1 "  My  sentiments  concerning  public  affairs  correspond  too 
much  with  yours.  The  prospect,  my  Dear  Baron,  is  gloomy, 
and  the  storm  threatens.  Not  to  have  the  anxieties  you  express, 
at  the  present  juncture,  would  be  not  to  feel  that  zeal  and 
interest  in  our  cause,  by  which  all  your  whole  conduct  shows 
you  to  be  actuated.  But  I  hope  we  shall  extricate  ourselves, 
and  bring  everything  to  a  prosperous  issue.  I  have  been  so 
inured  to  difficulties  in  the  course  of  this  contest,  that  I  have 


President  of  Congress  145 

tributed  to  this;  The  diversity  in  the  terms  of 
enlistments,  the  inequality  of  the  rewards  given  for 
entering  into  the  service,  but  still  more  the  dis- 
parity in  the  provision  made  by  the  several  States 
for  the  respective  Troops.  The  system  of  State 
supplies,  however  in  the  commencement  dictated  by 
necessity,  has  proved  in  its  operation  pernicious 
beyond  description.  An  army  must  be  raised,  paid, 
subsisted,  and  regulated  upon  an  equal  and  uni- 
form principle,  or  the  confusions  and  discontents 
are  endless.  Little  less  than  the  dissolution  of  the 
army  would  have  been  long  since  the  consequence 
of  a  different  plan,  had  it  not  been  for  a  spirit  of 
patriotic  virtue,  both  in  officers  and  men,  of  which 
there  are  few  examples,  seconded  by  the  unremit- 
ting pains  that  have  been  taken  to  compose  and 
reconcile  them  to  their  situation.  But  these  will 
not  be  able  to  hold  out  much  longer  against  the  in- 
fluence of  causes  constantly  operating,  and  every 
day  with  some  new  aggravation. 

Some  States,  from  their  internal  ability  and  lo- 
cal advantages,  furnish  their  Troops  pretty  amply, 
not  only  with  cloathing,  but  with  many  little  com- 
forts and  conveniences;  others  supply  them  with 
some  necessaries,  but  on  a  more  contracted  scale; 
while  others  have  it  in  their  power  to  do  little  or 
nothing  at  all.  The  officers  and  men  in  the  routine 
of  duty  mix  dayly  and  compare  circumstances. 

learned  to  look  upon  them  with  more  tranquillity  than  form- 
erly. Those,  which  now  present  themselves,  no  doubt  require 
vigorous  exertions  to  overcome  them,  and  I  am  [far]  from  de- 
spairing of  doing  it." — Washington  to  Baron  Steuben,  2  April, 
1780. 


146  George  Washington 

Those,  who  fare  worse  than  others,  of  course  are 
dissatisfied,  and  have  their  resentment  excited,  not 
only  against  their  own  State,  but  against  the  Con- 
federacy. They  become  disgusted  with  a  service 
that  makes  such  injurious  distinctions.  No  argu- 
ments can  persuade  an  officer  it  is  justice  he  should 
be  obliged  to  pay  £ —  a  yard  for  cloth,  and 
other  things  in  proportion,  while  another  is  fur- 
nished at  part  of  the  price.  The  officers  resign, 
and  we  have  now  scarcely  a  sufficient  number  left 
to  take  care  even  of  the  fragments  of  corps  which 
remain.  The  men  have  not  this  resource.  They 
murmur,  brood  over  their  discontents,  and  have 
lately  shown  a  disposition  to  enter  into  seditious 
combinations. 

A  new  scene  is  now  opening,  which  I  fear  will  be 
productive  of  more  troublesome  effects,  than  any 
thing  that  has  hitherto  taken  place.  Some  of  the 
States  have  adopted  the  measure  of  making  good 
the  depreciation  of  the  money  to  their  Troops,  as 
well  for  the  past  as  for  the  future.  If  this  does  not 
become  general,  it  is  so  striking  a  point,  that  the 
consequences  must  be  unspeakably  mischievous.  I 
enter  not  into  the  propriety  of  this  measure  in  the 
view  of  finance,  but  confine  myself  to  its  operation 
upon  the  army.  Neither  do  I  mean  to  insinuate, 
that  the  liberality  of  particular  States  has  been 
carried  to  a  blamable  length.  The  evil  I  mean  to 
point  out  is  the  inequality  of  the  different  provis- 
ions, and  this  is  inherent  in  the  present  system.  It 
were  devoutly  to  be  wished,  a  plan  could  be  devised 
by  which  every  thing  relating  to  the  army  could  be 


President  of  Congress  147 

conducted  on  a  general  principle,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Congress.  This  alone  can  give  harmony 
and  consistence  to  our  military  establishment,  and 
I  am  persuaded  it  will  be  infinitely  conducive  to 
public  economy.  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  thought  to 
have  exceeded  my  duty  in  the  unreserved  manner 
in  which  I  have  exhibited  our  situation.  Congress, 
I  flatter  myself,  will  have  the  goodness  to  believe, 
that  I  have  no  other  motives  than  a  zeal  for  the 
public  service,  a  desire  to  give  them  every  neces- 
sary information,  and  an  apprehension  for  the  con- 
sequences of  the  evils  we  now  experience.  I  have 
the  honor  to  be,  &c. 


TO   THE   PRESIDENT   OF  CONGRESS 

HEAD-QRS.,  MORRIS  TOWN, 
27  May,  1780. 

SIR, 

It  is  with  infinite  pain  I  inform  Congress,  that 
we  are  reduced  again  to  a  situation  of  extremity 
for  want  of  meat.  On  several  days  of  late,  the 
Troops  have  been  entirely  destitute  of  any,  and  for 
a  considerable  time  past  they  have  been  at  best,  at 
half,  a  quarter,  an  Eighth  allowance  of  this  essen- 
tial article  of  provision.  The  men  have  borne  their 
distress  in  general  with  a  firmness  and  patience 
never  exceeded,  and  every  commendation  is  due  the 
officers  for  encouraging  them  to  it,  by  exhortation 
and  by  example.  They  have  suffered  equally  with 
the  men,  and  their  relative  situations  considered, 
rather  more.  But  such  reiterated,  constant  in- 


148  George  Washington 

stances  of  want  are  too  much  for  the  soldiery,  and 
cannot  but  lead  to  alarming  consequences.  Ac- 
cordingly Two  Regiments  of  the  Connecticut  line 
mutinied,  and  got  under  arms  on  Thursday  night. 
And  but  for  the  timely  exertions  of  some  of  their 
officers,  who  got  notice  of  it,  it  might  have  been  the 
case  with  the  whole,  with  a  determination  to  return 
home,  or  at  best  to  gain  subsistence  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.  After  a  good  deal  of  expostulation 
by  their  officers  and  some  of  the  Pennsylvania  line, 
who  had  come  to  their  assistance,  and  after  parad- 
ing their  regiments  upon  the  occasion,  the  men 
were  prevailed  on  to  go  to  their  huts;  but  a  few 
nevertheless  turned  out  again  with  their  packs, 
who  are  now  confined.  Colonel  Meigs,  who  acted 
with  great  propriety  in  endeavoring  to  suppress 
the  mutiny,  was  struck  by  one  of  the  soldiers.  I 
wish  our  situation  was  better  with  respect  to  pro- 
vision in  other  quarters,  but  it  is  not.  They  are 
in  as  great  distress  at  West  Point  to  the  full;  and, 
by  a  Letter  of  the  19th  from  Colo.  Van  Schaick  at 
Albany,  he  informs  me,  that  the  Garrison  of  Fort 
Schuyler  had  then  only  a  month's  supply  on  hand, 
and  that  there  was  no  more  provision  to  send  them. 
From  this  detail  Congress  will  see  how  distressing 
our  situation  is;  but  there  are  other  matters  which 
still  contribute  to  render  it  more  alarming.  *  *  * 
Nothing  is  farther  from  my  wishes,  than  to  add 
in  the  smallest  degree  to  the  distresses  or  embarrass- 
ments of  Congress  on  any  occasion,  and  more  par- 
ticularly on  one  where  I  have  every  reason  to  fear 
they  have  it  not  in  their  power  to  administer  the 


President  of  Congress  149 

least  relief.  Duty  however  compels  me  to  add  one 
matter  more  to  those  I  have  already  detailed.  I 
have  been  informed  by  the  Two  Colonels  of  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  in  whom  I  have  the  utmost  con- 
fidence, who  were  called  to  assist  Colo:  Meigs  to 
suppress  the  mutiny  on  Thursday  night,  that  in 
the  course  of  their  expostulations  the  troops  very 
pointedly  mentioned,  besides  their  distresses  for 
provision,  their  not  being  paid  for  Five  months; 
and,  what  is  of  a  still  more  serious  and  delicate  na- 
ture in  our  present  circumstances,  they  mentioned 
the  great  depreciation  of  the  money,  it's  being  of 
little  or  no  value  at  all,  and  yet,  if  they  should  be 
paid,  that  it  would  be  in  this  way,  and  according 
to  the  usual  amount,  without  an  adequate  allow- 
ance for  the  depreciation.  They  were  reasoned 
with,  and  every  argument  used  that  these  gentle- 
men and  Colo:  Meigs  could  devise,  either  to  in- 
terest their  pride  or  their  passions;  they  were 
reminded  of  their  past  good  conduct;  of  the  late 
assurances  of  Congress;  of  the  objects  for  which 
they  were  contending;  but  their  answer  was,  that 
their  sufferings  were  too  great,  and  that  they 
wanted  present  relief,  and  some  present  substan- 
tial recompense  for  their  services.  This  matter,  I 
confess,  tho'  I  have  heard  of  no  further  uneasiness 
among  the  men,  has  given  me  infinitely  more  con- 
cern, than  any  thing  that  has  ever  happened,  and 
strikes  me  as  the  most  important,  because  we  have 
no  means  at  this  time,  that  I  know  of,  for  paying 
the  troops,  but  in  Continental  money;  and  as  it  is 
evidently  impracticable,  from  the  immense  quantity 


George  Washington 

it  would  require,  to  pay  them  in  this,  as  much  as 
would  make  up  the  depreciation.  Every  possible 
means  in  my  power  will  be  directed  on  this  and  on 
all  occasions,  as  they  ever  have  been,  to  preserve 
order  and  promote  the  public  service;  but  in  such 
an  accumulation  of  distresses,  amidst  such  a  variety 
of  embarrassments,  which  surround  us  on  all  sides, 
this  will  be  found  at  least  extremely  difficult.  If 
the  troops  could  only  be  comfortably  supplied  with 
provisions,  it  would  be  a  great  point,  and  such  as 
would  with  the  event  we  expect  soon  to  take  place, 
the  arrival  of  the  armament  from  France  to  our 
succor,  make  them  forget  or  at  least  forego  many 
matters,  which  make  a  part  of  their  anxiety  and 
present  complaints.  I  am,  &c. 

P.  S.  I  enclose  Your  Excellency  three  New 
York  Gazettes ;  also  a  small  .printed  paper  found 
in  our  camp,  containing  an  address  to  our  soldiers 
by  the  enemy,  to  induce  them  to  desert.  It  is  most 
likely,  that  many  copies  were  dispersed,  and  that 
they  have  had  a  considerable  effect,  tho'  this  is  the 
only  one  that  has  been  seen  by  the  officers,  notwith- 
standing their  pains  to  find  them.  Your  Excel- 
lency will  see  the  points  on  which  the  enemy 
particularly  found  their  addresses.1 

1 "  The  time  is  at  length  arrived,  when  all  the  artifices,  and 
falsehoods  of  the  Congress  and  of  your  commanders  can  no 
longer  conceal  from  you,  the  misery  of  your  situation;  you  are 
neither  Clothed,  Fed  nor  Paid;  your  numbers  are  wasting  away 
by  Sickness,  Famine,  Nakedness,  and  rapidly  so  by  the  period 
of  your  stipulated  Services,  being  in  general  expired,  this  is 
then  the  moment  to  fly  from  slavery  and  fraud. 

"  I  am  happy  in  acquainting  the  old  countrymen,  that  the 


President  Reed  151 

TO  PRESIDENT  REED 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  BERGEN  COUNTY, 
4  July,  1780. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

Motives  of  friendship  not  less  than  of  public 
good,  induce  me  with  freedom  to  give  you  my 
sentiments  on  a  matter,  which  interests  you  per- 
sonally as  well  as  the  good  of  the  common  cause. 
I  flatter  myself  you  will  receive  what  I  say  in  the 
same  spirit  which  dictates  it,  and  that  it  will  have 
all  the  influence  circumstances  will  possibly  permit. 

The  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  has  vested  you, 
in  case  of  necessity,  with  a  power  of  declaring  Mar- 
tial Law  throughout  the  State,  to  enable  you  to 
take  such  measures  as  the  exigency  may  demand. 
So  far  the  Legislature  has  done  its  part.  Europe, 
America,  the  State  itself,  will  look  to  you  for  the 
rest.  The  power  vested  in  you  will  admit  of  all 
the  latitude,  that  could  be  desired,  and  may  be 
made  to  mean  any  thing,  the  public  safety  may  re- 
quire. If  it  is  not  exerted  proportionably,  you 
will  be  responsible  for  the  consequences.  Nothing, 

affairs  of  Ireland  are  fully  settled,  and  that  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland  are  firmly  united,  as  well  from  interest  as  from  affec- 
tion: I  need  not  now  tell  you  who  are  born  in  America,  that 
you  have  been  cheated  and  abused;  and  you  are  both  sensible, 
that  in  order  to  procure  your  liberty  you  must  quit  your  lead- 
ers, and  join  your  real  friends  who  scorn  to  impose  upon  you, 
and  who  will  receive  you  with  open  arms,  kindly  forgiving  all 
your  errors. 

"  You  are  told  that  you  are  surrounded  by  a  numerous  militia, 
this  is  also  false — associate  them  together,  make  use  of  your 
firelocks  and  join  the  British  Army,  where  you  will  be  permit- 
ted to  dispose  of  yourselves  as  you  please." — Ford. 


152  George  Washington 

my  dear  Sir,  can  be  more  delicate  and  critical  than 
your  situation;  a  full  discretionary  power  lodged 
in  your  hands  in  conjunction  with  the  Council; 
great  expectations  in  our  allies  and  in  the  People 
of  this  country ;  ample  means  in  the  State  for  great 
exertions  of  every  kind;  a  powerful  party  on  one 
hand  to  take  advantage  of  every  opening  to  preju- 
dice you,  on  the  other  popular  indolence  and 
avarice,  averse  to  every  measure  inconsistent  with 
present  ease  and  present  interest.  In  this  dilemma, 
there  is  a  seeming  danger  whatever  side  you  take; 
it  remains  to  choose  that,  which  has  least  real  dan- 
ger and  will  best  promote  the  public  weal.  This  in 
my  opinion  clearly  is  to  exert  the  powers  entrusted 
to  you  with  a  boldness  and  vigor  suited  to  the 
emergency. 

In  general  I  esteem  it  a  good  maxim,  that  the 
best  way  to  preserve  the  confidence  of  the  people 
durably  is  to  promote  their  true  interest.  There 
are  particular  exigencies  when  this  maxim  has  pe- 
culiar force.  When  any  great  object  is  in  view, 
the  popular  mind  is  roused  into  expectation,  and 
prepared  to  make  sacrifices  both  of  ease  and  prop- 
erty. If  those,  to  whom  they  confide  the  manage- 
ment of  their  affairs,  do  not  call  them  to  make  these 
sacrifices,  and  the  object  is  not  attained,  or  they  are 
involved  in  the  reproach  of  not  having  contributed 
as  much  as  they  ought  to  have  done  towards  it,  they 
will  be  mortified  at  the  disappointment,  they  will 
feel  the  censure,  and  their  resentment  will  rise 
against  those,  who,  with  sufficient  authority,  have 
omitted  to  do  what  their  interest  and  their  honor 


President  Reed  153 

required.  Extensive  powers  not  exercised  as  far 
as  was  necessary  have,  I  believe,  scarcely  ever  failed 
to  ruin  the  possessor.  The  Legislature  and  the 
People  in  your  case,  would  be  very  glad  to  excuse 
themselves  by  condemning  you.  You  would  be 
assailed  with  blame  from  every  quarter,  and  your 
enemies  would  triumph. 

The  party  opposed  to  you  in  the  Government  are 
making  great  efforts.  I  am  told  the  bank,  estab- 
lished for  supplying  the  army,  is  principally  under 
the  auspices  of  that  party.  It  will  undoubtedly  give 
them  great  credit  with  the  People,  and  you  have  no 
effectual  way  to  counterbalance  this,  but  by  em- 
ploying all  your  influence  and  authority  to  render 
services  proportioned  to  your  station.  Hitherto 
I  confess  to  you  frankly,  my  dear  Sir,  I  do  not 
think  your  affairs  are  in  the  train  which  might  be 
wished;  and  if  Pennsylvania  does  not  do  its  part 
fully,  it  is  of  so  much  importance  in  the  general 
scale,  that  we  must  fail  of  success,  or  limit  our  views 
to  mere  defence.  I  have  conversed  with  some  gen- 
tlemen on  the  measure  of  filling  your  battalions. 
They  seemed  to  think  you  could  not  exceed  what 
the  Legislature  had  done  for  this  purpose.  I  am 
of  very  different  sentiment.  The  establishment  of 
Martial  Law  implies,  in  my  judgment,  the  right  of 
calling  any  part  of  your  citizens  into  military  serv- 
ice, and  in  any  manner  which  may  be  found  ex- 
pedient; and  I  have  no  doubt  the  draft  may  be 
executed. 

I  write  to  you  with  the  freedom  of  friendship, 
and  I  hope  you  will  esteem  it  the  truest  mark  I 


154 


George  Washington 


could  give  you  of  it.  In  this  view,  whether  you 
think  my  observations  well  founded  or  not,  the 
motive  will,  I  am  persuaded,  render  them  agree- 
able. In  offering  my  respects  to  Mrs.  Reed  I 
must  be  permitted  to  accompany  them  with  a  ten- 
der of  my  very  warm  acknowledgments  to  her  and 
you  for  the  civilities  and  attention  both  of  you  have 
been  pleased  to  show  Mrs.  Washington, — and  for 
the  honor  you  have  done  me  in  calling  the  young 
Christian  by  my  name.  With  the  greatest  regard, 
I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c. 


TO  FIELDING  LEWIS 

BERGEN  COUNTY,  JERSEY, 

6  July,  1780. 
****** 

The  Gazettes  will  have  given  you  an  account  of 
the  enemy's  movements  on  the  7th  and  23d  of  last 
month  from  Elizabethtown-point,  and  of  their 
having  taken  post  there  from  the  one  date  to  the 
other;  there  can  be  no  occasion  therefore  to  detail 
the  account  in  this  place;  but  I  may  lament  in  the 
bitterness  of  my  soul,  that  the  fatal  policy  which 
has  pervaded  all  our  measures  from  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  and  which  no  experience  however  dear 
bought  can  change,  should  have  reduced  our  army 
to  so  low  an  ebb,  as  not  to  have  given  a  more  effect- 
ual opposition  to  those  movements  than  we  did;  or 
that  we  should  be  obliged  to  be  removing  our  stores 
from  place  to  place  to  keep  them  out  of  the  way  of 
the  enemy  instead  of  driving  that  enemy  from  our 


Fielding  Lewis  155 

country — but  our  weakness  invited  these  insults, 
and  why  they  did  not  attempt  at  least  to  do  more 
than  they  did,  I  cannot  conceive.  Nor  will  it  be 
easy  to  make  any  one  at  the  distance  of  400  miles 
believe  that  our  army,  weakened  as  it  is  by  the  ex- 
piration of  men's  enlistments,  should  at  times  be 
five  or  six  days  together  without  meat — then  as 
many  without  bread — and  once  or  twice,  two  or 
three  days  together  without  either — and  that,  in 
the  same  army,  there  should  be  numbers  of  men 
with  scarcely  as  much  cloathing  as  would  cover 
their  nakedness,  and  at  least  a  fourth  of  the  whole 
with  not  even  the  shadow  of  a  blanket,  severe  as 
the  winter  has  been.  Under  these  circumstances 
it  is  no  difficult  matter  to  conceive  what  a  time  I 
must  have  had  to  keep  up  appearances  and  prevent 
the  most  disastrous  consequences. 

It  may  be  asked  how  these  things  have  come  to 
pass?  the  answer  is  plain — and  may  be  ascribed  to 
the  want  of  system,  not  to  say  foresight — origin- 
ally (if  it  is  not  still  the  case  with  some)  to  a  fatal 
jealousy  (under  our  circumstances)  of  a  standing 
army — by  which  means  we  neglected  to  obtain 
soldiers  for  the  war  when  zeal  and  patriotism  run 
high,  and  men  were  eager  to  engage  for  a  trifle  or 
for  nothing;  the  consequence  of  which  has  been 
that  we  have  protracted  the  war — expended  mil- 
lions and  tens  of  millions  of  pounds  which  might 
have  been  saved,  and  have  a  new  army  to  raise  and 
discipline  once  or  twice  a  year,  and  with  which  we 
can  undertake  nothing  because  we  have  nothing 
to  build  upon,  as  the  men  are  slipping  from  us 


156  George  Washington 

every  day  by  means  of  their  expiring  enlistments. 
To  these  fundamental  errors,  may  be  added  an- 
other which  I  expect  will  prove  our  ruin,  and  that 
is  the  relinquishment  of  Congressional  powers  to 
the  States  individually — all  the  business  is  now 
attempted,  for  it  is  not  done,  by  a  timid  kind  of 
recommendation  from  Congress  to  the  States;  the 
consequence  of  which  is,  that  instead  of  pursuing 
one  uniform  system,  which  in  the  execution  shall 
corrispond  in  time  and  manner,  each  State  under- 
takes to  determine — 

1st.  Whether  they  will  comply  or  not. 
2nd.  In  what  manner  they  will  do  it,  and 
3d.  In  what  time — by  which  means  scarcely 
any  one  measure  is,  or  can  be  executed,  while  great 
expences  are  incurred  and  the  willing  and  zealous 
States  ruined.  In  a  word  our  measures  are  not 
under  the  influence  and  direction  of  one  council,  but 
thirteen,  each  of  which  is  actuated  by  local  views 
and  politics,  without  considering  the  fatal  conse- 
quences of  not  complying  with  plans  which  the 
united  wisdom  of  America  in  its  representative  ca- 
pacity have  digested,  or  the  unhappy  tendency  of 
delay,  mutilation  or  alteration.  I  do  not  scruple 
to  add,  and  I  give  it  decisively  as  my  opinion — 
that  unless  the  States  will  content  themselves  with 
a  full  and  well-chosen  representation  in  Congress 
and  vest  that  body  with  absolute  powers  in  all  mat- 
ters relative  to  the  great  purposes  of  war,  and  of 
general  concern  (by  which  the  States  unitedly  are 
affected,  reserving  to  themselves  all  matters  of  local 
and  internal  polity  for  the  regulation  of  order  and 


Fielding  Lewis  157 

good  government)  we  are  attempting  an  impossi- 
bility, and  very  soon  shall  become  (if  it  is  not 
already  the  case)  a  many-headed  monster — a  hete- 
rogenious  mass — that  never  will  or  can  steer  to  the 
same  point.  The  contest  among  the  different 
States  now  is  not  which  shall  do  most  for  the  com- 
mon cause — but  which  shall  do  least,  hence  arise 
disappointments  and  delay,  one  State  waiting  to 
see  what  another  will  or  will  not  do,  through  fear 
of  doing  too  much,  and  by  their  deliberations,  al- 
terations, and  sometimes  refusals  to  comply  with 
the  requisitions  of  Congress,  after  that  Congress 
spent  months  in  reconciling  (as  far  as  it  is  pos- 
sible) jarring  interests,  in  order  to  frame  their 
resolutions,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  the  case  will  ad- 
mit, upon  principles  of  equality.1 

1M  Certain  I  am,  unless  Congress  speak  in  a  more  decisive 
tone,  unless  they  are  vested  with  powers  by  the  several  States 
competent  to  the  great  purposes  of  war,  or  assume  them  as 
matter  of  right,  and  they  and  the  States  respectively  act  with 
more  energy  than  they  hitherto  have  done,  that  our  cause  is 
lost.  We  can  no  longer  drudge  on  in  the  old  way.  By  ill 
timing  the  adoption  of  measures,  by  delays  in  the  execution 
of  them,  or  by  unwarrantable  jealousies,  we  incur  enormous  ex- 
penses and  derive  no  benefit  from  them.  One  State  will  comply 
with  a  requisition  of  Congress;  another  neglects  to  do  it;  a 
third  executes  it  by  halves;  and  all  differ  either  in  the  manner, 
the  matter,  or  so  much  in  point  of  time,  that  we  are  always 
working  up  hill,  and  ever  shall  be;  and,  while  such  a  system  as 
the  present  one,  or  rather  want  of  one  prevails,  we  shall  ever 
be  unable  to  apply  our  strength  or  resources  to  any  advantage. 

"  This,  my  dear  Sir,  is  plain  language  to  a  member  of  Con- 
gress; but  it  is  the  language  of  truth  and  friendship.  It  is 
the  result  of  long  thinking,  close  application,  and  strict  ob- 
servation. I  see  one  head  gradually  changing  into  thirteen. 
I  see  one  army  branching  into  thirteen,  which,  instead  of  look- 
ing up  to  Congress  as  the  supreme  controlling  power  of  the 


158  George  Washington 

There  is  another  source  from  whence  much  of  our 
present  distress,  and  past  difficulties  have  flowed, 
and  that  is  the  hope  and  expectation  which  seizes 
the  States,  and  Congress  toward  the  close  of  every 
year,  that  Peace  must  take  place  in  the  Winter — 
This  never  fails  to  produce  an  apathy  which  lulls 
them  into  ease  and  security,  and  involves  the  most 
distressing  consequences  at  the  opening  of  every 
campaign.  We  may  rely  upon  it  that  we  shall 
never  have  Peace  till  the  enemy  are  convinced  that 
we  are  in  a  condition  to  carry  on  the  war.  It  is 
no  new  maxim  in  politics  that  for  a  nation  to  ob- 
tain Peace,  or  insure  it,  it  must  be  prepared  for 
war. 

But  it  is  time  for  me  to  recollect  myself  and  quit 
a  subject  which  would  require  a  folio  volume  to 
illucidate,  and  expose  the  folly  of  our  measures. 
To  rectify  past  blunders  is  impossible,  but  we  might 
profit  by  the  experience  of  them,  tho'  even  here  I 
doubt,  as  I  am  furnished  with  many  instances  to 
the  contrary.  *  *  * 


TO  MAJOR-GENERAL  HEATH 

ROBINSON'S  HOUSE,  26  September.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    I  cannot  conclude,  without  informing 

United  States,  are  considering  themselves  as  dependent  on  their 
respective  States.  In  a  word,  I  see  the  powers  of  Congress  de- 
clining too  fast  for  the  consideration  and  respect,  which  are 
due  to  them  as  the  great  representative  body  of  America,  and  I 
am  fearful  of  the  consequences." — Washington  to  Joseph  Jones, 
in  Congress,  31  May,  1780. 


Major-General  Heath  159 

you  of  an  event,  which  has  happened  here,  and 
which  will  strike  you  with  astonishment  and  indig- 
nation. Major- General  Arnold  has  gone  to  the 
enemy.  He  had  had  an  interview  with  Major 
Andre,  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army,  and 
had  put  into  his  possession  a  state  of  our  army,  of 
the  garrison  at  this  post,  of  the  number  of  men 
considered  as  necessary  for  the  defence  of  it,  a  re- 
turn of  the  ordnance,  and  the  disposition  of  the 
artillery  corps,  in  case  of  an  alarm.  By  a  most 
providential  interposition,  Major  Andre  was  taken 
in  returning  to  New  York,  with  all  those  papers 
in  General  Arnold's  handwriting,  who,  hearing  of 
the  matter,  kept  it  secret,  and  left  his  quarters  im- 
mediately, under  pretence  of  going  over  to  West 
Point  on  Monday  forenoon,  about  an  hour  before 
my  arrival;  then  pushed  down  the  river  in  the 
barge,  which  was  not  discovered  till  I  had  returned 
from  West  Point  in  the  afternoon;  and,  when  I  re- 
ceived the  first  information  of  Major  Andre's  cap- 
tivity, measures  were  instantly  taken  to  apprehend 
him;  but,  before  the  officers,  sent  for  the  purpose, 
could  reach  Verplanck's  Point,  he  had  passed  it 
with  a  flag,  and  got  on  board  the  Vulture  ship  of 
war,  which  lay  a  few  miles  below.  He  knew  of 
my  approach,  and  that  I  was  visiting,  with  the 
Marquis,  the  north  and  middle  redoubts,  and  from 
this  circumstance  was  so  straitened  in  point  of 
time,  that  I  believe  he  carried  with  him  but  very 
few  if  any  material  papers,  though  he  has  a  very 
precise  knowledge  of  the  affairs  of  the  post.  The 
gentlemen  of  General  Arnold's  family,  I  have 


160  George  Washington 

the  greatest  reason  to  believe,  were  not  privy  in  the 
least  degree  to  the  measures  he  was  carrying  on,  or 
to  his  escape.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  with  very  great 
esteem  and  regard,  yours,  &c. 


TO   BRIGADIER-GENERAL    JOHN    CADWALADER 

HEAD-QRS.,  TAPPAN,  5  October,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  to  acknowledge  and  thank  you  for  your 
obliging  and  friendly  letter  of  the  20th  ulto. — It 
came  to  this  place  in  my  absence  from  the  army  and 
during  my  necessary  detention  at  West  Point  on 
a  very  interesting  but  disgraceful  incident  in  our 
military  occurrences. 

Altho  I  have  but  little  leizure  for  the  gratifica- 
tion of  private  correspondencies,  I  beg  you  to  be 
assured,  that,  from  a  warmth  of  friendship,  any 
letters  of  yours  will  be  gratefully  accepted;  and  it 
is  with  much  pleasure  I  receive  fresh  assurances  of 
your  regard  and  attachment  to  me.  We  are  now 
drawing  an  inactive  campaign  to  a  close;  the  be- 
ginning of  which  appeared  pregnant  with  events 
of  a  favorable  complexn.  I  hoped,  but  I  hoped  in 
vain,  that  a  prospect  was  displaying,  which  wd. 
enable  me  to  fix  a  period  to  my  military  pursuits, 
and  restore  me  to  domestic  life.  The  favorable 
disposition  of  Spain,  the  promised  succor  from 
France,  the  combined  force  in  the  West  Indies,  the 
declaration  of  Russia  (acceded  to  by  other  powers 
of  Europe,  and  humiliating  to  the  naval  pride  and 


Brigadier-General  John  Cadwalader    161 

power  of  Great  Britain)  /  the  superiority  of  France 
and  Spain  by  sea  in  Europe,  the  Irish  claims  and 
English  disturbances,  formed  in  the  aggregate  an 
opinion  in  my  breast,  (which  is  not  very  susceptible 
of  peaceful  dreams",)  that  the  hour  of  deliverance 
was  not  far  distant;  for  that,  however  unwilling 
Great  B.  might  be  to  yield  the  point,  it  would  not 
be  in  her  power  to  continue  the  contest.  But  alas ! 
these  prospects,  flattering  as  they  were,  have 
prov'd  delusory,  and  I  see  nothing  before  us  but 
accumulating  distress. 

We  have  been  half  of  our  time  without  pro- 
vision, and  are  likely  to  continue  so.  We  have  no 
magazines,  nor  money  to  form  them;  and  in  a  little 
time  we  shall  have  no  men,  if  we  had  money  to  pay 
them.  We  have  lived  upon  expedients  till  we  can 
live  no  longer.  In  a  word,  the  history  of  the  war 
is  a  history  of  false  hopes  and  temporary  devices, 
instead  of  system  and  oeconomy.  It  is  in  vain, 
however,  to  look  back,  nor  is  it  our  business  to  do 
so.  Our  case  is  not  desperate,  if  virtue  exists  in 
the  people,  and  there  is  wisdom  among  our  rulers. 

!ln  this  war,  which  was  waged  between  France,  Spain,  and 
the  United  States  on  the  one  side  and  Great  Britain  on  the 
other,  the  latter  power  showed  little  disposition  to  regard  the 
rights  of  neutrals.  In  consequence,  the  Empress  of  Russia, 
on  February  28,  1780,  issued  a  declaration  setting  forth  a  series 
of  principles  or  rules  for  the  guidance  of  her  naval  officers  in 
the  protection  of  the  neutral  rights  of  her  subjects.  Other 
nations  were  invited  to  join  in  her  declaration,  and  Denmark, 
Sweden,  Holland,  Prussia,  Austria,  Portugal  and  the  Two 
Sicilies  did  so.  The  league  thus  formed  is  known  as  the  Armed 
Neutrality  of  1780.  See  Moore,  Digest  of  International  Law, 
vii.,  558. 


1 62  George  Washington 

But  to  suppose  that  this  great  revolution  can  be 
accomplished  by  a  temporary  army,  that  this  army 
will  be  subsisted  by  State  supplies,  and  that  taxa- 
tion alone  is  adequate  to  our  wants,  is  in  my  opin- 
ion absurd,  and  as  unreasonable  as  to  expect  an 
Inversion  in  the  order  of  nature  to  accommodate 
itself  to  our  views.  If  it  was  necessary,  it  could 
easily  be  proved  to  any  person  of  a  moderate  share 
of  understanding,  that  an  annual  army  or  an  army 
raised  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion,  besides  being 
unqualified  for  the  end  designed,  is,  in  various  ways 
which  could  be  enumerated,  ten  times  more  expen- 
sive than  a  permanent  body  of  men,  under  good 
organization  and  military  discipline,  which  never 
was  nor  never  will  be  the  case  of  new  Troops.  A 
thousand  arguments,  resulting  from  experience  and 
the  nature  of  things,  might  also  be  adduced  to 
prove,  that  the  army,  if  it  is  to  depend  upon  State 
supplies,  must  disband  or  starve ;  and  that  taxation 
alone,  (especially  at  this  late  hour,)  cannot  furnish 
the  means  to  carry  on  the  War.  Is  it  not  time  then 
to  retract  from  error,  and  benefit  by  experience? 
Or  do  we  want  further  proof  of  the  ruinous  system 
we  have  pertinaciously  adhered  to?  *  *  * 


TO    LIEUTENANT-COLONEL    JOHN    LAUEENS 

HD-QKS.,  PASSAIC  FALLS, 
13  October,  1780. 

MY  DEAE  LAUEENS, 

*    *    *    In  no  instance  since  the  commencement 
of  the  war,  has  the  interposition  of  Providence  ap- 


Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Laurens      163 

peared  more  remarkably  conspicuous  than  in  the 
rescue  of  the  post  and  garrison  of  West  point  from 
Arnold's  villanous  perfidy.  How  far  he  meant  to 
involve  me  in  the  catastrophe  of  this  place,  does 
not  appear  by  any  indubitable  evidence ;  and  I  am 
rather  inclined  to  think  he  did  not  wish  to  hazard 
the  more  important  object  of  his  treachery,  by  at- 
tempting to  combine  two  events,  the  lesser  of  which 
might  have  marr'd  the  greater.  A  combination  of 
extraordinary  circumstances,  and  unaccountable 
deprivation  of  presence  of  mind  in  a  man  of  the 
first  abilities,  and  the  virtue  of  three  militia  men, 
threw  the  adjutant-general  of  the  British  forces, 
(with  full  proofs  of  Arnold's  treachery,)  into  our 
hands.  But  for  the  egregious  folly,  or  the  bewil- 
dered conception,  of  Lieut.-Colonel  Jameson,  who 
seemed  lost  in  astonishment,  and  not  to  have  known 
what  he  was  doing,  I  should  undoubtedly  have  got 
Arnold.  Andre  has  met  his  fate,  and  with  that 
fortitude,  which  was  to  be  expected  from  an  ac- 
complished man  and  gallant  officer;  but  I  am  mis- 
taken if,  at  this  time,  "  Arnold  is  undergoing  the 
torment  of  a  mental  Hell."  *  He  wants  feeling. 
From  some  traits  of  his  character,  which  have  lately 
come  to  my  knowledge,  he  seems  to  have  been  so 
hackneyed  in  villany,  and  so  lost  to  all  sense  of 
honor  and  shame,  that,  while  his  faculties  will  en- 

1  Alluding  to  a  passage  in  Colonel  Laurens's  letter,  m  which 
he  said :  "  Andre  has,  I  suppose,  paid  the  forfeit  which  public 
justice  demanded.  Example  will  derive  new  force  from  his 
conspicuous  character.  Arnold  must  undergo  a  punishment 
comparatively  more  severe  in  the  permanent,  increasing  tor- 
ment of  a  mental  hell." — October  4th. — Sparks. 


164  George  Washington 

able  him  to  continue  his  sordid  pursuits,  there  will 
be  no  time  for  remorse.    *    *    * 


TO  LIEUTENANT-COLONEL   JOHN  LAURENS  * 

NEW  WINDSOR,  15  January,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR, 

In  compliance  with  your  request  I  shall  commit 
to  writing  the  result  of  our  conferences  on  the  pres- 
ent state  of  American  affairs,  in  which  I  have  given 
you  my  ideas  with  that  freedom  and  explicitness, 
which  the  objects  of  your  commission,  my  entire 
confidence  in  you,  and  the  exigency  demand.  To 
me  it  appears  evident: 

1st.  That,  considering  the  diffused  population 
of  these  States,  the  consequent  difficulty  of  drawing 
together  its  resources,  the  composition  and  temper 
of  a  part  of  the  inhabitants,  the  want  of  a  sufficient 
stock  of  national  wealth  as  a  foundation  for  reve- 

1  In  conformity  with  the  instructions  from  Congress  to  Col- 
onel Laurens,  that  he  should  consult  General  Washington  on 
the  objects  of  his  mission  before  his  departure  for  France,  he 
proceeded  to  head-quarters  for  that  purpose.  The  substance 
of  their  consultations  was  embodied  in  the  form  of  a  letter, 
•which  it  was  intended  Colonel  Laurens  should  use  in  such  a 
manner  as  he  might  think  proper.  He  introduced  copious  ex- 
tracts from  it  into  a  memorial,  which  he  presented  to  Count  de 
Vergennes,  and  which  is  contained  in  the  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  ix.,  p.  211.  Those 
extracts  differ  in  some  slight  particulars  from  the  copy  here 
printed,  which  is  taken  from  General  Washington's  letter- 
books.  The  original  letter,  in  the  handwriting  of  General 
Washington,  was  likewise  sent  to  Count  de  Vergennes,  by  Col- 
onel Laurens  or  Dr.  Franklin,  and  is  still  preserved  among  the 
American  Papers  in  the  Archives  of  Foreign  Affairs  in  Paris. — 
Sparks, 


Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Laurens     165 

nue,  and  the  almost  total  extinction  of  commerce, 
the  efforts  we  have  been  compelled  to  make  for 
carrying  on  the  war  have  exceeded  the  natural  abili- 
ties of  this  country,,  and  by  degrees  brought  it  to  a 
crisis,  which  renders  immediate  and  efficacious  suc- 
cors from  abroad  indispensable  to  its  safety. 

2dly.  That,  notwithstanding,  from  the  confu- 
sion always  attendant  on  a  revolution,  from  our 
having  had  governments  to  frame  and  every  species 
of  civil  and  military  institutions  to  create,  from  that 
inexperience  in  affairs  necessarily  incident  to  a  na- 
tion in  its  commencement,  some  errors  may  have 
been  committed  in  the  administration  of  our  finan- 
ces, to  which  a  part  of  our  embarrassments  are  to 
be  attributed ;  yet  they  are  principally  to  be  ascribed 
to  an  essential  defect  of  means,  to  the  want  of  a 
sufficient  stock  of  wealth,  as  mentioned  in  the  first 
article,  which,  continuing  to  operate,  will  make  it 
impossible  by  any  merely  interior  exertions  to  ex- 
tricate ourselves  from  those  embarrassments,  re- 
store public  credit,  and  furnish  the  funds  requisite 
for  the  support  of  the  war. 

3dly.  That  experience  has  demonstrated  the 
impracticability  long  to  maintain  a  paper  credit 
without  funds  for  its  redemption.  The  deprecia- 
tion of  our  currency  was  in  the  main  a  necessary 
effect  of  the  want  of  those  funds;  and  its  restora- 
tion is  impossible  for  the  same  reason,  to  which  the 
general  diffidence  that  has  taken  place  among  the 
people  is  an  additional  and,  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  an  insuperable  obstacle. 

4thly.     That  the  mode,  which  for  want  of  money 


1 66  George  Washington 

has  been  substituted  for  supplying  the  army,  by 
assessing  a  proportion  of  the  productions  of  the 
earth,  has  hitherto  been  found  ineffectual,  has  fre- 
quently exposed  the  army  to  the  most  calamitous 
distress,  and,  from  its  novelty  and  incompatibility 
with  ancient  habits,  is  regarded  by  the  people  as 
burthensome  and  oppressive,  has  excited  serious 
discontents,  and  in  some  places  alarming  symptoms 
of  opposition.  This  mode  has,  besides,  many  par- 
ticular inconveniences,  which  contribute  to  make  it 
inadequate  to  our  wants,  and  ineligible  but  as  an 
auxiliary. 

5thly.  That,  from  the  best  estimates  of  the  an- 
nual expense  of  the  war  and  the  annual  revenues 
which  these  States  are  capable  of  affording,  there 
is  a  large  balance  to  be  supplied  by  public  credit. 
The  resource  of  domestic  loans  is  inconsiderable, 
because  there  are  properly  speaking  few  moneyed 
men,  and  the  few  there  are  can  employ  their  money 
more  profitably  otherwise;  added  to  which,  the 
instability  of  the  currency  and  the  deficiency  of 
funds  have  impaired  the  public  credit. 

Gthly.  That  the  patience  of  the  army,  from  an 
almost  uninterrupted  series  of  complicated  dis- 
tress, is  now  nearly  exhausted,  and  their  discon- 
tents matured  to  an  extremity,  which  has  recently 
had  very  disagreeable  consequences,  and  which 
demonstrates  the  absolute  necessity  of  speedy  re- 
lief, a  relief  not  within  the  compass  of  our  means. 
You  are  too  well  acquainted  with  all  their  suffer- 
ings for  want  of  clothing,  for  want  of  provisions, 
for  want  of  pay. 


Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Laurens      167 

7thly.  That,  the  people  being  dissatisfied  with 
the  mode  of  supporting  the  war,  there  is  cause  to 
apprehend,  that  evils  actually  felt  in  the  prosecu- 
tion may  weaken  those  sentiments  which  began  it, 
founded,  not  on  immediate  sufferings,  but  on  a 
speculative  apprehension  of  future  sufferings  from 
the  loss  of  their  liberties.  There  is  danger,  that  a 
commercial  and  free  people,  little  accustomed  to 
heavy  burthens,  pressed  by  impositions  of  a  new 
and  odious  kind,  may  not  make  a  proper  allowance 
for  the  necessity  of  the  conjuncture,  and  may 
imagine  they  have  only  exchanged  one  tyranny 
for  another. 

8thly.  That,  from  all  the  foregoing  considera- 
tions result,  1st,  absolute  necessity  of  an  immedi- 
ate, ample,  and  efficacious  succor  in  money,  large 
enough  to  be  a  foundation  for  substantial  arrange- 
ments of  finance,  to  revive  public  credit,  and  give 
vigor  to  future  operations;  2dly,  the  vast  impor- 
tance of  a  decided  effort  of  the  allied  arms  on  this 
continent,  the  ensuing  campaign,  to  effectuate 
once  for  all  the  great  objects  of  the  alliance,  the  lib- 
erty and  independence  of  these  States.  Without 
the  first  we  may  make  a  feeble  and  expiring  effort 
the  next  campaign,  in  all  probability  the  period  to 
our  opposition.  With  it,  we  should  be  in  a  condi- 
tion to  continue  the  war,  as  long  as  the  obstinacy  of 
the  enemy  might  require.  The  first  is  essential  to 
the  latter;  both  combined  would  bring  the  contest 
to  a  glorious  issue,  crown  the  obligations,  which 
America  already  feels  to  the  magnanimity  and  gen- 
erosity of  her  ally,  and  perpetuate  the  union  by  all 


1 68  George  Washington 

the  ties  of  gratitude  and  affection,  as  well  as  mutual 
advantage,  which  alone  can  render  it  solid  and 
indissoluble. 

9thly.  That,  next  to  a  loan  of  money,  a  con- 
stant naval  superiority  on  these  coasts  is  the  object 
most  interesting.  This  would  instantly  reduce  the 
enemy  to  a  difficult  defensive,  and,  by  removing  all 
prospect  of  extending  their  acquisitions,  would 
take  away  the  motives  for  prosecuting  the  war. 
Indeed,  it  is  not  to  be  conceived  how  they  could 
subsist  a  large  force  in  this  country,  if  we  had  the 
command  of  the  seas,  to  interrupt  the  regular  trans- 
mission of  supplies  from  Europe.  This  superior- 
ity, (with  an  aid  in  money,)  would  enable  us  to 
convert  the  war  into  a  vigorous  offensive.  I  say 
nothing  of  the  advantages  to  the  trade  of  both  na- 
tions, nor  how  infinitely  it  would  facilitate  our  sup- 
plies. With  respect  to  us,  it  seems  to  be  one  of 
two  deciding  points;  and  it  appears,  too,  to  be  the 
interest  of  our  allies,  abstracted  from  the  immedi- 
ate benefits  to  this  country,  to  transfer  the  naval 
war  to  America.  The  number  of  ports  friendly  to 
them,  hostile  to  the  British,  the  materials  for  re- 
pairing their  disabled  ships,  the  extensive  supplies 
towards  the  subsistence  of  their  fleet,  are  circum- 
stances which  would  give  them  a  palpable  advantage 
in  the  contest  of  these  seas. 

lOthly.  That  an  additional  succor  in  troops 
would  be  extremely  desirable.  Besides  a  rein- 
forcement of  numbers,  the  excellence  of  French 
troops,  that  perfect  discipline  and  order  in  the 
corps  already  sent,  which  have  so  happily  tended  to 


Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Laurens      169 

improve  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  people 
for  our  allies,  the  conciliating  disposition  and  the 
zeal  for  the  service,  which  distinguish  every  rank, 
sure  indications  of  lasting  harmony, — all  these 
considerations  evince  the  immense  utility  of  an  ac- 
cession of  force  to  the  corps  now  here.  Corre- 
spondent with  these  motives,  the  enclosed  minutes 
of  a  conference  between  their  Excellencies  the 
Count  de  Rochambeau,  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay, 
and  myself  will  inform  you,  that  an  augmentation 
to  fifteen  thousand  men  was  judged  expedient  for 
the  next  campaign;  and  it  has  been  signified  to  me, 
that  an  application  has  been  made  to  the  court  of 
France  to  this  effect.  But  if  the  sending  so  large 
a  succor  in  troops  should  necessarily  diminish  the 
pecuniary  aid,  which  our  allies  may  be  disposed  to 
grant,  it  were  preferable  to  diminish  the  aid  in  men; 
for  the  same  sum  of  money,  which  would  transport 
from  France  and  maintain  here  a  body  of  troops 
with  all  the  necessary  apparatus,  being  put  into 
our  hands  to  be  employed  by  us,  would  serve  to  give 
activity  to  a  larger  force  within  ourselves,  and  its 
influence  would  pervade  the  whole  administration, 
llthly.  That  no  nation  will  have  it  more  in  its 
power  to  repay  what  it  borrows  than  this.  Our 
debts  are  hitherto  small.  The  vast  and  valuable 
tracts  of  unlocated  lands,  the  variety  and  fertility 
of  climates  and  soils,  the  advantages  of  every  kind 
which  we  possess  for  commerce,  insure  to  this  coun- 
try a  rapid  advancement  in  population  and  pros- 
perity, and  a  certainty,  its  independence  being 
established,  of  redeeming  in  a  short  term  of  years 


170  George  Washington 

the  comparatively  inconsiderable  debts  it  may  have 
occasion  to  contract. 

That,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties  under  which 
we  labor,  and  the  inquietudes  prevailing  among  the 
people,  there  is  still  a  fund  of  inclination  and  re- 
source in  the  country,  equal  to  great  and  continued 
exertions,  provided  we  have  it  in  our  power  to  stop 
the  progress  of  disgust,  by  changing  the  present 
system,  and  adopting  another  more  consonant  with 
the  spirit  of  the  nation,  and  more  capable  of  activity 
and  energy  in  public  measures;  of  which  a  power- 
ful succor  of  money  must  be  the  basis.  The  peo- 
ple are  discontented;  but  it  is  with  the  feeble  and 
oppressive  mode  of  conducting  the  war,  not  with 
the  war  itself.  They  are  not  unwilling  to  contrib- 
ute to  its  support,  but  they  are  unwilling  to  do  it 
in  a  way  that  renders  private  property  precarious; 
a  necessary  consequence  of  the  fluctuation  of  the 
national  currency,  and  of  the  inability  of  govern- 
ment to  perform  its  engagements  oftentimes 
coercively  made.  A  large  majority  are  still  firmly 
attached  to  the  independence  of  these  States,  ab- 
hor a  reunion  with  Great  Britain,  and  are  affection- 
ate to  the  alliance  with  France ;  but  this  disposition 
cannot  supply  the  place  of  means  customary  and 
essential  in  war,  nor  can  we  rely  on  its  duration 
amidst  the  perplexities,  oppressions,  and  misfor- 
tunes, that  attend  the  want  of  them.1 

1 "  I  am  sorry  to  hear,  that  the  recruiting  business  in  your 
State  is  clogged  with  so  many  embarrassments.  It  is  per- 
haps the  greatest  of  the  great  evils  attending  this  contest, 
that  States  as  well  as  individuals  had  rather  wish  well,  than 
act  well;  had  rather  see  a  thing  done,  than  do  it,  or  contribute 


Lord  Cornwallis  171 

If  the  foregoing  observations  are  of  any  use  to 
you,  I  shall  be  happy.  I  wish  you  a  safe  and 
pleasant  voyage,  the  full  accomplishment  of  your 
mission,  and  a  speedy  return;  being,  with  senti- 
ments of  perfect  friendship,  regard,  and  affection, 
dear  Sir,  &c. 


TO  LORD   CORNWALLIS 

HEAD    QUARTERS,  BEFORE   YORK, 
18  October,  1781. 

MY  LORD, 

To  avoid  unnecessary  discussion  and  delays  I 
shall  at  once,  in  answer  to  your  Lordships  letters 
of  yesterday,  declare  the  general  basis  upon  which  a 
definitive  treaty  and  capitulation  must  take  place. 
The  garrisons  of  York  and  Gloucester,  including 
the  seamen,  as  you  propose,  will  be  received  Pris- 

their  just  proportion  to  the  doing  it.  This  conduct  is  not  only 
injurious  to  the  common  cause,  but  in  the  end  most  expensive  to 
themselves;  besides  the  distrusts  and  jealousies,  which  are 
sown  by  such  conduct.  To  expect  brick  without  straw  is  idle, 
and  yet  I  am  called  upon,  with  as  much  facility  to  furnish  men 
and  means  for  every  service  and  every  want,  as  if  every  iota 
required  of  the  States  had  been  furnished,  and  the  whole  was  at 
my  disposal;  when  the  fact  is,  I  am  scarcely  able  to  provide  a 
garrison  for  West  Point,  or  to  feed  the  men  that  are  there. 
This,  and  ten  thousand  reasons,  which  I  could  assign,  prove  the 
necessity  of  something  more  than  recommendatory  powers  in 
Congress.  If  that  body  is  not  vested  with  a  controuling  power 
in  matters  of  common  concern,  and  for  the  great  purposes  of 
war,  I  do  not  scruple  to  give  it  decidedly  as  my  opinion,  that  it 
will  be  impossible  to  prosecute  it  to  any  good  effect.  Some 
States  are  capitally  injured  if  not  ruined,  by  their  own  exer- 
tions and  the  neglects  of  others;  while  by  these  irregularities 
the  strength  and  resources  of  the  country  never  are,  nor  can  be, 
employed  to  advantage." — Washington  to  Major-General  Arm- 
strong, 26  March,  1781. 


172  George  Washington 

oners  of  War.  The  condition  annexed,  of  sending 
the  British  and  German  troops  to  the  parts  of 
Europe  to  which  they  respectively  belong,  is  inad- 
missible. Instead  of  this  they  will  be  marched  to 
such  parts  of  the  Country  as  can  most  conveniently 
provide  for  their  subsistence,  and  the  benevolent 
treatment  of  Prisoners,  which  is  invariably  ob- 
served by  the  Americans,  will  be  extended  to  them. 
The  same  honors  will  be  granted  to  the  surrender- 
ing Army  as  were  granted  to  the  Garrison  of 
Charlestown.  The  shipping  and  boats  in  the  two 
harbors,  with  all  their  Guns,  Stores,  Tackling, 
furniture  and  apparel,  shall  be  delivered  in  their 
present  state  to  an  officer  of  the  Navy,  appointed 
to  take  possession  of  them. 

The  Artillery,  Arms,  Accoutrements,  Military 
Chest,  and  public  stores  of  every  denomination, 
shall  be  delivered,  unimpaired  to  the  heads  of  de- 
partments to  which  they  respectively  belong. 

The  officers  will  be  indulged  in  retaining  their 
side  arms,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  may  preserve 
their  baggage  and  effects,  with  this  reserve,  that 
property  taken  in  the  Country  will  be  reclaimed. 

With  regard  to  the  individuals  in  civil  capacities 
whose  interests,  your  Lordship  wishes  may  be  at- 
tended to ;  until  they  are  more  particularly  described 
nothing  definitive  can  be  settled. 

I  have  to  add  that  I  expect  the  sick  and  wounded 
will  be  supplied  with  their  own  Hospital  Stores, 
and  be  attended  by  Britfsli  Surgeons,  particularly 
charged  with  the  care  of  them. 

Your  Lordship  will  be  pleased  to  signify  your 


President  of  Congress  1 73 

determination  either  to  accept  or  reject  the  pro- 
posals now  offered  in  the  course  of  two  hours  from 
the  delivery  of  this  letter  that  Commissioners  may 
be  appointed  to  digest  the  articles  of  capitulation, 
or  a  renewal  of  hostilities  may  take  place.  I  have 
the  honor,  &c. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF   CONGRESS 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  NEAR  YORK, 
19    October,   1781. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  Congress,  that  a  re- 
duction of  the  British  army,  under  the  command  of 
Lord  Cornwallis,  is  most  happily  effected.  The 
unremitted  ardor,  which  actuated  every  officer  and 
soldier  in  the  combined  army  on  this  occasion,  has 
principally  led  to  this  important  event,  at  an  ear- 
lier period  than  my  most  sanguine  hopes  had 
induced  me  to  expect. 

The  singular  spirit  of  emulation,  which  animated 
the  whole  army  from  the  first  commencement  of 
our  operations,  has  filled  my  mind  with  the  highest 
pleasure  and  satisfaction,  and  had  given  me  the 
happiest  presages  of  success. 

On  the  17th  instant,  a  letter  was  received  from 
Lord  Cornwallis,  proposing  a  meeting  of  commis- 
ioners  to  consult  on  terms  for  the  surrender  of  the 
posts  of  York  and  Gloucester.  This  letter  (the 
first  which  had  passed  between  us)  opened  a  cor- 
respondence, a  copy  of  wilich  I  do  myself  the  honor 
to  enclose;  that  correspondence  was  followed  by 


174  George  Washington 

the  definitive  capitulation,  which  was  agreed  to  and 
signed  on  the  19th,  a  copy  of  which  is  also  herewith 
transmitted,  and  which,  I  hope,  will  mee*  the  appro- 
bation of  Congress. 

I  should  be  wanting  in  the  feelings  of  gratitude, 
did  I  not  mention  on  this  occasion,  with  the  warm- 
est sense  of  acknowledgment,  the  very  cheerful  and 
able  assistance,  which  I  have  received  in  the  course 
of  our  operation  from  his  Excellency  the  Count  de 
Rochambeau  and  all  his  officers  of  every  rank  in 
their  respective  capacities.  Nothing  could  equal 
the  zeal  of  our  allies,  but  the  emulating  spirit  of 
the  American  officers,  whose  ardor  would  not  suffer 
their  exertions  to  be  exceeded. 

The  very  uncommon  degree  of  duty  and  fatigue, 
which  the  nature  of  the  service  required  from  the 
officers  of  engineers  and  artillery  of  both  armies, 
obliges  me  particularly  to  mention  the  obligations 
I  am  under  to  the  commanding  and  other  officers 
of  those  corps. 

I  wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  express  to  Congress, 
how  much  I  feel  myself  indebted  to  the  Count  de 
Grasse  and  the  officers  of  the  fleet  under  his  com- 
mand, for  the  distinguished  aid  and  support  which 
has  been  afforded  by  them,  between  whom  and  the 
army  the  most  happy  concurrence  of  sentiments 
and  views  has  subsisted,  and  from  whom  every  pos- 
sible cooperation  has  been  experienced,  which  the 
most  harmonious  intercourse  could  afford. 

Returns  of  the  prisoners,  military  stores,  ord- 
nance, shipping,  and  other  matters,  I  shall  do  my- 
self the  honor  to  transmit  to  Congress,  as  soon 


President  of  Congress  175 

as  they  can  be  collected  by  the  heads  of  the  depart- 
ments to  which  they  belong. 

Colonel  Laurens  and  the  Viscount  de  Noailles, 
on  the  part  of  the  combined  army,  were  the  gentle- 
men who  acted  as  commissioners  for  forming  and 
settling  the  terms  of  capitulation  and  surrender, 
herewith  transmitted,  to  whom  I  am  particularly 
obliged  for  their  readiness  and  attention  exhibited 
on  the  occasion. 

Colonel  Tilghman,  one  of  my  aids-de-camp,  will 
have  the  honor  to  deliver  these  despatches  to  your 
Excellency ;  he  will  be  able  to  inform  you  of  every 
minute  circumstance,  which  is  not  particularly 
mentioned  in  my  letter.  His  merits,  which  are  too 
well  known  to  need  any  observations  at  this  time, 
have  gained  my  particular  attention,  and  I  could 
wish  that  they  may  be  honored  by  the  notice  of  your 
Excellency  and  Congress. 

Your  Excellency  and  Congress  will  be  pleased 
to  accept  my  congratulations  on  this  happy  event, 
and  believe  me  to  be,  with  the  highest  esteem,  &c. 
Though  I  am  not  possessed  of  the  particular  re- 
turns yet  I  have  reason  to  suppose  that  the  number 
of  prisoners  will  be  between  five  and  six  thousand 
exclusive  of  seamen  and  others.1 

1 "  I  cannot  conclude  without  mentioning  how  sensibly  I  feel 
the  dismemberment  of  America  from  this  Empire,  and  that  I 
should  be  miserable  indeed  if  I  did  not  feel  that  no  blame  on 
that  account  can  be  laid  at  my  door,  and  did  I  not  also  know 
that  knavery  seems  to  be  so  much  the  striking  feature  of  its 
inhabitants  that  it  may  not  in  the  end  be  an  evil  that  they 
will  become  aliens  to  this  kingdom.  G.  R." — George  HI.  to  the 
Earl  of  Shelburne,  10  November,  1782. 


176  George  Washington 

TO  JAMES   MCHENRY 
VERPLANCK'S  POINT,  12  September,  1782. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  Our  prospects  of  peace  are  vanishing.1 
The  death  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  has  given 
a  shock  to  the  new  administration,  and  disordered 
its  whole  system.  Fox,  Burke,  Lord  John  Caven- 
dish, Lord  Keppel,  and  I  believe  others,  have  left 
it.  Earl  Shelburne  takes  the  lead,  as  first  lord  of  the 
treasury,  to  which  office  he  was  appointed  by 
the  King,  on  the  instant  the  vacancy  happened  by 

1  The  negotiation  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  was  a  complicated  piece  of  di- 
plomacy. On  March  4,  1782,  the  House  of  Commons  adopted 
a  resolution  calling  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities  in  America, 
but  without  authorizing  the  Cabinet  to  negotiate  with  the  re- 
volted colonies  on  the  basis  of  independence.  On  March  20, 
Lord  North's  ministry  resigned,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Mar- 
quis of  Rockingham,  who  took  Fox  into  his  Cabinet  as  Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  charged  with  the  negotiation  of  peace  with 
France,  Holland,  and  Spain,  while  Earl  Shelburne  became  Sec- 
retary for  the  Colonies  and  thus  had  charge  of  relations  with 
America,  which  was  still  regarded  as  a  colonial  possession  of 
Great  Britain.  America  was  represented  in  Europe  by  Franklin, 
John  Adams,  Jay,  and  Laurens,  who,  however,  had  been  in- 
structed to  make  no  peace  with  England  unless  with  the  concur- 
rence of  France.  Thus  the  negotiations  between  England  and 
France  were  not  in  the  same  hands  as  those  between  England 
and  America.  When  Franklin  learned  of  the  impending  changes 
in  the  British  Cabinet,  he  sent  a  note  to  his  old  friend  Shelburne, 
expressing  the  hope  that  peace  might  soon  be  restored.  Shel- 
burne, with  the  consent  of  his  colleagues,  sent  Oswald  to  Paris 
to  hold  informal  conferences  with  Franklin  and  learn  on  what 
terms  peace  could  be  made.  On  June  30,  Fox,  who  felt  that 
Shelburne  was  encroaching  on  his  prerogatives,  left  the  Cabi- 
net, and  the  next  day  the  prime  minister,  Rockingham,  died. 
The  King  appointed  Shelburne  to  succeed  him.  On  July  11, 
Parliament  was  adjourned,  and  did  not  meet  again  until  the 
preliminary  articles  of  the  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed. 


James  McHenry  177 

the  death  of  Lord  Rockingham.  This  nobleman, 
Lord  Shelburne,  I  mean,  declares,  that  the  sun  of 
Great  Britain  will  set  the  moment  American  in- 
dependency is  acknowledged,  and  that  no  man  has 
ever  heard  him  give  an  assent  to  the  measure.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Duke  of  Richmond  asserts,  that 
the  ministry,  of  which  Lord  Shelburne  is  one,  came 
into  office  pledged  to  each  other  and  upon  the  ex- 
press condition,  that  America  should  be  declared 
independent;  that  he  will  watch  him,  and,  the  mo- 
ment he  finds  him  departing  therefrom,  he  will  quit 
administration,  and  give  it  every  opposition  in  his 
power. 

That  the  King  will  push  the  war,  as  long  as  the 
nation  will  find  men  or  money,  admits  not  of  a 
doubt  in  my  mind.  The  whole  tenor  of  his  con- 
duct, as  well  as  his  last  proroguing  speech,  on  the 
llth  of  July,  plainly  indicate  it,  and  shows  in  a 

When  Jay  learned  that  France  was  planning  to  keep  the  United 
States  out  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  was  opposing  the 
American  claim  to  the  Newfoundland  fisheries,  he  informed 
Shelburne  that  he  was  ready  to  begin  negotiations  without 
waiting  for  a  formal  recognition  of  independence  provided  Os- 
wald's commission  should  be  so  modified  as  to  make  it 
speak  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America  instead  of 
treating  them  as  thirteen  separate  colonies.  In  September, 
1782,  a  commission  in  this  form  was  given  to  Oswald,  and  on 
November  30,  the  British  and  American  commissioners  agreed 
upon  the  preliminary  articles  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  They 
were  not  to  become  effective,  however,  until  a  general  peace 
between  England  and  the  powers  with  which  she  was  at  war  had 
been  signed.  This  was  done  September  3,  1783.  The  treaty 
between  England  and  America  had  then  to  go  to  the  American 
Congress  for  ratification.  With  a  good  deal  of  difficulty  a 
quorum  of  that  body  was  obtained,  and  the  final  steps  in  the 
conclusion  of  peace  were  taken  January  14,  1784. 


178  George  Washington 

clear  point  of  view  the  impolicy  of  relaxation  on 
our  part.  If  we  are  wise,  let  us  prepare  for  the 
worst.  There  is  nothing,  which  will  so  soon  pro- 
duce a  speedy  and  honorable  peace,  as  a  state  of 
preparation  for  war ;  and  we  must  either  do  this,  or 
lay  our  account  for  a  patched  up  inglorious  peace, 
after  all  the  toil,  blood,  and  treasure  we  have  spent. 
This  has  been  my  uniform  opinion;  a  doctrine  I 
have  endeavored,  amidst  the  torrent  of  expectation 
of  an  approaching  peace,  to  inculcate,  and  the 
event,  I  am  sure,  will  justify  me  in  it.  With  much 
truth,  I  am,  &c. 


TO  TENCH  TILGHMAN 

NEWBURG,  10  January,  1783. 
MY  DEAR  SlR, 

I  have  been  favored  with  your  letters  of  the  22d 
&  24th  of  last  month  from  Philadelphia ;  and  thank 
you  for  the  trouble  you  have  had  with  my  small 
commissions. — I  have  sent  Mr.  Rittenhouse  the 
glass  of  such  spectacles  as  suit  my  eyes,  that  he  may 
know  how  to  grind  his  Christals. 

Neither  Duportail  nor  Gouvion  are  arrived  at 
this  place. — To  the  latter,  I  am  refered  by  the 
Marqs.  la  Fayette  for  some  matters  which  he  did 
not  chuse  to  commit  to  writing.1 —  The  sentim'nt 
however  which  he  has  delivered  (with  respect  to  the 
negociations  for  Peace)  accord  precisely  with  the 

1  Lafayette  had  written,  June  25,  1782,  to  Livingston,  giving 
his  sentiments  on  the  negotiations  for  peace. — Diplomatic  Cor- 
respondence. 


Tench  Tilghman  179 

ideas  I  have  entertained  of  this  business  ever  since 
the  secession  of  Mr.  Fox,  viz — that  no  peace  would 
be  concluded  before  the  meeting  of  the  British  par- 
liament.— And  thatt  if  it  did  not  take  place  within 
a  month  afterwards,  we  might  lay  our  acc't  for 
one  more  Campaign — at  least. 

The  obstinacy  of  the  King,  and  his  unwillingness 
to  acknowledge  the  Independence  of  the  Country, 
I  have  ever  considered  as  the  greatest  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  a  Peace.  Lord  Shelburne,  who 
is  not  only  at  the  head  of  the  Administration, 
but  has  been  introducing  others  of  similiar  senti- 
ments to  his  own,  has  declared,  that  nothing  but 
dire  necessity  should  ever  force  the  measure.  Of 
this  necessity,  men  will  entertain  different  opin- 
ions. Mr.  Fox,  it  seems,  thought  the  period  had 
arrived  some  time  ago;  and  yet  the  Peace  is 
not  made — nor  will  it,  I  conceive,  if  the  influence  of 
the  Crown  can  draw  forth  fresh  supplies  from  the 
Nation,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  War. 
By  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  Lord  Shelburne 
would  have  been  able  to  ascertain  two  things — first, 
the  best  terms  on  which  G.  Britain  could  obtain 
Peace. — Secondly,  the  ground  on  which  he  himself 
stood. — If  he  found  it  slippery,  and  that  the  voice 
of  the  people  was  for  pacific  measures;  he  would 
then,  have  informed  the  Parliament  that,  after 
many  months  spent  in  negociation, — such  were  the 
best  terms  he  could  obtain; — and  that  the  alterna- 
tive of  accepting  them, — or  preparing  vigorously 
for  the  prosecution  of  the  War,  was  submitted  to 
their  consideration  (being  an  extraordinary  case) 


i8o  George  Washington 

and  decision.  A  little  time  therefore,  if  I  have 
formed  a  just  opinion  of  the  matter,  will  disclose 
the  result  of  it.  Consequently,  we  shall  either  soon 
have  Peace,  or  not  the  most  agreeable  prospect  of 
War,  before  us — as  it  appears  evident  to  me,  that 
the  States  generally,  are  sunk  into  the  most  pro- 
found lethargy,  while  some  of  them  are  running 
quite  retrograde. 

The  King  of  G.  B.  by  his  letters  Patent,  (which 
I  have  seen)  has  authorized  Mr.  Oswald  to  treat 
with  any  Commissioner  or  Com'rs  from  the  United 
States  of  America,  who  shall  appear  with  proper 
powers.  This,  certainly,  is  a  capital  point  gained. 
It  is  at  least  breaking  ground  on  their  part,  and  I 
dare  say  proved  a  bitter  pill  to  Royalty;  that,  it 
was  indispensably  necessary  to  answer  one  of  the 
points  above  mentioned,  as  the  American  Commis- 
sioners would  enter  in  no  business  with  Mr.  Os- 
wald till  his  Powers  were  made  to  suit  their  pur- 
poses. Upon  the  whole,  I  am  fixed  in  an  opinion 
that  Peace,  or  a  pretty  long  continuance  of  the 
War,  will  have  been  determined  before  the  ad- 
journment for  the  Hollidays;  and  as  it  will  be  the 
middle  or  last  of  February  before  we  shall  know 
the  result,  time  will  pass  heavily  on  in  this  dreary 
mansion — where  we  are,  at  present  fast  locked  in 
frost  and  snow.  *  *  *  x 

1  The  packet  Washington,  which  sailed  from  L'Orient  on  Jan- 
uary 17,  1783,  reached  Philadelphia  March  12  with  the  news 
that  the  preliminary  articles  of  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  had  been  signed  on  November  30,  1782. 
When  the  news  was  communicated  to  Washington,  he  wrote: 
*'  The  articles  of  treaty  between  America  and  Great  Britain  are 


Benjamin  Harrison  181 

TO  BENJAMIN   HARRISON 

NEWBURG,  4  March,  1783. 

*  *  *  What,  my  dear  Sir,  could  induce  the 
State  of  Virginia  to  rescind  their  assent  to  the  Im- 
post Law? *  How  are  the  numerous  creditors  in 
Civil  as  well  as  Military  life  to  be  paid  unless  there 
are  regular  &  certain  funds  established  to  discharge 
the  Interest  of  Monies  which  must  be  borrowed  for 


as  full  and  satisfactory  as  we  have  reason  to  expect;  but  from 
the  connexion  in  which  they  stand  with  a  general  pacification, 
they  are  very  inconclusive  and  contingent.  From  this  circum- 
stance, compared  with  such  other  intelligence  as  I  have  been 
able  to  collect,  I  must  confess,  I  have  my  fears  that  we  shall 
be  obliged  to  worry  through  another  campaign  before  we  arrive 
at  that  happy  period,  which  is  to  crown  all  our  toils." — Wash- 
ington to  the  President  of  Congress,  19  March,  1783.  When  the 
preliminary  treaty  arrived,  most  persons  were  ready  to  assume 
at  once  that  peace  was  assured.  But  Washington  was  more 
cautious.  Anxious  as  he  was  to  retire  to  private  life,  he  de- 
termined to  remain  in  the  service  "  until  the  arrival  of  the 
definitive  treaty,"  or  "  the  evacuation  of  my  country  by  our 
newly  acquired  friends." — Washington  to  the  Chevalier  de 
Chastellux,  12  October,  1783.  Sir  Guy  Carleton  had  already  on 
August  17  notified  the  President  of  Congress  that  he  had  re- 
ceived private  orders  for  the  evacuation  of  New  York.  This 
event  took  place  on  November  25.  Washington  then  wrote  joy- 
fully :  "  After  seeing  the  backs  of  the  British  Forces  turned 
upon  us,  and  the  Executive  of  the  State  of  New  York  put  into 
peaceable  possession  of  their  Capitol,  I  set  out  for  this  place 
[Philadelphia].  On  Monday  next  I  expect  to  leave  the  city, 
and  by  slow  traveling  arrive  at  Baltimore  on  Wednesday,  where 
I  will  spend  one  day  and  then  proceed  to  Annapolis  and  get 
translated  into  a  private  Citizen." — Washington  to  McHenry, 
December  10,  1783. 

1  On  February  3,  1781,  Congress  passed  a  resolution  calling 
upon  the  States  to  grant  it  as  an  "  indispensable  necessity  "  the 
power  to  levy  an  import  duty  of  five  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  All 
the  States  except  Rhode  Island  finally  gave  their  consent  sub- 
ject to  various  conditions,  and  Congress  was  about  to  send  an 


1 82  George  Washington 

these  purposes?  and  what  Tax  can  be  more  just, 
or  better  calculated  to  the  end  than  an  Impost? — 

The  Alarm  Bell  which  has  been  rung  with  such 
tremendous  sound  of  the  danger  of  entrusting  Con- 
gress with  the  money  is  too  selfish  &  futile  to  re- 
quire a  serious  answer — Who  are  Congress,  but  the 
People? — do  they  not  return  to  them  at  certain 
short  periods  ? — Are  they  not  amenable  at  all  times 
to  them  for  their  Conduct — &  subject  to  recall? — 
What  interest  therefore  can  a  man  have  under  these 
circumstances  distinct  from  his  Constituents? — 
Can  it  be  supposed,  that  with  design,  he  would  form 
a  junto — or  dangerous  Aristocracy  that  would 
operate  against  himself  in  less  than  a  Month  per- 
haps after  it  should  be  established? — I  can  have  no 
conception  of  it. 

But  from  the  observations  I  have  made  in  the 
course  of  this  war — and  my  intercourse  with  the 
States  both  in  their  united  and  seperate  capacities 
have  afforded  ample  opportunities  of  judging — I 
am  decidedly  of  opinion  that  if  the  Powers  of  Con- 
gress are  not  enlarged,  and  made  competent  to  all 
general  purposes  that  the  blood  that  has  been  spilt 

urgent  plea  to  that  delinquent  when  Virginia,  on  December  7, 
1782,  rescinded  her  action.  Her  reasons,  as  set  forth  in  the 
preamble  of  the  act,  were  as  follows: 

"  The  permitting  any  power,  other  than  the  general  assembly 
of  this  commonwealth,  to  levy  duties  or  taxes  upon  the  citizens 
of  this  State  within  the  same,  is  injurious  to  its  sovereignty, 
may  prove  destructive  of  the  rights  and  liberty  of  the  people, 
and  so  far  as  Congress  might  exercise  the  same  is  contravening 
the  spirit  of  the  confederation." — Hening,  Statutes-at-Large  of 
Virginia,  xi.,  171.  In  October,  1783,  however,  after  the  receipt 
of  Washington's  Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors,  Virginia  as- 
sented to  the  impost  by  a  unanimous  vote. — Ibid.,  xi.,  350. 


President  of  Congress  183 

— the  Expences  which  have  been  incurred — and  the 
distresses  which  we  have  undergone  will  avail  us 
nothing — and  that  the  band  which  at  present  holds 
us  together,  by  a  very  feeble  thread,  will  soon  be 
broken  when  anarchy  &  confusion  must  ensue. 

You  will  excuse  the  freedom  of  these  sentiments 
— they  proceed  from  an  honest  heart  Altho'  they 
should  be  found  to  be  the  result  of  erroneous  think- 
ing— they  will  at  least  prove  the  sincerity  of  my 
friendship,  as  they  are  totally  undisguised. 

With  great  esteem  &c. 


TO  THE   PRESIDENT   OF  CONGRESS 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  12  March,  1783. 

SIR, 

It  is  with  inexpressible  concern  I  make  the  fol- 
lowing report  to  your  Excellency.  Two  days  ago, 
anonymous  papers  were  circulated  in  the  army,  re- 
questing a  general  meeting  of  the  officers  on  the 
next  day.  A  copy  of  one  of  these  papers  is  enclosed, 
No.  1.  About  the  same  time,  another  anonymous 
paper,  purporting  to  be  an  address  to  the  officers 
of  the  army,  was  handed  about  in  a  clandestine  man- 
ner. A  copy  of  this  is  marked  No.  2.  To  prevent 
any  precipitate  and  dangerous  resolutions  from  be- 
ing taken  at  this  perilous  moment,  while  the  pas- 
sions were  all  inflamed,  as  soon  as  these  things  had 
come  to  my  knowledge  the  next  morning,  I  issued 
the  enclosed  order,  No.  3.1  In  this  situation  the 
matter  now  rests. 

1  This  was  an  order  summoning  a  meeting  of  the  officers,  to 


184  George  Washington 

As  all  opinion  must  be  suspended  until  after  the 
meeting  on  Saturday,  I  have  nothing  further  to 
add,  except  a  wish  that  the  measure  I  have  taken  to 
dissipate  a  storm,  which  had  gathered  so  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly,  may  be  acceptable  to  Congress; 
and  to  assure  them  that,  in  every  vicissitude  of  cir- 
cumstances, still  actuated  with  the  greatest  zeal  in 
their  service,  I  shall  continue  my  utmost  exertions 
to  promote  the  welfare  of  my  country,  under  the 
most  lively  expectation,  that  Congress  have  the  best 
intention  of  doing  ample  justice  to  the  army  as 
soon  as  circumstances  will  possibly  admit. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  foregoing,  another 
anonymous  paper  is  put  in  circulation,  a  copy  of 
which  is  enclosed,  No.  4.1 


ADDRESS  TO  THE  OFFICERS  2 
GENTLEMEN, 

By  an  anonymous  summons  an  attempt  has  been 

be  held  a  few  days  later  than  the  time  fixed  in  the  anonymous 
address. 

1  Read  in  Congress,  March  17th.  Referred  to  Oilman,  Dyer, 
Clark,  Rutledge,  and  Mercer.  The  committee  was  composed  to 
"  saddle  with  this  embarrassment  the  men  who  had  opposed 
the  measures  necessary  for  satisfying  the  army,  viz:  the  half- 
pay  and  permanent  funds;  against  one  or  other  of  which  the 
individuals  in  question  had  voted."  Madison  further  recorded 
that  "  the  steps  taken  by  the  General  to  avert  the  gathering 
storm,  and  his  professions  of  inflexible  adherence  to  his  duty  to 
Congress  and  to  his  country,  excited  the  most  affectionate  senti- 
ments towards  him  .  .  .  [The  situation]  gave  peculiar  awe 
and  solemnity  to  the  present  moment,  and  oppressed  the  minds 
of  Congress  with  an  anxiety  and  distress  which  had  been 
scarcely  felt  in  any  period  of  the  Revolution." — Ford. 

2 "  When  the  General  took  his  station  in  the  desk  or  pulpit, 


Address  to  the  Officers  185 

made  to  convene  you  together.  How  inconsistent 
with  the  rules  of  propriety,  how  unmilitary,  and 
how  subversive  of  all  good  order  and  discipline,  let 
the  good  sense  of  the  army  decide. 

In  the  moment  of  this  summons,  another  anony- 
mous production  was  sent  into  circulation;  ad- 
dressed more  to  the  feelings  and  passions,  than  to 
the  reason  and  judgment  of  the  army.  The  au- 
thor of  the  piece  is  entitled  to  much  credit  for  the 
goodness  of  his  pen,  and  I  could  wish  he  had  as 
much  credit  for  the  rectitude  of  his  heart;  for,  as 
men  see  through  different  optics,  and  are  induced 
by  the  reflecting  faculties  of  the  mind  to  use  dif- 
ferent means  to  obtain  the  same  end,  the  author  of 
the  address  should  have  had  more  charity,  than  to 
mark  for  suspicion  the  man,  who  should  recommend 
moderation  and  longer  forbearance,  or  in  other 
words,  who  should  not  think  as  he  thinks,  and  act 
as  he  advises.  But  he  had  another  plan  in  view,  in 
which  candor  and  liberality  of  sentiment,  regard  to 
justice,  and  love  of  country,  have  no  part;  and  he 
was  right  to  insinuate  the  darkest  suspicion,  to 
effect  the  blackest  designs.1 

which  you  may  recollect,  was  in  the  Temple,  he  took  out  his 
written  address  from  his  coat  pocket,  and  his  spectacles,  with 
his  other  hand,  from  his  waistcoat  pocket,  and  then  addressed 
the  officers  in  the  following  manner :  '  Gentlemen,  you  will  per- 
mit me  to  put  on  my  spectacles,  for  I  have  not  only  grown  gray, 
but  almost  blind,  in  the  service  of  my  country.'  This  little  ad- 
dress, with  the  mode  and  manner  of  delivering  it,  drew  tears 
from  [many]  of  the  officers." — Colonel  Cobb's  letter. 

1  The  authorship  of  the  anonymous  addresses  was  afterward 
avowed  by  Major  John  Armstrong,  an  aide-de-camp  of  General 
Gates.  He  was  at  that  time  a  young  man,  and  later  served  the 
government  in  various  responsible  positions.  He  prepared  the 


1 86  George  Washington 

That  the  address  is  drawn  with  great  art,  and  is 
designed  to  answer  the  most  insidious  purposes, 
that  it  is  calculated  to  impress  the  mind  with  an 
idea  of  premeditated  injustice  in  the  sovereign 
power  of  the  United  States,  and  rouse  all  those  re- 
sentments, which  must  unavoidably  flow  from  such 
a  belief;  that  the  secret  mover  of  this  scheme,  who- 
ever he  may  be,  intended  to  take  advantage  of  the 
passions,  while  they  were  warmed  by  the  recollec- 
tion of  past  distresses,  without  giving  time  for  cool, 
deliberate  thinking,  and  that  composure  of  mind 
which  is  so  necessary  to  give  dignity  and  stability 
to  measures,  is  rendered  too  obvious  by  the  mode  of 
conducting  the  business,  to  need  other  proof  than 
a  reference  to  the  proceeding. 

Thus  much,  Gentlemen,  I  have  thought  it  incum- 
bent on  me  to  observe  to  you,  to  show  upon  what 
principles  I  opposed  the  irregular  and  hasty  meet- 
ing, which  was  proposed  to  be  held  on  Tuesday  last, 
and  not  because  I  wanted  a  disposition  to  give  you 
every  opportunity,  consistent  with  your  own  honor 
and  the  dignity  of  the  army,  to  make  known  your 
grievances.  If  my  conduct  heretofore  has  not 
evinced  to  you,  that  I  have  been  a  faithful  friend 
to  the  army,  my  declaration  of  it  at  this  time  would 
be  equally  unavailing  and  improper.  But,  as  I 

addresses  at  the  request  of  a  number  of  his  fellow-officers  who 
felt  aggrieved  that  their  just  claims  were  so  long  neglected  by 
Congress.  Washington  wrote  in  1797:  "I  have  since  had  suf- 
ficient reason  for  believing  that  the  object  of  the  author  was 
just,  honorable,  and  friendly  to  the  country,  though  the  means 
suggested  by  him  were  certainly  liable  to  much  misunderstand- 
ing and  abuse." 


Address  to  the  Officers  187 

was  among  the  first,  who  embarked  in  the  cause  of 
our  common  country;  as  I  have  never  left  your 
side  one  moment,  but  when  called  from  you  on  pub- 
lic duty;  as  I  have  been  the  constant  companion 
and  witness  of  your  distresses,  and  not  among  the 
last  to  feel  and  acknowledge  your  merits ;  as  I  have 
ever  considered  my  own  military  reputation  as  in- 
separably connected  with  that  of  the  army;  as  my 
heart  has  ever  expanded  with  joy,  when  I  have 
heard  its  praises,  and  my  indignation  has  arisen, 
when  the  mouth  of  detraction  has  been  opened 
against  it;  it  can  scarcely  be  supposed,  at  this  late 
stage  of  the  war,  that  I  am  indifferent  to  its  inter- 
ests. But  how  are  they  to  be  promoted?  The 
way  is  plain,  says  the  anonymous  addresser;  if  war 
continues,  remove  into  the  unsettled  country ;  there 
establish  yourselves,  and  leave  an  ungrateful 
country  to  defend  itself.  But  whom  are  they  to 
defend?  Our  wives,  our  children,  our  farms  and 
other  property,  which  we  leave  behind  us?  Or,  in 
the  state  of  hostile  separation,  are  we  to  take  the  two 
first  (the  latter  cannot  be  removed)  to  perish  in  a 
wilderness  with  hunger,  cold,  and  nakedness?  If 
peace  takes  place,  neither  sheath  your  swords,  says 
he,  until  you  have  obtained  full  and  ample  justice. 
This  dreadful  alternative,  of  either  deserting  our 
country  in  the  extremest  hour  of  distress,  or 
turning  our  arms  against  it,  which  is  the  appar- 
ent object,  unless  Congress  can  be  compelled  into 
instant  compliance,  has  something  so  shocking  in 
it,  that  humanity  revolts  at  the  idea.  My  God! 
What  can  this  writer  have  in  view  by  recommend- 


1 88  George  Washington 

ing  such  measures.  Can  he  be  a  friend  to  the  army? 
Can  he  be  a  friend  to  this  country?  Rather  is  he 
not  an  insidious  foe?  Some  emissary,  perhaps  from 
New  York,  plotting  the  ruin  of  both  by  sowing 
the  seeds  of  discord  and  separation  between  the 
civil  and  military  powers  of  the  continent?  And 
what  a  compliment  does  he  pay  to  our  understand- 
ings, when  he  recommends  measures,  in  either  al- 
ternative, impracticable  in  their  nature? 

But  here,  Gentlemen,  I  will  drop  the  curtain,  be- 
cause it  would  be  as  imprudent  in  me  to  assign  my 
reasons  for  this  opinion,  as  it  would  be  insulting  to 
your  conception  to  suppose  you  stood  in  need  of 
them.  A  moment's  reflection  will  convince  every 
dispassionate  mind  of  the  physical  impossibility  of 
carrying  either  proposal  into  execution. 

There  might,  Gentlemen,  be  an  impropriety  in 
my  taking  notice,  in  this  address  to  you,  of  an 
anonymous  production;  but  the  manner  in  which 
that  performance  has  been  introduced  to  the  army, 
the  effect  it  was  intended  to  have,  together  with 
some  other  circumstances,  will  amply  justify  my 
observations  on  the  tendency  of  that  writing. 
With  respect  to  the  advice  given  by  the  author  to 
suspect  the  man,  who  shall  recommend  moderate 
measures  and  longer  forbearance,  I  spurn  it,  as 
every  man  who  regards  that  liberty,  and  reveres 
that  justice,  for  which  we  contend,  undoubtedly 
must.  For,  if  men  are  to  be  precluded  from 
offering  their  sentiments  on  a  matter,  which  may 
involve  the  most  serious  and  alarming  consequences, 
that  can  invite  the  consideration  of  mankind, 


Address  to  the  Officers  189 

reason  is  of  no  use  to  us;  the  freedom  of  speech 
may  be  taken  away,  and,  dumb  and  silent,  we  may 
be  led  away  like  sheep  to  the  slaughter. 

I  cannot,  in  justice  to  my  own  belief,  and  what 
I  have  great  reason  to  conceive  is  the  intention  of 
Congress,  conclude  this  address  without  giving  it 
as  my  decided  opinion,  that  that  honorable  body 
entertain  exalted  sentiments  of  the  services  of  the 
army,  and,  from  a  full  conviction  of  its  merits  and 
sufferings,  will  do  it  complete  justice.  That  their 
endeavors  to  discover,  and  establish  funds  for  this 
purpose  have  been  unwearied,  and  will  not  cease, 
till  they  have  succeeded,  I  have  no  doubt;  but,  like 
all  other  large  bodies,  where  there  is  a  variety  of 
different  interests  to  reconcile,  their  deliberations 
are  slow.  Why  then  should  we  distrust  them ;  and, 
in  consequence  of  that  distrust,  adopt  measures, 
which  may  cast  a  shade  over  that  glory,  which  has 
been  so  justly  acquired,  and  tarnish  the  reputation 
of  an  army,  which  is  celebrated  through  all  Europe 
for  its  fortitude  and  patriotism?  And  for  what  is 
this  done?  To  bring  the  object  we  seek  nearer? 
No!  Most  certainly,  in  my  opinion,  it  will  cast 
it  at  a  greater  distance. 

For  myself  (and  I  take  no  merit  in  giving  the 
assurance,  being  induced  to  it  from  principles  of 
gratitude,  veracity,  and  justice),  a  grateful  sense 
of  the  confidence  you  have  ever  placed  in  me,  a 
recollection  of  the  cheerful  assistance  and  prompt 
obedience  I  have  experienced  from  you,  under  every 
vicissitude  of  fortune,  and  the  sincere  affection  I 
feel  for  an  army  I  have  so  long  had  the  honor  to 


1 9°  George  Washington 

command,  oblige  me  to  declare  in  this  public  and 
solemn  manner,  that,  in  the  attainment  of  complete 
justice  for  all  your  toils  and  dangers,  and  in  the 
gratification  of  every  wish,  so  far  as  may  be  done 
consistently  with  the  great  duty  I  owe  to  my  coun- 
try, and  those  powers  we  are  bound  to  respect,  you 
may  freely  command  my  services  to  the  utmost  ex- 
tent of  my  abilities.1 

While  I  give  you  these  assurances  and  pledge 
myself  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner  to  exert 
whatever  ability  I  am  possessed  of  in  your  favor, 
let  me  entreat  you,  Gentlemen,  on  your  part,  not  to 
take  any  measures,  which,  in  the  calm  light  of  rea- 
son, will  lessen  the  dignity  and  sully  the  glory  you 
have  hitherto  maintained.  Let  me  request  you  to 
rely  on  the  plighted  faith  of  your  country,  and 
place  a  full  confidence  in  the  purity  of  the  inten- 
tions of  Congress,  that,  previous  to  your  dissolu- 
tion as  an  army,  they  will  cause  all  your  accounts 
to  be  fairly  liquidated,  as  directed  in  their  resolu- 
tions, which  were  published  to  you  two  days  ago, 
and  that  they  will  adopt  the  most  effectual  meas- 
ures in  their  power  to  render  ample  justice  to  you 
for  your  faithful  and  meritorious  services.  And 
let  me  conjure  you  in  the  name  of  our  common 

1  In  making  this  promise,  Washington  was  not  undertaking 
to  pursue  any  new  line  of  conduct.  He  had  always  been  an 
ardent  defender  of  the  claims  of  the  army  to  generous  treat- 
ment at  the  hands  of  Congress.  For  several  months  he  had 
been  advocating  the  cause  of  the  soldiers  in  his  letters  to  Con- 
gress, and  after  the  Newburg  addresses  more  than  a  score  of 
letters  to  the  President  of  Congress,  to  individual  members  and 
other  government  officials,  urge  the  immediate  recognition  of 
their  rights. 


Joseph  Jones  191 

country,  as  you  value  your  own  sacred  honor,  as 
you  respect  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  as  you  re- 
gard the  military  and  national  character  of  Amer- 
ica, to  express  your  utmost  horror  and  detestation 
of  the  man,  who  wishes,  under  any  specious  pre- 
tences, to  overturn  the  liberties  of  our  country,  and 
who  wickedly  attempts  to  open  the  flood  gates  of 
civil  discord,  and  deluge  our  rising  empire  in  blood. 
By  thus  determining  and  thus  acting,  you  will 
pursue  the  plain  and  direct  road  to  the  attainment 
of  your  wishes;  you  will  defeat  the  insidious  de- 
signs of  our  enemies,  who  are  compelled  to  resort 
from  open  force  to  secret  artifice ;  you  will  give  one 
more  distinguished  proof  of  unexampled  patriot- 
ism and  patient  virtue,  rising  superior  to  the  pres- 
sure of  the  most  complicated  sufferings;  and  you 
will,  by  the  dignity  of  your  conduct,  afford  occasion 
for  posterity  to  say,  when  speaking  of  the  glorious 
example  you  have  exhibited  to  mankind,  "  Had 
this  day  been  wanting,  the  world  had  never  seen 
the  last  stage  of  perfection,  to  which  human  nature 
is  capable  of  attaining." 


TO  JOSEPH  JONES,  IN  CONGRESS 

NEWBURG,  12  March,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  ulto,  and 
thank  you  for  your  information  and  the  freedom 
of  your  communications.  My  official  Letter  to 
Congress  of  this  date  will  inform  you  of  what  has 
happened  in  this  Quarter;  in  addition  to  which,  it 


192  George  Washington 

may  be  necessary  it  should  he  known  to  you,  and  to 
such  others  you  may  think  proper,  that  the  temper 
of  the  army,  though  very  irritable  on  acct.  of  their 
long  protracted  sufferings,  have  been  apparently 
extremely  quiet  while  their  business  was  depending 
before  Congress,  until  four  days  past.  In  the  mean 
time,  it  should  seem,  reports  have  been  propagated 
in  Philadelphia,  that  dangerous  combinations  were 
forming  in  the  army ;  and  this  at  a  time,  when  there 
was  not  a  syllable  of  the  kind  in  agitation  in  camp. 
It  also  appears,  that,  upon  the  arrival  of  a  cer- 
tain Gentleman  from  Phila.  in  camp,  whose  name 
at  present  I  do  not  incline  to  mention,  such  senti- 
ments as  these  were  immediately  and  industriously 
circulated;  that  it  was  universally  expected  the 
army  would  not  disband  until  they  had  obtained 
justice;  that  the  public  creditors  looked  up  to  them 
for  redress  of  their  Grievances,  would  afford  them 
every  aid,  and  even  join  them  in  the  Field  if  neces- 
sary; that  some  members  of  Congress  wished  the 
measure  might  take  effect,  in  order  to  compel  the 
Public,  particularly  the  delinquent  States,  to  do 
justice;  with  many  other  suggestions  of  a  similar 
nature.  From  whence,  and  a  variety  of  other 
considerations,  it  is  generally  believed,  that  the 
scheme  was  not  only  planned  but  also  digested  and 
matured  in  Philadelphia,  and  that  some  people  have 
been  playing  a  double  game,  spreading  at  the  camp 
and  in  Philadelphia  Reports,  and  raising  jealousies, 
equally  void  of  foundation,  until  called  into  be- 
ing by  their  vile  artifices ;  for,  as  soon  as  the  minds 
of  the  officers  were  thought  to  be  prepared  for  the 


Joseph  Jones  193 

transaction,  anonymous  invitations  were  circulated, 
requesting  a  general  meeting  of  the  officers  next 
day.  At  the  same  instant  many  copies  of  the  ad- 
dress to  the  officers  of  the  army  was  scattered  in 
every  State  line  of  it. 

So  soon  as  I  obtained  knowledge  of  these  things, 
1  issued  the  order  of  the  llth,  transmitted  to  Con- 
gress, in  order  to  rescue  the  foot,  that  stood  waver- 
ing on  the  precipice  of  despair,  from  taking  those 
steps,  which  would  have  led  to  the  abyss  of  misery, 
while  the  passions  were  inflamed  and  the  mind 
tremblingly  alive  with  the  recollection  of  past  suf- 
ferings, and  their  present  feelings.  I  did  this  upon 
the  principle,  that  it  is  easier  to  divert  from  a  wrong 
to  a  right  path,  than  it  is  to  recall  the  hasty  and 
fatal  steps,  that  have  been  already  taken. 

It  is  commonly  supposed,  that,  if  the  officers  had 
met  agreeably  to  the  anonymous  summons,  reso- 
lutions might  have  been  formed,  the  consequences  of 
which  may  be  more  easily  conceived  than  expressed. 
Now  they  will  have  leisure  to  view  the  matter  more 
calmly  and  seriously.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  they 
will  be  induced  to  adopt  more  rational  measures, 
and  wait  a  while  longer  for  the  settlemt.  of  their 
accts;  the  postponing  of  which  gives  more  uneasi- 
ness in  the  army  than  any  other  thing.  There  is  not 
a  man  in  it,  who  will  not  acknowledge  that  Con- 
gress have  not  the  means  of  payment ;  but  why  not, 
say  they  one  and  all,  liquidate  the  accts.  and  certifie 
our  dues?  Are  we  to  be  disbanded  and  sent  home 
without  this?  Are  we  afterwards  to  make  individ- 
ual applications  for  such  settlements  at  Philadel- 


194 


George  Washington 


phia,  or  any  auditing  office  in  our  respective  States ; 
to  be  shifted  perhaps  from  one  board  to  another, 
dancing  attendance  at  all,  and  finally  perhaps,  be 
postponed  till  we  lose  the  substance  in  pursuit  of 
ye  shadow?  While  they  are  agitated  by  these  con- 
siderations, there  are  not  wanting  insidious  char- 
acters, who  tell  them  it  is  neither  the  wish  nor  the 
intention  of  the  public  to  settle  their  accounts ;  but 
to  delay  this  business  under  one  pretext  or  another, 
until  Peace,  wch:  we  are  upon  the  verge  of,  and  a 
separation  of  the  army  takes  place ;  when,  it  is  well 
known  it  will  be  difficult  if  not  impracticable;  a 
general  settlement  never  can  be  effected,  and  that 
individual  loss  in  this  instance  becomes  public  gain. 
However  derogatory  these  ideas  are  with  the 
dignity,  honor,  and  justice  of  government,  yet  a 
matter  so  interesting  to  the  army,  and  at  the  same 
time  so  easy  to  be  effected  by  the  Public,  as  that  of 
liquidating  the  accounts,  is  delayed  without  any 
apparent  or  obvious  necessity,  they  will  have  their 
place  in  a  mind  that  is  soured  and  irritated.  Let 
me  entreat  you,  therefore,  my  good  Sir,  to  push  this 
matter  to  an  issue;  and,  if  there  are  Delegates 
among  you,  who  are  really  opposed  to  doing  jus- 
tice to  the  army,  scruple  not  to  tell  them,  if  matters 
should  come  to  extremity,  that  they  must  be  an- 
swerable for  all  the  ineffable  horrors,  which  may  be 
occasioned  thereby.  I  am  most  sincerely  and  af- 
fectionately yours. 


Lund  Washington  195 

TO  LUND  WASHINGTON 

NEWBURG,  19  March,  1783. 

DEAR  LUND, 

I  did  not  write  to  you  by  the  last  post.  I  was 
too  much  engaged  at  the  time,  in  counteracting  a 
most  insidious  attempt  to  disturb  the  repose  of  the 
army,  and  sow  the  seeds  of  discord  between  the 
civil  and  military  powers  of  the  continent,  to  at- 
tend to  small  matters.  The  author  of  this  attempt, 
whoever  he  may  be,  is  yet  behind  the  curtain;  and 
as  conjectures  might  be  wrong,  I  shall  be  silent  at 
present.  The  good  sense,  the  virtue  and  patient 
forbearance  of  the  army  on  this,  as  upon  every 
other  trying  occasion  which  has  happened  to  call 
them  into  action,  has  again  triumphed;  and  ap- 
peared with  more  lustre  than  ever.  But  if  the 
States  will  not  furnish  the  supplies  required  by 
Congress,  thereby  enabling  the  Superintendent  of 
Finance  to  feed,  clothe,  and  pay  the  army,  if  they 
suppose  the  war  can  be  carried  on  without  money, 
or  that  money  can  be  borrowed  without  permanent 
funds  to  pay  the  interest  of  it;  if  they  have  no  re- 
gard to  justice,  because  it  is  attended  with  expence; 
if  gratitude  to  men,  who  have  rescued  them  from 
the  jaws  of  danger  and  brought  them  to  the  haven 
of  Independence  and  Peace,  is  to  subside,  as  danger 
is  removed ;  if  the  sufferings  of  the  army,  who  have 
borne  and  forborne  more  than  any  other  class  of 
men  in  the  United  States,  expending  their  health, 
and  many  of  them  their  all,  in  an  unremitted  ser- 
vice of  near  eight  years  in  the  field;  encountering 
hunger,  cold  and  nakedness,  are  to  be  forgotten;  if 


196  George  Washington 

it  is  presumed  there  is  no  bounds  to  the  patience  of 
the  army;  or  that  when  peace  takes  place,  their 
claims  for  pay  due,  and  rewards  promised  may  die 
with  the  military  non-existence  of  its  members — if 
such,  I  say,  should  be  the  sentiments  of  the  States, 
and  that  their  conduct,  or  the  conduct  of  some,  does 
but  too  well  warrant  the  conclusion,  well  may  an- 
other anonymous  addresser  step  forward,  and  with 
more  effect  than  the  last  did,  say  with  him,  "  You 
have  arms  in  your  hands;  do  justice  to  your- 
selves, and  never  sheath  the  sword,  till  you  have 
obtained  it."  How  far  men  who  labor  under  the 
pressure  of  accumulated  distress,  and  are  irritated 
by  a  belief  that  they  are  treated  with  neglect,  in- 
gratitude and  injustice  in  the  extreme  might  be 
worked  upon  by  designing  men,  is  worthy  of  very 
serious  consideration.  But  justice,  policy,  yea  com- 
mon sense  must  tell  every  man  that  the  creditors  of 
the  continent  cannot  receive  payments  unless  funds 
are  provided  for  it,  and  that  our  national  character, 
if  these  are  much  longer  neglected,  must  be 
stamped  with  indelible  infamy  in  every  nation  of 
the  world  where  the  fact  is  known.1 

1 "  Such  an  avidity  appears  among  our  People  to  make  money, 
and  so  feeble  the  Reins  of  Government  (where  there  is  an  at- 
tempt to  use  them)  to  restrain  the  illicit  and  pernicious  inter- 
course of  Trade  with  the  enemy  at  New  York,  that  the  fence 
between  them  and  us  is  entirely  broken  down,  and  nothing  but 
an  Army  quite  sufficient  to  form  a  close  investiture  of  that 
place  can  repair  it.  Five  such  armies  as  I  have  would  be  in- 
competent, employed  in  any  other  way.  The  boats  which  have 
been  Commissioned  to  obstruct  this  trade,  are  instrumental  in 
carrying  it  on,  and  have  been  caught  in  the  act  as  many  other 
Trading  parties  also  have  been  by  the  Guards  and  patroles  I 
keep  for  this  purpose.  But  it  avails  nothing.  By  Hook  or  by 


Benjamin  Harrison  197 

TO  GOVERNOR  BENJAMIN  HARRISON 

NEWBURG,   19   March,   1783. 

DEAR  SIR, 

About  the  first  of  this  month  I  wrote  you  a  long 
letter.1  I  touched  upon  the  state  of  the  army,  the 
situation  of  public  creditors,  and  wished  to  know 
from  you  as  a  friend,  what  causes  had  induced  the 
Assembly  of  Virginia  to  withdraw  their  assent  to 
the  Impost  Law,  and  how  the  Continental  credi- 
tors (without  adequate  funds)  were  to  come  at  or 
obtain  security  for  their  money.  I  little  expected 
at  the  time  of  writing  that  letter,  that  we  were  on 
the  eve  of  an  important  crisis  to  this  army,  when 
the  touchstone  of  discord  was  to  be  applied,  and  the 
virtue  of  its  members  to  undergo  the  severest  trial. 

You  have  not  been  altogether  unacquainted,  I 
dare  say,  with  the  fears,  the  hopes,  the  apprehen- 
sions, and  the  expectations  of  the  army,  relatively 
to  the  provision,  which  is  to  be  made  for  them 
hereafter.  Altho'  a  firm  reliance  on  the  integrity 
of  Congress,  and  a  belief  that  the  Public  would 
finally  do  justice  to  all  its  Servants  and  give  an 
indisputable  security  for  the  payment  of  the  half- 
pay  of  the  officers,  had  kept  them  amidst  a  variety 
of  sufferings  tolerably  quiet  and  contented  for  two 
or  three  years  past;  yet  the  total  want  of  pay,  the 
little  prospect  of  receiving  any  from  the  unpromis- 
ing state  of  the  public  finances,  and  the  absolute 

Crook  they  are  certain  of  acquittal.     In  truth  I  am  quite  dis- 
couraged, and  have  scarce  any  thing  left  but  lamentation  for 
the   want    [of]    virtue   and    depravity   of   my   Countrymen." — 
Washington  to  Robert  R.  Livingston,  19  March,  1783. 
1  For  part  of  this  letter  see  page  181. 


198  George  Washington 

aversion  of  the  States  to  establish  any  Continental 
funds  for  the  payment  of  the  Debt  due  to  the  army, 
did  at  the  close  of  the  last  Campaign  excite  greater 
discontents,  and  threaten  more  serious  and  alarm- 
ing consequences,  than  it  is  easy  for  me  to  describe 
or  you  to  conceive.  Happily  for  us,  the  officers  of 
highest  rank  and  greatest  consideration  interposed ; 
and  it  was  determined  to  address  Congress  in  an 
humble,  pathetic,  and  explicit  manner. 

While  the  Sovereign  Power  appeared  perfectly 
well  disposed  to  do  justice,  it  was  discovered  that 
the  States  would  enable  them  to  do  nothing;  and 
in  this  state  of  affairs,  and  after  some  time  spent  on 
the  business  in  Philadelphia,  a  Report  was  made 
by  the  Delegates  of  the  army,  giving  a  detail  of 
the  proceedings.  Before  this  could  be  communi- 
cated to  the  Troops,  while  the  minds  of  all  were  in 
a  peculiar  state  of  inquietude  and  irritation,  an 
anonymous  writer,  who  tho'  he  did  not  boldly  step 
forth  and  give  his  name  to  the  world,  sent  into  cir- 
culation an  address  to  the  officers  of  the  army, 
which,  in  point  of  composition,  in  elegance  and 
force  of  expression,  has  rarely  been  equalled  in  the 
English  Language,  and  in  which  the  dreadful 
alternative  was  proposed,  of  relinquishing  the  Ser- 
vice in  a  body,  in  case  the  war  continued,  or  retain- 
ing their  arms  in  case  of  peace,  until  Congress 
should  comply  with  all  their  demands.  At  the 
same  time,  seizing  the  moment  when  the  minds  were 
inflamed  by  the  most  pathetic  representations,  a 
General  meeting  of  the  officers  was  summoned  by 
another  anonymous  production. 


i  Benjamin  Harrison  199 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  been  the 
consequence,  had  the  author  succeeded  in  his  first 
plans.  But,  measures  having  been  taken  to  post- 
pone the  meeting,  sp  as  to  give  time  for  cool  re- 
flection and  counteraction,  the  good  sense  of  the 
officers  has  terminated  this  affair  in  a  manner,  which 
reflects  the  greatest  glory  on  themselves,  and  de- 
mands the  highest  expressions  of  gratitude  from 
their  Country. 

The  Proceedings  have  been  reported  to  Congress, 
and  will  probably  be  published  for  the  satisfaction 
of  the  good  people  of  these  United  States.  In  the 
mean  time  I  thought  it  necessary  to  give  you  these 
particulars,  principally  with  a  design  to  communi- 
cate to  you  without  reserve  my  opinion  on  this  in- 
teresting subject.  For,  notwithstanding  the  storm 
has  now  passed  over,  notwithstanding  the  officers 
have  in  despite  of  their  accumulated  sufferings 
given  the  most  unequivocal  and  exalted  proofs  of 
Patriotism,  yet  I  believe,  unless  justice  shall  be 
done,  and  funds  effectually  provided  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  Debt,  the  most  deplorable  and  ruin- 
ous consequences  may  be  apprehended.  Justice, 
honor,  gratitude,  policy,  every  thing  is  opposed  to 
the  conduct  of  driving  men  to  despair  of  obtaining 
their  just  rights,  after  serving  Seven  years  a  pain- 
ful life  in  the  Field.  I  say  in  the  Field.,  because 
they  have  not  during  that  period  had  any  thing  to 
shelter  them  from  the  inclemency  of  the  seasons  but 
Tents  and  such  Houses  as  they  could  build  for 
themselves. 

Convinced  of  this,  and  actuated  as  I  am,  not  by 


200  George  Washington 

private  and  Interested  motives,  but  by  a  sense  of 
duty,  a  love  of  justice,  and  all  the  feelings  of  grati- 
tude towards  a  body  of  men,  who  have  merited  in- 
finitely well  of  their  Country,  I  can  never  conceal 
or  suppress  my  Sentiments.  I  cannot  cease  to 
exert  all  the  abilities  I  am  possessed  of,  to  show 
the  evil  tendency  of  procrastinated  justice,  for  I 
will  not  suppose  it  is  intended  ultimately  to  with- 
hold it,  nor  fail  to  urge  the  Establishment  of  such 
adequate  and  permanent  funds,  as  will  enable  Con- 
gress to  secure  the  payment  of  the  public  Debt,  on 
such  principles  as  will  preserve  the  national  faith, 
give  satisfaction  to  the  army  and  tranquillity  to 
the  Public.  With  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am, 
&c. 

P.  S.  The  author  of  the  Anonymous  Address 
is  yet  behind  the  curtain;  and,  as  conjecture  may  be 
grounded  on  error,  I  will  not  announce  mine  at 
present. 


TO  THEODOBICK  BLAND 

NEWBURG,  4  April,  1783. 

DEAR  SIB, 

On  Sunday  last  the  Baron  de  Steuben  handed 
me  your  obliging  favor  of  the  22d  of  March.  Per- 
mit me  to  offer  you  my  unfeigned  thanks  for  the 
clear  and  candid  opinions  which  you  have  given  me 
of  European  politics.  Your  reasonings  upon  the 
conduct  of  the  different  Powers  at  War  would  have 
appeared  conclusive,  had  not  the  happy  event  which 
has  been  since  announced  to  us,  and  on  which  I 


Theodorick  Bland  201 

most  sincerely  congratulate  you,  proved  how  well 
they  were  founded.  Peace  has  given  rest  to  specu- 
lative opinions  respecting  the  time  and  terms  of  it. 
The  first  has  come  as  soon  as  we  could  well  have 
expected  it  under  the  disadvantages  which  we 
labored;  and  the  latter  is  abundantly  satisfactory. 

It  is  now  the  bounden  duty  of  every  one  to  make 
the  blessings  thereof  as  diffusive  as  possible.  No- 
thing would  so  effectually  bring  this  to  pass  as  the 
removal  of  those  local  prejudices  which  intrude 
upon  and  embarass  that  great  line  of  policy  which 
alone  can  make  us  a  free,  happy  and  powerful 
People.  Unless  our  Union  can  be  fixed  upon  such 
a  basis  as  to  accomplish  these,  certain  I  am  we  have 
toiled,  bled  and  spent  our  treasure  to  very  little 
purpose. 

We  have  now  a  National  character  to  establish, 
and  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  stamp  favor- 
able impressions  upon  it;  let  justice  be  then  one  of 
its  characteristics,  and  gratitude  another.  Public 
creditors  of  every  denomination  will  be  compre- 
hended in  the  first;  the  Army  in  a  particular  man- 
ner will  have  a  claim  to  the  latter;  to  say  that  no 
distinction  can  be  made  between  the  claims  of  pub- 
lic creditors  is  to  declare  that  there  is  no  difference 
iri  circumstances;  or  that  the  services  of  all  men 
are  equally  alike.  This  Army  is  of  near  eight 
years'  standing,  six  of  which  they  have  spent  in  the 
Field  without  any  other  shelter  from  the  inclem- 
ency of  the  seasons  than  Tents,  or  such  Houses  as 
they  could  build  for  themselves  without  ex  pence 
to  the  public.  They  have  encountered  hunger, 


202  George  Washington 

cold  and  nakedness.  They  have  fought  many  Bat- 
tles and  bled  freely.  They  have  lived  without  pay, 
and  in  consequence  of  it,  officers  as  well  as  men 
have  subsisted  upon  their  Rations. 

They  have  often,  very  often,  been  reduced  to  the 
necessity  of  Eating  Salt  Porke,  or  Beef  not  for  a 
day,  or  a  week  only  but  months  together  without 
Vegetables  or  money  to  buy  them;  or  a  cloth  to 
wipe  on. 

Many  of  them  to  do  better,  and  to  dress  as  Offi- 
cers have  contracted  heavy  debts  or  spent  their 
patrimonies.  The  first  see  the  Doors  of  Gaols 
open  to  receive  them — whilst  those  of  the  latter  are 
shut  against  them.  Is  there  no  discrimination  then 
— no  extra  exertion  to  be  made  in  favor  of  men  in 
these  peculiar  circumstances,  in  the  event  of  their 
military  dissolution?  Or,  if  no  worse  cometh  of  it, 
are  they  to  be  turned  adrift  soured  and  discon- 
tented, complaining  of  the  ingratitude  of  their 
Country,  and  under  the  influence  of  these  pas- 
sions, to  become  fit  subjects  for  unfavorable  im- 
pressions, and  unhappy  dissentions?  For  permit 
me  to  add,  tho  every  man  in  the  Army  feels  his  dis- 
tress— it  is  not  every  one  that  will  reason  to  the 
cause  of  it. 

I  would  not  from  the  observations  here  made,  be 
understood  to  mean  that  Congress  should  (because  I 
know  they  cannot,  nor  does  the  army  expect  it)  pay 
the  full  arrearages  due  to  them  till  Continental 
or  State  funds  are  established  for  the  purpose.  They 
would,  from  what  I  can  learn,  go  home  con- 
tented— nay — thankful  to  receive  what  I  have  men- 


Theodorick  Bland  203 

tioned  in  a  more  public  letter  of  this  date,  and  in 
the  manner  there  expressed.  And  surely  this  may 
be  effected  with  proper  exertions.  Or  what  possi- 
bility was  there  of  keeping  the  army  together,  if 
the  war  had  continued,  when  the  victualling,  cloth- 
ing, and  other  expenses  of  it  were  to  have  been 
added  ?  Another  thing  Sir,  ( as  I  mean  to  be  frank 
and  free  in  my  communications  on  this  subject)  I 
will  not  conceal  from  you — it  is  the  dissimilarity  in 
the  payments  to  men  in  Civil  and  Military  life.  The 
first  receive  everything — the  other  get  nothing  but 
bare  subsistence — they  ask  what  this  is  owing  to? 
and  reasons  have  been  assigned,  which,  say  they, 
amount  to  this — that  men  in  Civil  life  have  stronger 
passions  and  better  pretensions  to  indulge  them,  or 
less  virtue  and  regard  for  their  Country  than  us, — 
otherwise,  as  we  are  all  contending  for  the  same 
prize  and  equally  interested  in  the  attainment  of 
it,  why  do  we  not  bear  the  burthen  equally? 

These  and  other  comparisons  which  are  unneces- 
sary to  enumerate  give  a  keener  edge  to  their  feel- 
ings and  contribute  not  a  little  to  sour  their 
tempers.  As  it  is  the  first  wish  of  my  Soul  to  see 
the  War  happily  &  speedily  terminated;  and  those 
who  are  now  in  arms,  returned  to  Citizenship  with 
good  dispositions,  I  think  it  a  duty  which  I  owe  to 
candor  and  to  friendship,  to  point  you  to  such 
things  as  my  opportunities  have  given  me  reason  to 
believe  will  have  a  tendency  to  harmony  and  bring 
them  to  pass.  I  shall  only  add  that  with  much  es- 
teem and  regard,  I  am,  &c. 


204  George  Washington 

TO  THEODORICK  BLAND 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  4  April,  1783. 

SIR, 

The  subject  of  your  private  letter  is  so  important 
and  involving  so  many  considerations,  that  I  could 
not  hazard  my  own  opinion  only  for  a  Reply.  I 
have  therefore  communicated  its  contents  to  some 
of  the  most  intelligent,  well-informed,  and  confi- 
dential officers,  whose  judgment  I  have  compelled, 
and  endeavored  to  collect  from  them,  what  is  the 
general  Line  and  Expectation  of  the  Army  at  large 
respectg.  the  points  you  mention — and  as  this  is 
meant  to  be  equally  private  and  confidential  as 
yours,  I  shall  communicate  my  sentiments  to  you 
without  reserve,  and  with  the  most  entire  Freedom. 

The  idea  of  the  officers  in  keeping  the  Army  to- 
gether until  Settlement  of  their  accounts  is  ef- 
fected, and  Funds  established  for  their  Security,  is 
perhaps  not  so  extensive  as  the  words  of  their  Reso- 
lution seem  to  intimate.  When  that  Idea  was  first 
expressed,  our  prospects  of  Peace  were  Distant, 
and  it  was  supposed  that  Settlement  and  Funds 
might  both  be  effected  before  a  Dissolution  of  the 
Army  would  probably  take  place.  They  wished 
therefore  to  have  both  done  at  once.  But  since  the 
Expectation  of  Peace  is  bro't  so  near,  however  de- 
sirable it  would  be  to  the  officers,  to  have  their 
Ballances  secured  to  them  upon  sufficient  Funds, 
as  well  as  their  Settlement  ascertained,  yet  it  is  not 
in  Idea,  that  the  Army  should  be  held  together  for 
the  sole  Purpose  of  enforcing  either.  Nor  do  they 


Theodorick  Bland  205 

suppose  that,  by  such  Means,  they  could  operate 
on  the  Fears  of  the  civil  power,  or  of  the  people 
at  large — the  impracticability  as  well  as  ill  policy 
of  such  a  mode  of  Conduct  is  easily  discoverable  by 
every  sensible  Intelligent  officer. — The  Tho't  is 
reprobated  as  ridiculous  and  inadmissible. 

Tho'  these  are  their  Ideas  on  the  particular  Point 
you  have  mentioned,  yet  they  have  their  Expecta- 
tions and  they  are  of  a  very  serious  Nature  and  will 
require  all  the  Attention  and  consideration  of  Con- 
gress to  gratify  them.  These  I  will  endeavor  to 
explain  with  freedom  and  candor. 

In  the  first  place,  I  fix  it  as  an  indispensible 
Measure,  that  previous  to  the  Disbanding  of  the 
Army,  all  their  accounts,  should  be  compleatly 
liquidated  and  settled — and  that  every  person  shall 
be  ascertained  of  the  Ballance  due  to  him;  and  it  is 
equally  essential,  in  my  opinion,  that  this  Settle- 
ment should  be  effected,  with  the  Army  in  its 
collected  Body,  without  any  dispersion  of  the  dif- 
ferent Lines  to  their  respective  States — for  in  this 
way  the  Accounts  will  be  drawn  into  one  view, 
properly  digested  upon  one  general  system,  and 
compared  with  a  variety  of  circumstances,  which 
will  require  References  upon  a  much  easier  plan  to 
be  dispersed  over  all  the  States.  The  Settlements 
will  be  effected  with  greater  ease,  in  less  Time,  and 
with  much  more  oeconomy  in  this,  than  in  a  scat- 
tered situation.  At  the  same  Time  jealousies  will 
be  removed,  the  minds  of  the  Army  will  be  im- 
pressed with  greater  Ease  and  Quiet,  and  they 
better  prepared,  with  good  opinions  and  proper 


^6  George  Washington 

Dispositions  to  fall  back  into  the  great  Mass  of 
Citizens — 

But  after  Settlement  is  formed,  there  remains 
another  Circumstance  of  more  importance  still,  and 
without  which,  it  will  be  of  little  consequence  to 
have  the  sums  due  them  ascertained;  that  is,  the 
Payment  of  some  part  of  the  Ballance.  The  Dis- 
tresses of  Officers  and  Soldiers,  are  now  driven  to 
the  extreme,  and  without  this  provision  will  not  be 
lessened  by  the  prospect  of  Dissolution.  It  is 
therefore  universally  expected  that  three  months' 
pay  at  least,  must  be  given  them  before  they  are 
disbanded — this  Sum  it  is  confidently  imagined 
may  be  procured  and  is  absolutely  indispensable. 

They  are  the  rather  confirmed  in  a  Belief  of  the 
practicability  of  obtaining  it — as  the  pay  of  the 
Army,  has  formed  great  part  of  the  Sum  in  the 
Estimates  which  have  been  made  for  the  Expences 
of  the  War — and  altho'  this  has  been  obliged  to 
give  way  to  more  necessary  Claims,  yet  when  those 
Demands  cease,  as  many  will  upon  the  Disbanding 
the  Army — the  Pay  will  then  come  into  view,  and 
have  its  equal  claim  to  Notice. 

They  will  not  however  be  unreasonable  in  this 
Expectation.  If  the  whole  cannot  be  obtained  be- 
fore they  are  dispersed,  the  Receipt  of  one  month 
in  Hand,  with  an  absolute  assurance  of  having  the 
other  two  months  in  a  short  Time,  will  be  satis- 
factory— Should  Mr.  Morris  not  be  able  to  assure 
them  the  two  last  Months  from  the  Treasury,  it  is 
suggested  that  it  may  be  obtained  in  the  States,  by 
Drafts  from  him  upon  their  several  Continental 


Theodorick  Bland  207 

Receivers,  to  be  collected  by  the  Individual  Officers 
and  Soldiers,  out  of  the  last  year's  Arrears  due 
from  the  several  States  apportionments,  and  for 
which  Taxes  have  long  since  been  assessed  by  the 
Legislatures — This  mode,  tho'  troublesome  to  the 
officer,  and  perhaps  inconvenient  for  the  financier, 
yet  from  the  Necessity  of  circumstances  may  be 
adopted,  and  might  be  a  means  of  collecting  more 
Taxes  from  the  people  than  would  in  any  other  way 
be  done.  This  is  only  hinted  as  an  Expedient. 
The  Financier  will  take  his  own  measures.  But  I 
repeat  it,  as  an  indispensable  point,  that  this  Sum 
at  least,  must  by  some  means  be  procured. — With- 
out this  provision,  it  will  be  absolutely  impossible 
for  many  to  get  from  Camp,  or  to  return  to  their 
friends — and  driven  to  such  necessities  it  is  im- 
possible to  foresee  what  may  be  the  consequences 
of  their  not  obtaining  it.  But  the  worst  is  to  be 
apprehended. — A  Credit,  built  by  their  Friends  & 
such  others  as  have  been  good  eno'  to  supply  their 
wants  upon  the  Expectation  of  being  refunded  at 
the  close  of  the  War,  out  of  the  large  Sums  which 
by  their  Toils  in  the  course  of  many  Years  hard  Ser- 
vice, have  become  due  to  them  from  the  public,  has 
supported  the  greatest  Number  of  them  to  the  pres- 
ent Time — and  that  Debt  now  remains  upon  them. 
But  to  be  disbanded  at  last,  without  this  little  pit- 
tance (which  is  necessary  to  quit  Quarters)  like  a 
Sett  of  Beggars,  Needy,  distressed  and  without 
Prospect  will  not  only  blast  the  Expectations  of 
their  Creditors,  and  expose  the  officers  to  the  ut- 
most Indignity  and  the  worst  of  consequences; — 


2o8  George  Washington 

but  will  drive  every  man  of  Honor  and  Sensibility 
to  the  extremest  Horrors  of  Despair.  On  the  other 
Hand  to  give  them  this  Sum,  however  small  in 
comparison  of  their  Dues,  yet,  by  fulfiling  their 
Expectations,  will  sweeten  their  Tempers,  cheer 
their  hopes  of  the  future — enable  them  to  submit 
themselves  'till  they  can  cast  about  for  some  future 
means  of  Business — it  will  gratify  their  pressing 
Creditors,  and  will  throw  the  officer  back  with  Ease 
and  Confidence  into  the  Bosom  of  this  Country, 
and  enable  him  to  mix  with  cordiality  and  affection 
among  the  mass  of  useful,  happy  and  contented 
Citizens — an  object  of  the  most  desirable  impor- 
tance. I  cannot  at  this  point  of  Distance,  know 
the  arrangements  of  the  financier,  what  have  been 
his  anticipations,  or  what  his  prospects — but  the 
necessity  of  fulfilling  this  Expectation  of  the  Army 
affects  me  so  exceeding  forcibly,  that  I  can  not 
help  dwelling  upon  it,  nor  is  there  in  my  present 
apprehensions  a  point  of  greater  consequence  or 
that  requires  more  serious  attention.  Under  this 
Impression  I  have  thought,  if  a  spirited,  pointed, 
and  well  adapted  Address  was  framed  by  Congress, 
and  sent  to  the  States  on  this  Occasion,  that  Grati- 
tude, Justice,  Honor,  National  Pride,  and  every 
Consideration,  would  operate  upon  them  to  strain 
every  Nerve,  and  exert  every  endeavor  to  throw 
into  the  Public  Treasury,  a  Sum  equal  to  this  Re- 
quisition— It  cannot  be  denied,  especially  when  they 
reflect,  how  small  the  Expectation  is,  compared 
with  the  large  sum  of  arrears  which  is  due — and 


Theodorick  Bland  209 

tho'  I  know  that  Distinctions  are  commonly  odious, 
and  are  looked  upon  with  a  jealous  and  envious 
Eye — yet  it  is  impossible,  that  in  this  case,  it  can 
have  this  operation;  for  whatever  the  feelings  of 
Individuals  at  large  may  be  in  contemplating  on 
their  own  Demands — yet  upon  a  candid  Compari- 
son, every  man,  even  the  most  interested,  will  be 
forced  to  yield  to  the  superior  merit  and  sufferings 
of  the  Soldier,  who  for  a  course  of  Years,  has  con- 
tributed his  Services  in  the  field,  not  only  at  the 
Expence  of  his  fortune  and  former  Employment, 
but  at  the  Risque  of  Ease,  domestic  happiness,  com- 
fort and  even  Life.  After  all  these  Considera- 
tions, how  must  he  be  struck  with  the  mediocrity 
of  his  demand,  when,  instead  of  the  Pay  due  him 
for  four,  five,  perhaps  six  years  hard  earned  Toil 
and  Distress,  he  is  content  for  the  present  with  re- 
ceiving three  months,  only — and  is  willing  to  risque 
the  Remainder  upon  the  same  Basis  of  Security, 
with  the  general  mass  of  other  public  Creditors. — 
Another  Expectation  seems  to  have  possessed 
the  minds  of  the  officers.  That,  as  the  objects  above 
mentioned  are  not  the  only  ones  which  must  occupy 
the  attention  of  Congress,  in  Connexion  with  the 
Army,  it  may  probably  be  tho't  advisable  that  Con- 
gress should  send  to  the  Army,  a  respectable,  well- 
chosen,  and  well  instructed  Committee,  of  their 
own  Body;  with  liberal  Power,  to  confer  with  the 
Army,  to  know  their  Sentiments,  their  Expecta- 
tions, their  Distresses,  their  Necessities,  and  the 
Impossibility  of  their  falling  back  from  the  Soldier 


210 


George  Washington 


to  Citizenship  without  some  gratification  to  their 
most  reasonable  Demands.  This  would  be  con- 
sidered as  a  compliment.  And  to  add  still  greater 
satisfaction  and  advantage,  it  is  tho't  very  advis- 
able, that  the  Secretary  at  War,  and  the  Financier 
should  be  of  this  Delegation.  Previous  to  a  Dis- 
solution of  the  Army,  many  arrangements  will 
doubtless  be  necessary  in  both  those  Departments, 
to  procure  a  happy  and  honorable  close  to  the  War, 
and  to  introduce  Peace,  with  a  prospect  of  National 
Glory,  Stability,  and  Benefit.  It  is  not  for  me  to 
dictate,  but  I  should  suppose  some  Peace  Estab- 
lishment will  be  necessary;  some  posts  will  be  kept 
up  and  garrisoned;  Arsenals  for  the  Deposit  of 
Ordnance  and  Military  Stores,  will  be  determined 
on,  and  the  Stores  collected  and  deposited ;  arrange- 
ments will  be  necessary  for  the  Discharge  of  the 
Army;  at  what  periods  and  under  what  circum- 
stances., The  Terms  of  the  Soldiers  Service  are 
on  different  Grounds; — those  for  the  War  will 
suppose  and  they  have  a  right  to  do  so,  their  peri- 
ods of  Service  to  expire  at  the  Close  of  War,  and 
Proclamation  of  Peace.  What  period  shall  be 
fixed  for  these?  The  Levy  men  may  be  retained 
while  the  British  force  remain  in  our  Country  if 
it  shall  be  judged  advisable.  If  I  am  not  con- 
sulted in  these  matters,  it  will  be  necessary  for  me 
to  have  an  early  Knowledge  of  the  Intentions  of 
Congress  on  these  and  many  other  points.  But  I 
can  think  of  no  mode  so  effectual  as  the  one  sug- 
gested of  a  Committee  accompanied  by  the  Finan- 


Theodorick  Bland  211 

cier  and  Secretary  at  War.  Plans  which  to  us 
appear  feasible  and  practicable,  may  be  attended 
with  insurmountable  difficulties.  On  the  other 
hand  measures  may  be  adopted  at  Philadelphia 
which  cannot  be  carried  into  execution.  But  here 
in  the  manner  proposed  something  might  be  hit 
upon  which  would  accommodate  itself  to  the  Ideas 
of  both,  with  greater  Ease  and  Satisfaction,  than 
may  now  be  expected,  and  which  could  not  be 
effected  by  writing  Quires  of  paper,  and  spending 
a  Length  of  Time. — 

Upon  the  whole,  you  will  be  able  to  collect  from 
the  foregoing  Sentiments  what  are  the  Expecta- 
tions of  the  Army — that  they  will  involve  compleat 
Settlement  and  partial  payment  previous  to  any 
Dispersion.  (This  they  suppose  may  be  done 
within  the  Time  that  they  must  necessarily  remain 
together. )  Upon  the  fulfillment  of  these  two,  they 
will  readily  retire,  in  full  assurance  that  ample  Se- 
curity at  the  earliest  period,  and  on  the  best  ground 
it  can  be  had  will  be  obtained  for  the  Remainder  of 
their  Ballances. 

If  the  Idea  of  a  Committee  to  right  the  Army 
should  not  be  adopted, — and  you  find  it  necessary 
to  pass  any  further  Resolutions,  you  will  easily  col- 
lect from  the  foregoing  Sentiments  what  will  be 
satisfactory — without  my  troubling  you  any  further 
— I  pray  you  to  communicate  the  Contents  of  this 
Letter  to  Colo.  Hamilton,  from  whom  I  received  a 
request  similar  to  yours.  I  have  &c. 


212  George  Washington 

CIRCULAR  LETTER  ADDRESSED  TO  THE  GOVERNORS  OF 
ALT.  THE  STATES  ON   DISBANDING  THE   ARMY1 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  NEWBURG,  8  June,  1783. 

SIR, 

The  great  object,  for  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
hold  an  appointment  in  the  service  of  my  country, 
being  accomplished,  I  am  now  preparing  to  resign 
it  into  the  hands  of  Congress,  and  to  return  to  that 
domestic  retirement,  which,  it  is  well  known,  I  left 
with  the  greatest  reluctance ;  a  retirement  for  which 
I  have  never  ceased  to  sigh,  through  a  long  and 
painful  absence,  and  in  which  (remote  from  the 
noise  and  trouble  of  the  world)  I  meditate  to  pass 
the  remainder  of  my  life,  in  a  state  of  undisturbed 
repose.  But  before  I  carry  this  resolution  into 
effect,  I  think  it  a  duty  incumbent  on  me  to  make 
this  my  last  official  communication;  to  congratu- 
late you  on  the  glorious  events  which  Heaven  has 

1  Throughout  the  war  Washington  had  been  impressed  with 
the  inadequacy  of  the  powers  of  Congress.  As  he  himself  said, 
no  one  had  suffered  from  the  weakness  of  the  government  more 
than  he.  This  weakness,  however,  was  merely  a  reflection  of  the 
lack  of  a  sense  of  unity  among  the  people  of  the  several  States. 
While  the  war  lasted,  they  were  forced  to  hold  together.  But 
when  that  necessity  was  removed,  Washington  greatly  feared 
that  the  States  would  fall  apart.  "  The  Constitution  of  Con- 
gress," he  wrote,  "  must  be  competent  to  the  general  purposes 
of  Government,  and  of  such  a  nature  as  to  bind  us  together. 
Otherwise  we  shall  be  like  a  rope  of  Sand,  and  as  easily  broken; 
and  may  in  a  short  time,  become  the  sport  of  European  Poli- 
tics, even  if  we  should  be  disposed  to  Peace  among  ourselves." — 
Washington  to  Tench  Tilghman,  24  April,  1783.  This  was  the 
feeling  which  prompted  the  Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors, — 
his  final  effort  before  retiring  to  private  life  to  convince  the 
States  of  the  necessity  of  placing  the  Union  upon  a  stable  basis, 
which  could  only  be  accomplished,  in  his  opinion,  by  enlarging 
the  powers  of  Congress. 


Governors  of  All  the  States  2 13 

been  pleased  to  produce  in  our  favor;  to  offer  my 
sentiments  respecting  some  important  subjects, 
which  appear  to  me  to  be  intimately  connected  with 
the  tranquillity  of  the  United  States;  to  take  my 
leave  of  your  Excellency  as  a  public  character ;  and 
to  give  my  final  blessing  to  that  country,  in  whose 
service  I  have  spent  the  prime  of  my  life,  for  whose 
sake  I  have  consumed  so  many  anxious  days  and 
watchful  nights,  and  whose  happiness,  being  ex- 
tremely dear  to  me,  will  always  constitute  no  in- 
considerable part  of  my  own. 

Impressed  with  the  liveliest  sensibility  on  this 
pleasing  occasion,  I  will  claim  the  indulgence  of 
dilating  the  more  copiously  on  the  subjects  of  our 
mutual  felicitation.  When  we  consider  the  magni- 
tude of  the  prize  we  contended  for,  the  doubtful 
nature  of  the  contest,  and  the  favorable  manner  in 
which  it  has  terminated,  we  shall  find  the  greatest 
possible  reason  for  gratitude  and  rejoicing.  This 
is  a  theme  that  will  afford  infinite  delight  to  every 
benevolent  and  liberal  mind,  whether  the  event  in 
contemplation  be  considered  as  the  source  of  pres- 
ent enjoyment,  or  the  parent  of  future  happi- 
ness; and  we  shall  have  equal  occasion  to  felicitate 
ourselves  on  the  lot  which  Providence  has  assigned 
us,  whether  we  view  it  in  a  natural,  a  political,  or 
moral  point  of  light. 

The  citizens  of  America,  placed  in  the  most  en- 
viable condition,  as  the  sole  lords  and  proprietors 
of  a  vast  tract  of  continent,  comprehending  all  the 
various  soils  and  climates  of  the  world,  and 
abounding  with  all  the  necessaries  and  conveniences 


214  George  Washington 

of  life,  are  now,  by  the  late  satisfactory  pacifica- 
tion, acknowledged  to  be  possessed  of  absolute 
freedom  and  independency.  They  are,  from  this 
period,  to  be  considered  as  the  actors  on  a  most  con- 
spicuous theatre,  which  seems  to  be  peculiarly  de- 
signated by  Providence  for  the  display  of  human 
greatness  and  felicity.  Here  they  are  not  only 
surrounded  with  every  thing,  which  can  contribute 
to  the  completion  of  private  and  domestic  enjoy- 
ment; but  Heaven  has  crowned  all  its  other  bless- 
ings, by  giving  a  fairer  opportunity  for  political 
happiness,  than  any  other  nation  has  ever  been 
favored  with.  Nothing  can  illustrate  these  obser- 
vations more  forcibly,  than  a  recollection  of  the 
happy  conjuncture  of  times  and  circumstances,  un- 
der which  our  republic  assumed  its  rank  among  the 
nations.  The  foundation  of  our  empire  was  not 
laid  in  the  gloomy  age  of  ignorance  and  supersti- 
tion; but  at  an  epoch  when  the  rights  of  mankind 
were  better  understood  and  more  clearly  defined, 
than  at  any  former  period.  The  researches  of  the 
human  mind  after  social  happiness  have  been  car- 
ried to  a  great  extent;  the  treasures  of  knowledge, 
acquired  by  the  labors  of  philosophers,  sages,  and 
legislators,  through  a  long  succession  of  years,  are 
laid  open  for  our  use,  and  their  collected  wisdom 
may  be  happily  applied  in  the  establishment  of 
our  forms  of  government.  The  free  cultivation  of 
letters,  the  unbounded  extension  of  commerce,  the 
progressive  refinement  of  manners,  the  growing 
liberality  of  sentiment,  and,  above  all,  the  pure  and 
benign  light  of  Revelation,  have  had  a  meliorating 


Governors  of  All  the  States  215 

influence  on  mankind  and  increased  the  blessings  of 
society.  At  this  auspicious  period,  the  United 
States  came  into  existence  as  a  nation ;  and,  if  their 
citizens  should  not  be  completely  free  and  happy, 
the  fault  will  be  entirely  their  own. 

Such  is  our  situation,  and  such  are  our  prospects ; 
but  notwithstanding  the  cup  of  blessing  is  thus 
reached  out  to  us;  notwithstanding  happiness  is 
ours,  if  we  have  a  disposition  to  seize  the  occasion 
and  make  it  our  own;  yet  it  appears  to  me  there  is 
an  option  still  left  to  the  United  States  of  America, 
that  it  is  in  their  choice,  and  depends  upon  their 
conduct,  whether  they  will  be  respectable  and 
prosperous,  or  contemptible  and  miserable,  as  a  na- 
tion. This  is  the  time  of  their  political  probation; 
this  is  the  moment  when  the  eyes  of  the  whole  world 
are  turned  upon  them ;  this  is  the  moment  to  estab- 
lish or  ruin  their  national  character  for  ever ;  this  is 
the  favorable  moment  to  give  such  a  tone  to  our 
federal  government,  as  will  enable  it  to  answer  the 
ends  of  its  institution,  or  this  may  be  the  ill-fated 
moment  for  relaxing  the  powers  of  the  Union, 
annihilating  the  cement  of  the  confederation,  and 
exposing  us  to  become  the  sport  of  European  poli- 
tics, which  may  play  one  State  against  another,  to 
prevent  their  growing  importance,  and  to  serve  their 
own  interested  purposes.  For,  according  to  the 
system  of  policy  the  States  shall  adopt  at  this  mo- 
ment, they  will  stand  or  fall;  and  by  their  confir- 
mation or  lapse  it  is  yet  to  be  decided,  whether  the 
revolution  must  ultimately  be  considered  as  a  bless- 
ing or  a  curse;  a  blessing  or  a  curse,  not  to  the 


216  George  Washington 

present  age  alone,  for  with  our  fate  will  the  destiny 
of  unborn  millions  be  involved. 

With  this  conviction  of  the  importance  of  the 
present  crisis,  silence  in  me  would  be  a  crime.  I 
will  therefore  speak  to  your  Excellency  the  lan- 
guage of  freedom  and  of  sincerity  without  disguise. 
I  am  aware,  however,  that  those  who  differ  from 
me  in  political  sentiment,  may  perhaps  remark,  I 
am  stepping  out  of  the  proper  line  of  my  duty,  and 
may  possibly  ascribe  to  arrogance  or  ostentation, 
what  I  know  is  alone  the  result  of  the  purest  inten- 
tion. But  the  rectitude  of  my  own  heart,  which 
disdains  such  unworthy  motives;  the  part  I  have 
hitherto  acted  in  life;  the  determination  I  have 
formed,  of  not  taking  any  share  in  public  business 
hereafter;  the  ardent  desire  I  feel,  and  shall  con- 
tinue to  manifest,  of  quietly  enjoying,  in  private 
life,  after  all  the  toils  of  war,  the  benefits  of  a  wise 
and  liberal  government,  will,  I  flatter  myself, 
sooner  or  later  convince  my  countrymen,  that  I 
could  have  no  sinister  views  in  delivering,  with  so 
little  reserve,  the  opinions  contained  in  this  address. 

There  are  four  things,  which,  I  humbly  conceive, 
are  essential  to  the  well-being,  I  may  even  venture 
to  say,  to  the  existence  of  the  United  States,  as  an 
independent  power. 

First.  An  indissoluble  union  of  the  States  un- 
der one  federal  head. 

Secondly.     A  sacred  regard  to  public  justice. 

Thirdly.  The  adoption  of  a  proper  peace  estab- 
lishment; and, 

Fourthly.     The  prevalence  of  that  pacific  and 


Governors  of  All  the  States  217 

friendly  disposition  among  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  which  will  induce  them  to  forget  their  lo- 
cal prejudices  and  policies;  to  make  those  mutual 
concessions,  which  are  requisite  to  the  general 
prosperity;  and,  in  some  instances,  to  sacrifice 
their  individual  advantages  to  the  interest  of  the 
community. 

These  are  the  pillars  on  which  the  glorious  fab- 
ric of  our  independency  and  national  character 
must  be  supported.  Liberty  is  the  basis ;  and  who- 
ever would  dare  to  sap  the  foundation,  or  overturn 
the  structure,  under  whatever  specious  pretext  he 
may  attempt  it,  will  merit  the  bitterest  execration, 
and  the  severest  punishment,  which  can  be  inflicted 
by  his  injured  country. 

On  the  three  first  articles  I  will  make  a  few 
observations,  leaving  the  last  to  the  good  sense 
and  serious  consideration  of  those  immediately 
concerned. 

Under  the  first  head,  although  it  may  not  be 
necessary  or  proper  for  me,  in  this  place,  to  enter 
into  a  particular  disquisition  on  the  principles  of 
the  Union,  and  to  take  up  the  great  question  which 
has  been  frequently  agitated,  whether  it  be  expedi- 
ent and  requisite  for  the  States  to  delegate  a  larger 
proportion  of  power  to  Congress,  or  not;  yet  it 
will  be  a  part  of  my  duty,  and  that  of  every  true 
patriot,  to  assert  without  reserve,  and  to  insist 
upon,  the  following  positions.  That,  unless  the 
States  will  suffer  Congress  to  exercise  those  pre- 
rogatives they  are  undoubtedly  invested  with  by 
the  constitution,  every  thing  must  very  rapidly  tend 


218 


George  Washington 


to  anarchy  and  confusion.  That  it  is  indispensa- 
ble to  the  happiness  of  the  individual  States,  that 
there  should  be  lodged  somewhere  a  supreme 
power  to  regulate  and  govern  the  general  concerns 
of  the  confederated  republic,  without  which  the 
Union  cannot  be  of  long  duration.  That  there 
must  be  a  faithful  and  pointed  compliance,  on  the 
part  of  every  State,  with  the  late  proposals  and  de- 
mands of  Congress,  or  the  most  fatal  consequences 
will  ensue.  That  whatever  measures  have  a  tend- 
ency to  dissolve  the  Union,  or  contribute  to  violate 
or  lessen  the  sovereign  authority,  ought  to  be  con- 
sidered as  hostile  to  the  liberty  and  independency 
of  America,  and  the  authors  of  them  treated 
accordingly.  And  lastly,  that  unless  we  can  be  en- 
abled, by  the  concurrence  of  the  States,  to  partici- 
pate of  the  fruits  of  the  revolution,  and  enjoy  the 
essential  benefits  of  civil  society,  under  a  form  of 
government  so  free  and  uncorrupted,  so  happily 
guarded  against  the  danger  of  oppression,  as  has 
been  devised  and  adopted  by  the  articles  of  con- 
federation, it  will  be  a  subject  of  regret,  that  so 
much  blood  and  treasure  have  been  lavished  for  no 
purpose,  that  so  many  sufferings  have  been  en- 
countered without  a  compensation,  and  that  so 
many  sacrifices  have  been  made  in  vain. 

Many  other  considerations  might  here  be  adduced 
to  prove,  that,  without  an  entire  conformity  to  the 
spirit  of  the  Union,  we  cannot  exist  as  an  indepen- 
dent power.  It  will  be  sufficient  for  my  purpose  to 
mention  but  one  or  two,  which  seem  to  me  of  the 
greatest  importance.  It  is  only  in  our  united 


2IQ 

character,  as  an  empire,  that  our  independence  is 
acknowledged,  that  our  power  can  be  regarded,  or 
our  credit  supported,  among  foreign  nations.  The 
treaties  of  the  European  powers  with  the  United 
States  of  America  will  have  no  validity  on  a  disso- 
lution of  the  Union.  We  shall  be  left  nearly  in  a 
state  of  nature;  or  we  may  find,  by  our  own  un- 
happy experience,  that  there  is  a  natural  and 
necessary  progression  from  the  extreme  of  anarchy 
to  the  extreme  of  tyranny,  and  that  arbitrary  power 
is  most  easily  established  on  the  ruins  of  liberty, 
abused  to  licentiousness. 

As  to  the  second  article,  which  respects  the  per- 
formance of  public  justice,  Congress  have,  in  their 
late  address  to  the  United  States,  almost  exhausted 
the  subject;  they  have  explained  their  ideas  so  fully, 
and  have  enforced  the  obligations  the  States  are 
under,  to  render  complete  justice  to  all  the  public 
creditors,  with  so  much  dignity  and  energy,  that,  in 
my  opinion,  no  real  friend  to  the  honor  or  inde- 
pendency of  America  can  hesitate  a  single  moment, 
respecting  the  propriety  of  complying  with  the 
just  and  honorable  measures  proposed.  If  their 
arguments  do  not  produce  conviction,  I  know  of 
nothing  that  will  have  greater  influence:  especially 
when  we  recollect,  that  the  system  referred  to,  be- 
ing the  result  of  the  collected  wisdom  of  the  con- 
tinent, must  be  esteemed,  if  not  perfect,  certainly 
the  least  objectionable  of  any  that  could  be  devised; 
and  that,  if  it  shall  not  be  carried  into  immediate 
execution,  a  national  bankruptcy,  with  all  its  de- 
plorable consequences,  will  take  place,  before  any 


220 


George  Washington 


different  plan  can  possibly  be  proposed  and 
adopted.  So  pressing  are  the  present  circum- 
stances, and  such  is  the  alternative  now  offered  to 
the  States. 

The  ability  of  the  country  to  discharge  the  debts, 
which  have  been  incurred  in  its  defence,  is  not  to 
be  doubted ;  an  inclination,  I  flatter  myself,  will  not 
be  wanting.  The  path  of  our  duty  is  plain  before 
us;  honesty  will  be  found,  on  every  experiment,  to 
be  the  best  and  only  true  policy.  Let  us  then,  as 
a  nation,  be  just;  let  us  fulfil  the  public  contracts, 
which  Congress  had  undoubtedly  a  right  to  make 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  war,  with  the 
same  good  faith  we  suppose  ourselves  bound  to 
perform  our  private  engagements.  In  the  mean 
time,  let  an  attention  to  the  cheerful  performance 
of  their  proper  business,  as  individuals  and  as  mem- 
bers of  society,  be  earnestly  inculcated  on  the  citi- 
zens of  America;  then  will  they  strengthen  the 
hands  of  government,  and  be  happy  under  its  pro- 
tection; every  one  will  reap  the  fruit  of  his  labors, 
every  one  will  enjoy  his  own  acquisitions,  without 
molestation  and  without  danger. 

In  this  state  of  absolute  freedom  and  perfect  se- 
curity, who  will  grudge  to  yield  a  very  little  of  his 
property  to  support  the  common  interest  of  so- 
ciety, and  insure  the  protection  of  government? 
Who  does  not  remember  the  frequent  declarations, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  that  we  should  be 
completely  satisfied,  if,  at  the  expense  of  one  half, 
we  could  defend  the  remainder  of  our  possessions? 
Where  is  the  man  to  be  found,  who  wishes  to  re- 


Governors  of  All  the  States  221 

main  indebted  for  the  defence  of  his  own  person 
and  property  to  the  exertions,  the  bravery,  and  the 
blood  of  others,  without  making  one  generous 
effort  to  repay  the  debt  of  honor  and  gratitude? 
In  what  part  of  the  continent  shall  we  find  any 
man,  or  body  of  men,  who  would  not  blush  to  stand 
up  and  propose  measures  purposely  calculated  to 
rob  the  soldier  of  his  stipend,  and  the  public  credi- 
tor of  his  due?  And  were  it  possible,  that  such  a 
flagrant  instance  of  injustice  could  ever  happen, 
would  it  not  excite  the  general  indignation,  and 
tend  to  bring  down  upon  the  authors  of  such  meas- 
ures the  aggravated  vengeance  of  Heaven?  If,  after 
all,  a  spirit  of  disunion,  or  a  temper  of  obstinacy 
and  perverseness  should  manifest  itself  in  any  of 
the  States ;  if  such  an  ungracious  disposition  should 
attempt  to  frustrate  all  the  happy  effects  that 
might  be  expected  to  flow  from  the  Union ;  if  there 
should  be  a  refusal  to  comply  with  the  requisition 
for  funds  to  discharge  the  annual  interest  of  the 
public  debts ;  and  if  that  refusal  should  revive  again 
all  those  jealousies,  and  produce  all  those  evils, 
which  are  now  happily  removed,  Congress,  who 
have,  in  all  their  transactions,  shown  a  great  degree 
of  magnanimity  and  justice,  will  stand  justified  in 
the  sight  of  God  and  man;  and  the  State  alone, 
which  puts  itself  in  opposition  to  the  aggregate 
wisdom  of  the  continent,  and  follows  such  mis- 
taken and  pernicious  counsels,  will  be  responsible 
for  all  the  consequences. 

For  my  own  part,  conscious  of  having  acted, 
while  a  servant  of  the  public,  in  the  manner  I  con- 


222  George  Washington 

ceived  best  suited  to  promote  the  real  interests  of 
my  country;  having,  in  consequence  of  my  fixed 
belief,  in  some  measure  pledged  myself  to  the  army, 
that  their  country  would  finally  do  them  complete 
and  ample  justice;  and  not  wishing  to  conceal  any 
instance  of  my  official  conduct  from  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  I  have  thought  proper  to  transmit  to  your 
Excellency  the  enclosed  collection  of  papers,  rela- 
tive to  the  half -pay  and  commutation  granted  by 
Congress  to  the  officers  of  the  army.  From  these 
communications,  my  decided  sentiments  will  be 
clearly  comprehended,  together  with  the  conclusive 
reasons  which  induced  me,  at  an  early  period,  to 
recommend  the  adoption  of  this  measure,  in  the 
most  earnest  and  serious  manner.  As  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Congress,  the  army,  and  myself,  are 
open  to  all,  and  contain,  in  my  opinion,  sufficient 
information  to  remove  the  prejudices  and  errors, 
which  may  have  been  entertained  by  any,  I  think  it 
unnecessary  to  say  any  thing  more  than  just  to 
observe,  that  the  resolutions  of  Congress,  now 
alluded  to,  are  undoubtedly  as  absolutely  binding 
upon  the  United  States,  as  the  most  solemn  acts  of 
confederation  or  legislation. 

As  to  the  idea,  which,  I  am  informed,  has  in  some 
instances  prevailed,  that  the  half-pay  and  commu- 
tation are  to  be  regarded  merely  in  the  odious  light 
of  a  pension,  it  ought  to  be  exploded  for  ever. 
That  provision  should  be  viewed,  as  it  really  was, 
a  reasonable  compensation  offered  by  Congress,  at 
a  time  when  they  had  nothing  else  to  give  to  the 
officers  of  the  army  for  services  then  to  be  per- 


Governors  of  All  the  States  223 

formed.  It  was  the  only  means  to  prevent  a  total 
dereliction  of  the  service.  It  was  a  part  of  their 
hire.  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  it  was  the  price  of 
their  blood,  and  of  your  independency;  it  is  there- 
fore more  than  a  common  debt,  it  is  a  debt  of  honor ; 
it  can  never  be  considered  as  a  pension  or  gratuity, 
nor  be  cancelled  until  it  is  fairly  discharged. 

With  regard  to  a  distinction  between  officers  and 
soldiers,  it  is  sufficient  that  the  uniform  experience 
of  every  nation  of  the  world,  combined  with  our 
own,  proves  the  utility  and  propriety  of  the  dis- 
crimination. Rewards,  in  proportion  to  the  aids 
the  public  derives  from  them,  are  unquestionably 
due  to  all  its  servants.  In  some  lines,  the  soldiers 
have  perhaps  generally  had  as  ample  a  compensa- 
tion for  their  services,  by  the  large  bounties  which 
have  been  paid  to  them,  as  their  officers  will  receive 
in  the  proposed  commutation;  in  others,  if,  besides 
the  donation  of  lands,  the  payment  of  arrear- 
ages of  clothing  and  wages  (in  which  articles  all 
the  component  parts  of  the  army  must  be  put  upon 
the  same  footing),  we  take  into  the  estimate  the 
douceurs  many  of  the  soldiers  have  received,  and 
the  gratuity  of  one  year's  full  pay,  which  is  prom- 
ised to  all,  possibly  their  situation  (every  circum- 
stance being  duly  considered)  will  not  be  deemed 
less  eligible  than  that  of  the  officers.  Should  a 
further  reward,  however,  be  judged  equitable,  I 
will  venture  to  assert,  no  one  will  enjoy  greater 
satisfaction  than  myself,  on  seeing  an  exemption 
from  taxes  for  a  limited  time,  (which  has  been 
petitioned  for  in  some  instances,)  or  any  other 


George  Washington 


adequate  immunity  or  compensation  granted  to  the 
brave  defenders  of  their  country's  cause ;  but  neither 
the  adoption  or  rejection  of  this  proposition  will  in 
any  manner  affect,  much  less  militate  against,  the 
act  of  Congress,  by  which  they  have  offered  five 
years'  full  pay,  in  lieu  of  the  half -pay  for  life, 
which  had  been  before  promised  to  the  officers  of 
the  army. 

Before  I  conclude  the  subject  of  public  justice, 
I  cannot  omit  to  mention  the  obligations  this 
country  is  under  to  that  meritorious  class  of  vet- 
eran non-commissioned  officers  and  privates,  who 
have  been  discharged  for  inability,  in  consequence 
of  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  the  23d  of  April, 
1782,  on  an  annual  pension  for  life.  Their  peculiar 
sufferings,  their  singular  merits,  and  claims  to  that 
provision,  need  only  be  known,  to  interest  all  the 
feelings  of  humanity  in  their  behalf.  Nothing  but 
a  punctual  payment  of  their  annual  allowance  can 
rescue  them  from  the  most  complicated  misery; 
and  nothing  could  be  a  more  melancholy  and  dis- 
tressing sight,  than  to  behold  those,  who  have  shed 
their  blood  or  lost  their  limbs  in  the  service  of  their 
country,  without  a  shelter,  without  a  friend,  and 
without  the  means  of  obtaining  any  of  the  neces- 
saries or  comforts  of  life,  compelled  to  beg  their 
daily  bread  from  door  to  door.  Suffer  me  to  rec- 
ommend those  of  this  description,  belonging  to 
your  State,  to  the  warmest  patronage  of  your  Ex- 
cellency and  your  legislature. 

It  is  necessary  to  say  but  a  few  words  on  the  third 
topic  which  was  proposed,  and  which  regards  par- 


Governors  of  All  the  States  225 

ticularly  the  defence  of  the  republic;  as  there  can 
be  little  doubt  but  Congress  will  recommend  a 
proper  peace  establishment  for  the  United  States, 
in  which  a  due  attention  will  be  paid  to  the  impor- 
tance of  placing  the  militia  of  the  Union  upon  a 
regular  and  respectable  footing.  If  this  should  be 
the  case,  I  would  beg  leave  to  urge  the  great  ad- 
vantage of  it  in  the  strongest  terms.  The  militia 
of  this  country  must  be  considered  as  the  palladium 
of  our  security,  and  the  first  effectual  resort  in 
case  of  hostility.  It  is  essential,  therefore,  that  the 
same  system  should  pervade  the  whole;  that  the 
formation  and  discipline  of  the  militia  of  the  conti- 
nent should  be  absolutely  uniform,  and  that  the  same 
species  of  arms,  accoutrements,  and  military  ap- 
paratus, should  be  introduced  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States.  No  one,  who  has  not  learned  it 
from  experience,  can  conceive  the  difficulty,  ex- 
pense, and  confusion,  which  result  from  a  contrary 
system,  or  the  vague  arrangements  which  have 
hitherto  prevailed. 

If,  in  treating  of  political  points,  a  greater  lati- 
tude than  usual  has  been  taken  in  the  course  of  this 
address,  the  importance  of  the  crisis,  and  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  objects  in  discussion,  must  be  my 
apology.  It  is,  however,  neither  my  wish  or  ex- 
pectation, that  the  preceding  observations  should 
claim  any  regard,  except  so  far  as  they  shall  appear 
to  be  dictated  by  a  good  intention,  consonant  to  the 
immutable  rules  of  justice,  calculated  to  produce  a 
liberal  system  of  policy,  and  founded  on  whatever 
experience  may  have  been  acquired  by  a  long  and 


226  George  Washington 

close  attention  to  public  business.  Here  I  might 
speak  with  the  more  confidence,  from  my  actual 
observations;  and,  if  it  would  not  swell  this  letter 
(already  too  prolix)  beyond  the  bounds  I  had  pre- 
scribed to  myself,  I  could  demonstrate  to  every 
mind  open  to  conviction,  that  in  less  time,  and  with 
much  less  expense,  than  has  been  incurred,  the  war 
might  have  been  brought  to  the  same  happy  con- 
clusion, if  the  resources  of  the  continent  could  have 
been  properly  drawn  forth;  that  the  distresses  and 
disappointments,  which  have  very  often  occurred, 
have,  in  too  many  instances,  resulted  more  from  a 
want  of  energy  in  the  Continental  government, 
than  a  deficiency  of  means  in  the  particular  States ; 
that  the  inefficacy  of  measures  arising  from  the 
want  of  an  adequate  authority  in  the  supreme 
power,  from  a  partial  compliance  with  the  requisi- 
tions of  Congress  in  some  of  the  States,  and  from 
a  failure  of  punctuality  in  others,  while  it  tended 
to  damp  the  zeal  of  those,  which  were  more  willing 
to  exert  themselves,  served  also  to  accumulate  the 
expenses  of  the  war,  and  to  frustrate  the  best 
concerted  plans;  and  that  the  discouragement  oc- 
casioned by  the  complicated  difficulties  and  embar- 
rassments, in  which  our  affairs  were  by  this  means 
involved,  would  have  long  ago  produced  the  disso- 
lution of  any  army,  less  patient,  less  virtuous,  and 
less  persevering,  than  that  which  I  have  had  the 
honor  to  command.  But,  while  I  mention  these 
things,  which  are  notorious  facts,  as  the  defects  of 
our  federal  constitution,  particularly  in  the  prose- 


Governors  of  All  the  States  227 

cution  of  a  war,  I  beg  it  may  be  understood,  that,  as 
I  have  ever  taken  a  pleasure  in  gratefully  acknow- 
ledging the  assistance  and  support  I  have  derived 
from  every  class  of. citizens,  so  shall  I  always  be 
happy  to  do  justice  to  the  unparalleled  exertions 
of  the  individual  States  on  many  interesting 
occasions. 

I  have  thus  freely  disclosed  what  I  wished  to 
make  known,  before  I  surrendered  up  my  public 
trust  to  those  who  committed  it  to  me.  The  task 
is  now  accomplished.  I  now  bid  adieu  to  your 
Excellency  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  your  State, 
at  the  same  time  I  bid  a  last  farewell  to  the  cares 
of  office,  and  all  the  employments  of  public  life. 

It  remains,  then,  to  be  my  final  and  only  request, 
that  your  Excellency  will  communicate  these  sen- 
timents to  your  legislature  at  their  next  meeting, 
and  that  they  may  be  considered  as  the  legacy  of 
one,  who  has  ardently  wished,  on  all  occasions,  to 
be  useful  to  his  country,  and  who,  even  in  the  shade 
of  retirement,  will  not  fail  to  implore  the  Divine 
benediction  upon  it. 

I  now  make  it  my  earnest  prayer,  that  God  would 
have  you,  and  the  State  over  which  you  preside,  in 
his  holy  protection ;  that  he  would  incline  the  hearts 
of  the  citizens  to  cultivate  a  spirit  of  subordination 
and  obedience  to  government;  to  entertain  a 
brotherly  affection  and  love  for  one  another,  for 
their  fellow  citizens  of  the  United  States  at  large, 
and  particularly  for  their  brethren  who  have  served 
in  the  field;  and  finally,  that  he  would  most  gra- 


228  George  Washington 

ciously  be  pleased  to  dispose  us  all  to  do  justice,  to 
love  mercy,  and  to  demean  ourselves  with  that 
charity,  humility,  and  pacific  temper  of  mind,  which 
were  the  characteristics  of  the  Divine  Author  of 
our  blessed  religion,  and  without  an  humble  imita- 
tion of  whose  example  in  these  things,  we  can 
never  hope  to  be  a  happy  nation. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  much  esteem  and  re- 
spect, Sir,  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant.1 


1  Washington's  letter  produced  a  marked  effect.  In  Virginia 
the  legislature  was  in  session  discussing  the  impost  law  which 
it  had  once  accepted  and  afterward  rejected.  See  p.  181,  note. 
On  June  llth,  it  again  declined  to  give  Congress  the  power  to 
lay  an  impost.  Shortly  afterward,  "  the  arrival  of  Gen. 
Washington's  letter  excited  this  hope  [that  the  impost  law  would 
be  adopted]  in  the  minds  of  the  sanguine;  but  its  effect  is  mo- 
mentary; and  perhaps  it  will  hereafter  be  accepted  by  the 
assembly  with  disgust.  For  the  murmur  is  free  and  general 
against  what  is  called  the  unsolicited  obtrusion  of  his  advice." 
— Randolph  to  Madison,  28  June,  1783,  cited  in  Ford.  But 
Randolph  proved  a  false  prophet.  After  Washington's  letter 
was  read,  the  legislature  ordered  a  bill  granting  the  impost  to 
be  reported,  and  it  was  finally  passed  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
In  Pennsylvania,  the  legislature  thanked  him  for  "  the  inesti- 
mable legacy  bequeathed  to  his  country."  That  of  Maryland 
said :  "  By  your  letter  you  have  taught  us  how  to  value,  preserve, 
and  improve  that  liberty  which  your  services  under  the  smiles 
of  Providence  have  secured.  If  the  powers  given  to  Congress 
by  the  Confederation  should  be  found  incompetent  to  the  pur- 
poses of  the  Union,  our  constituents  will  readily  consent  to 
enlarge  them."  Jefferson  described  the  letter  as  "  deservedly 
applauded  by  the  world."  Governor  Hancock  in  Massachusetts 
and  Governor  Clinton  in  New  York  appealed  to  it  when  address- 
ing their  legislatures  in  behalf  of  a  stronger  union,  while  the 
President  of  Congress  ordered  it  sent  to  our  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives in  Europe  as  an  evidence  of  Washington's  "  inimitable 
character." 


Farewell  Orders  to  the  Armies        229 

FAREWELL   ORDERS  TO  THE  ARMIES  OF  THE  UNITED 

STATES  * 

ROCKY  HILL,  NEAR  PRINCETON, 
[Sunday]   2  November  1783. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  after 
giving  the  most  honorable  testimony  to  the  merits 
of  the  federal  armies,  and  presenting  them  with 
the  thanks  of  their  country  for  their  long,  eminent 
and  faithful  services,  having  thought  proper,  by 
their  proclamation  bearing  date  the  18th  day  of 
October  last,  to  discharge  such  part  of  the  troops 
as  were  engaged  for  the  war,  and  to  permit  the 
officers  on  furlough  to  retire  from  service  from 
and  after  to-morrow;  which  proclamation  having 
been  communicated  in  the  public  papers  for  the  in- 
formation and  government  of  all  concerned,  it  only 
remains  for  the  Commander-in-chief  to  address 
himself  once  more,  and  that  for  the  last  time,  to  the 
armies  of  the  United  States  (however  widely  dis- 
persed the  individuals  who  compose  them  may  be) , 
and  to  bid  them  an  affectionate,  a  long  farewell. 

But  before  the  Commander-in-chief  takes  his 
final  leave  of  those  he  holds  most  dear,  he  wishes 
to  indulge  himself  a  few  moments  in  calling  to 
mind  a  slight  review  of  the  past.  He  will  then  take 
the  liberty  of  exploring  with  his  military  friends 
their  future  prospects,  of  advising  the  general  line 

1  By  a  series  of  resolutions  beginning  on  May  26,  1783,  Con- 
gress had  directed  the  Commander-in-chief  to  grant  furloughs 
to  the  troops  under  his  command.  By  a  resolution  adopted 
October  18,  1783,  it  was  ordered  that  all  troops  who  were  en- 
gaged to  serve  during  the  war  and  who  were  then  on  furlough 
should  on  November  3d  following  be  given  a  full  discharge. 


230  George  Washington 

of  conduct,  which,  in  his  opinion,  ought  to  be  pur- 
sued; and  he  will  conclude  the  address  by  express- 
ing the  obligations  he  feels  himself  under  for  the 
spirited  and  able  assistance  he  has  experienced  from 
them,  in  the  performance  of  an  arduous  office. 

A  contemplation  of  the  complete  attainment  (at 
a  period  earlier  than  could  have  been  expected)  of 
the  object,  for  which  we  contended  against  so 
formidable  a  power,  cannot  but  inspire  us  with  as- 
tonishment and  gratitude.  The  disadvantageous 
circumstances  on  our  part,  under  which  the  war 
was  undertaken,  can  never  be  forgotten.  The 
singular  interpositions  of  Providence  in  our  feeble 
condition  were  such,  as  could  scarcely  escape  the 
attention  of  the  most  unobserving;  while  the  un- 
paralleled perseverance  of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States,  through  almost  every  possible  suffering  and 
discouragement  for  the  space  of  eight  long  years, 
was  little  short  of  a  standing  miracle. 

It  is  not  the  meaning  nor  within  the  compass  of 
this  address,  to  detail  the  hardships  peculiarly  in- 
cident to  our  service,  or  to  describe  the  distresses, 
which  in  several  instances  have  resulted  from  the 
extremes  of  hunger  and  nakedness,  combined  with 
the  rigors  of  an  inclement  season;  nor  is  it  neces- 
sary to  dwell  on  the  dark  side  of  our  past  affairs. 
Every  American  officer  and  soldier  must  now 
console  himself  for  any  unpleasant  circumstances, 
which  may  have  occurred,  by  a  recollection  of  the 
uncommon  scenes  in  which  he  has  been  called  to 
act  no  inglorious  part,  and  the  astonishing  events 
of  which  he  has  been  a  witness;  events  which  have 


Farewell  Orders  to  the  Armies        231 

seldom,  if  ever  before,  taken  place  on  the  stage  of 
human  action;  nor  can  they  probably  ever  happen 
again.  For  who  has  before  seen  a  disciplined  army 
formed  at  once  from  such  raw  materials?  Who, 
that  was  not  a  witness,  could  imagine,  that  the 
most  violent  local  prejudices  would  cease  so  soon; 
and  that  men,  who  came  from  the  different  parts  of 
the  continent,  strongly  disposed  by  the  habits  of 
education  to  despise  and  quarrel  with  each  other, 
would  instantly  become  but  one  patriotic  band  of 
brothers?  Or  who,  that  was  not  on  the  spot,  can 
trace  the  steps  by  which  such  a  wonderful  revolu- 
tion has  been  effected,  and  such  a  glorious  period 
put  to  all  our  warlike  toils? 

It  is  universally  acknowledged,  that  the  enlarged 
prospects  of  happiness,  opened  by  the  confirmation 
of  our  independence  and  sovereignty,  almost  ex- 
ceeds the  power  of  description.  And  shall  not  the 
brave  men,  who  have  contributed  so  essentially  to 
these  inestimable  acquisitions,  retiring  victorious 
from  the  field  of  war  to  the  field  of  agriculture,  par- 
ticipate in  all  the  blessings,  which  have  been  ob- 
tained? In  such  a  republic,  who  will  exclude  them 
from  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  the  fruits  of  their 
labors?  In  such  a  country,  so  happily  circum- 
stanced, the  pursuits  of  commerce  and  the  culti- 
vation of  the  soil  will  unfold  to  industry  the  certain 
road  to  competence.  To  those  hardy  soldiers,  who 
are  actuated  by  the  spirit  of  adventure,  the  fisheries 
will  afford  ample  and  profitable  employment;  and 
the  extensive  and  fertile  regions  of  the  West  will 
yield  a  most  happy  asylum  to  those,  who,  fond  of 


232  George  Washington 

domestic  enjoyment,  are  seeking  for  personal  in- 
dependence. Nor  is  it  possible  to  conceive,  that 
any  one  of  the  United  States  will  prefer  a  national 
bankruptcy,  and  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  to  a 
compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  Congress,  and 
the  payment  of  its  just  debts;  so  that  the  officers 
and  soldiers  may  expect  considerable  assistance,  in 
recommencing  their  civil  occupations,  from  the 
sums  due  to  them  from  the  public,  which  must  and 
will  most  inevitably  be  paid. 

In  order  to  effect  this  desirable  purpose,  and  to 
remove  the  prejudices,  which  may  have  taken 
posession  of  the  minds  of  any  of  the  good  people 
of  the  States,  it  is  earnestly  recommended  to  all 
the  troops,  that,  with  strong  attachments  to  the 
Union,  they  should  carry  with  them  into  civil  so- 
ciety the  most  conciliating  dispositions,  and  that 
they  should  prove  themselves  not  less  virtuous  and 
useful  as  citizens,  than  they  have  been  persevering 
and  victorious  as  soldiers.  What  though  there 
should  be  some  envious  individuals,  who  are  un- 
willing to  pay  the  debt  the  public  has  contracted, 
or  to  yield  the  tribute  due  to  merit;  yet  let  such 
unworthy  treatment  produce  no  invective,  or  any 
instance  of  intemperate  conduct.  Let  it  be  remem- 
bered, that  the  unbiassed  voice  of  the  free  citizens 
of  the  United  States  has  promised  the  just  reward 
and  given  the  merited  applause.  Let  it  be  known 
and  remembered,  that  the  reputation  of  the  federal 
armies  is  established  beyond  the  reach  of  malevo- 
lence ;  and  let  a  consciousness  of  their  achievements 
and  fame  still  incite  the  men,  who  composed  them, 


Farewell  Orders  to  the  Armies        233 

to  honorable  actions;  under  the  persuasion  that  the 
private  virtues  of  economy,  prudence,  and  indus- 
try, will  not  be  less  amiable  in  civil  life,  than  the 
more  splendid  qualities  of  valor,  perseverance,  and 
enterprise  were  in  the  field.  Every  one  may  rest 
assured,  that  much,  very  much,  of  the  future  hap- 
piness of  the  officers  and  men,  will  depend  upon  the 
wise  and  manly  conduct,  which  shall  be  adopted  by 
them  when  they  are  mingled  with  the  great  body  of 
the  community.  And,  although  the  General  has 
so  frequently  given  it  as  his  opinion  in  the  most 
public  and  explicit  manner,  that,  unless  the  princi- 
ples of  the  Federal  Government  were  properly  sup- 
ported, and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased,  the 
honor,  dignity,  and  justice  of  the  nation  would  be 
lost  forever;  yet  he  cannot  help  repeating,  on  this 
occasion,  so  interesting  a  sentiment,  and  leaving  it 
as  his  last  injunction  to  every  officer  and  every 
soldier,  who  may  view  the  subject  in  the  same  seri- 
ous point  of  light,  to  add  his  best  endeavors  to  those 
of  his  worthy  fellow  citizens  towards  effecting 
these  great  and  valuable  purposes,  on  which  our 
very  existence  as  a  nation  so  materially  depends. 

The  Commander-in-chief  conceives  little  is  now 
wanting,  to  enable  the  soldier,  to  change  the  mili- 
tary character  into  that  of  the  citizen,  but  that 
steady  and  decent  tenor  of  behavior,  which  has 
generally  distinguished,  not  only  the  army  under 
his  immediate  command,  but  the  different  detach- 
ments and  separate  armies,  through  the  course  of 
the  war.  From  their  good  sense  and  prudence  he 
anticipates  the  happiest  consequences;  and,  while 


234  George  Washington 

he  congratulates  them  on  the  glorious  occasion, 
which  renders  their  services  in  the  field  no  longer 
necessary,  he  wishes  to  express  the  strong  obliga- 
tions he  feels  himself  under  for  the  assistance  he 
has  received  from  every  class  and  in  every  instance. 
He  presents  his  thanks  in  the  most  serious  and  af- 
fectionate manner  to  the  general  officers,  as  well 
for  their  counsel  on  many  interesting  occasions,  as 
for  their  ardor  in  promoting  the  success  of  the 
plans  he  had  adopted ;  to  the  commandants  of  regi- 
ments and  corps,  and  to  the  other  officers,  for  their 
great  zeal  and  attention  in  carrying  his  orders 
promptly  into  execution;  to  the  staff,  for  their 
alacrity  and  exactness  in  performing  the  duties  of 
their  several  departments;  and  to  the  non-com- 
missioned officers  and  private  soldiers,  for  their  ex- 
traordinary patience  and  suffering,  as  well  as  their 
invincible  fortitude  in  action.  To  the  various 
branches  of  the  army,  the  General  takes  this  last 
and  solemn  opportunity  of  professing  his  invio- 
lable attachment  and  friendship.  He  wishes  more 
than  bare  professions  were  in  his  power;  that  he 
were  really  able  to  be  useful  to  them  all  in  future 
life.  He  flatters  himself,  however,  they  will  do 
him  the  justice  to  believe,  that  whatever  could  with 
propriety  be  attempted  by  him  has  been  done. 

And  being  now  to  conclude  these  his  last  public 
orders,  to  take  his  ultimate  leave  in  a  short  time  of 
the  military  character,  and  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to 
the  armies  he  has  so  long  had  the  honor  to  com- 
mand, he  can  only  again  offer  in  their  behalf  his 
recommendations  to  their  grateful  country,  and  his 


President  of  Congress  235 

prayers  to  the  God  of  armies.  May  ample  justice 
be  done  them  here,  and  may  the  choicest  of  Heav- 
en's favors,  both  here  and  hereafter,  attend  those, 
who,  under  the  Divine  auspices,  have  secured  in- 
numerable blessings  for  others.  With  these  wishes 
and  this  benediction,  the  Commander-in-chief  is 
about  to  retire  from  service.  The  curtain  of  sep- 
aration will  soon  be  drawn,  and  the  military  scene 
to  him  will  be  closed  for  ever. 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS 

ANNAPOLIS,  20  December,  1783. 

Snt, 

I  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to  inform  Con- 
gress of  my  arrival  in  this  city,  writh  the  intention 
of  asking  leave  to  resign  the  commission  I  have  the 
honor  of  holding  in  their  service.  It  is  essential 
for  me  to  know  their  pleasure,  and  in  what  man- 
ner it  will  be  most  proper  to  offer  my  resignation, 
whether  in  writing,  or  at  an  audience.  I  shall 
therefore  request  to  be  honored  with  the  necessary 
information,  that,  being  apprized  of  the  sentiments 
of  Congress,  I  may  regulate  my  conduct  accord- 
ingly. I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &C.1 

1  A  committee,  composed  of  Jefferson,  Gerry,  and  McHenry, 
prepared  the  following  report,  which  was  adopted  by  Congress: 

"  Resolved  That  the  order  for  the  public  audience  of  General 
Washington  be  as  follows: 

"  1.  The  President  and  members  are  to  be  seated  and  cov- 
ered and  the  Secy,  to  be  standing  by  the  side  of  the  president. 

"  2.  The  arrival  of  the  general  is  to  be  announced  by  the 
Messenger  to  the  Secy. — who  is  thereupon  to  introduce  the  gen- 
eral attended  by  his  Aids  to  the  hall  of  Congress. 

"  5.     The  general  being  conducted  to  a  chair  by  the  Secy,  is  to 


236 


George  Washington 


TO  BARON   STEUBEN 


ANNAPOLIS,  23  December,  1783. 

MY  DEAR  BAEON, 

Although  I  have  taken  frequent  opportunities, 
both  in  public  and  private,  of  acknowledging  your 
great  zeal,  attention,  and  abilities,  in  performing 
the  duties  of  your  office;  yet  I  wish  to  make  use  of 
this  last  moment  of  my  public  life  to  signify,  in 
the  strongest  terms,  my  entire  approbation  of  your 
conduct,  and  to  express  my  sense  of  the  obliga- 
tions the  public  is  under  to  you,  for  your  faithful 
and  meritorious  services. 

I  beg  you  will  be  convinced,  my  dear  Sir,  that  I 
should  rejoice  if  it  could  ever  be  in  my  power  to 
serve  you  more  essentially,  than  by  expressions  of 
regard  and  affection;  but,  in  the  mean  time,  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  not  be  displeased  with  this  fare- 
be  seated  with  an  Aid  on  each  side  standing  and  the  Secy,  is 
to  resume  his  place. 

"  4.  After  a  proper  time  for  the  arrangement  of  spectators 
silence  is  to  be  ordered  by  the  Secy. — if  necessary  and  the  presi- 
dent is  to  address  the  general  in  the  following  words: 

" '  Sir,  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  are  prepared 
to  receive  your  communications.' 

"  Where  upon  the  general  is  to  arise  and  address  Congress, 
after  which  he  is  to  deliver  his  Commission  and  a  copy  of  his 
address  to  the  president. 

"  5.  The  general  having  resumed  his  place  the  President  is 
to  deliver  the  answer  of  Congress  which  the  general  is  to  re- 
ceive standing. 

"  6.  The  President  having  finished,  the  Secy,  is  to  deliver 
the  general  a  copy  of  the  answer  and  the  general  is  then  to  take 
his  leave. 

"  When  the  general  rises  to  make  his  address  and  also  when 
he  retires  he  is  to  bow  to  Congress,  which  they  are  to  return 
by  uncovering  without  bowing.  22  December,  1783." — Sparks. 


Address  to  Congress  237 

well  token  of  my  sincere  friendship  and  esteem  for 
you. 

This  is  the  last  letter  I  shall  write,  while  I  con- 
tinue in  the  service  of  my  country.  The  hour  of 
my  resignation  is  fixed  at  twelve  to  day;  after 
which,  I  shall  become  a  private  citizen  on  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  where  I  shall  be  glad  to  embrace 
you,  and  testify  the  great  esteem  and  considera- 
tion with  which  I  am,  my  dear  Baron,  &c. 


GENERAL   WASHINGTON'S    ADDRESS   TO    CONGRESS    ON 
RESIGNING  HIS  COMMISSION  1 

ANNAPOLIS,  23  December,  1783. 

MR.  PRESIDENT, 

The  great  events,  on  which  my  resignation  de- 
pended, having  at  length  taken  place,  I  have  now 
the  honor  of  offering  my  sincere  congratulations 
to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself  before 
them,  to  surrender  into  their  hands  the  trust  com- 
mitted to  me,  and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of  retir- 
ing from  the  Service  of  my  Country. 

Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  Independence 
and  Sovereignty,  and  pleased  with  the  opportu- 
nity afforded  the  United  States  of  becoming  a  re- 
spectable nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the 
appointment  I  accepted  with  diffidence ;  a  diffidence 
in  my  abilities  to  accomplish  so  arduous  a  task, 
which,  however,  was  superseded  by  a  confidence  in 
the  rectitude  of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the 

1  The  original  manuscript  of  this  address  in  Washington's 
own  writing  is  in  the  library  of  the  Maryland  Historical  Society. 


23  8 


George  Washington 


supreme  Power  of  the  Union,  and  the  patronage 
of  Heaven. 

The  successful  termination  of  the  war  has  veri- 
fied the  most  sanguine  expectations ;  and  my  grati- 
tude for  the  interposition  of  Providence,  and  the 
assistance  I  have  received  from  my  Countrymen, 
encreases  with  every  review  of  the  momentous 
contest. 

While  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  Army  in 
general,  I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings 
not  to  acknowledge,  in  this  place,  the  peculiar  ser- 
vices and  distinguished  merits  of  the  Gentlemen, 
who  have  been  attached  to  my  person  during  the 
war.  It  was  impossible  that  the  choice  of  confiden- 
tial officers  to  compose  my  family  should  have  been 
more  fortunate.  Permit  me,  Sir,  to  recommend  in 
particular  those,  who  have  continued  in  Service  to 
the  present  moment,  as  worthy  of  the  favorable 
notice  and  patronage  of  Congress. 

I  consider  it  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this 
last  solemn  act  of  my  official  life,  by  commending 
the  Interests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the  protec- 
tion of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the 
superintendence  of  them  to  his  holy  keeping. 

Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  re- 
tire from  the  great  theatre  of  action;  and,  bidding 
an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body,  under 
whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my 
commission,  and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employ- 
ments of  public  life. 


Ill 

The  Formation  and  Adoption  of  the 
Constitution 


No   nobler   figure  ever   stood   in 
the  forefront  of  a  nation's  life. 

JOHN  RICHARD  GREEN. 


The  Formation  and  Adoption  of  the 
Constitution 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON,  IN   CONGRESS 

NEWBURG,  31  March,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  duly  received  your  favors  of  the  17th  and 
24th  ultimo.  I  rejoice  most  exceedingly  that  there 
is  an  end  to  our  warfare,  and  that  such  a  field  is 
opening  to  our  view,  as  will,  with  wisdom  to  direct 
the  cultivation  of  it,  make  us  a  great,  a  respectable, 
and  happy  people;  but  it  must  be  improved  by 
other  means  than  State  politics,  and  unreasonable 
jealousies  and  prejudices,  or  (it  requires  not  the 
second  sight  to  see  that)  we  shall  be  instruments 
in  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  and  those  European 
powers,  who  may  be  jealous  of  our  greatness  in 
union,  to  dissolve  the  confederation.  But,  to  ob- 
tain this,  although  the  way  seems  extremely  plain, 
is  not  so  easy. 

My  wish  to  see  the  union  of  these  States  estab- 
lished upon  liberal  and  permanent  principles,  and 
inclination  to  contribute  my  mite  in  pointing  out 

16  241 


242  George  Washington 

the  defects  of  the  present  constitution,  are  equally 
great.  All  my  private  letters  have  teemed  with 
these  sentiments,  and,  whenever  this  topic  has  been 
the  subject  of  conversation,  I  have  endeavored  to 
diffuse  and  enforce  them;  but  how  far  any  further 
essay  by  me  might  be  productive  of  the  wished-for 
end,  or  appear  to  arrogate  more  than  belongs  to 
me,  depends  so  much  upon  popular  opinions,  and 
the  temper  and  dispositions  of  the  people,  that  it 
is  not  easy  to  decide.  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you, 
however,  for  the  thoughts,  which  you  promised  me 
on  this  subject,  and  as  soon  as  you  can  make  it 
convenient. 

No  man  in  the  United  States  is  or  can  be  more 
deeply  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  a  reform  in 
our  present  confederation  than  myself.  No  man 
perhaps  has  felt  the  bad  effects  of  it  more  sensibly ; 
for  to  the  defects  thereof,  and  want  of  powers  in 
Congress,  may  justly  be  ascribed  the  prolongation 
of  the  war,  and  consequently  the  expenses  oc- 
casioned by  it.  More  than  half  the  perplexities  I 
have  experienced  in  the  course  of  my  command,  and 
almost  the  whole  of  the  difficulties  and  distress 
of  the  army,  have  their  origin  here.  But  still, 
the  prejudices  of  some,  the  designs  of  others, 
and  the  mere  machinery  of  the  majority,  make  ad- 
dress and  management  necessary  to  give  weight 
to  opinions,  which  are  to  combat  the  doctrines  of 
those  different  classes  of  men  in  the  field  of 
politics. 

I  would  have  been  more  full  on  this  subject,  but 
the  bearer  (in  the  clothing  department)  is  waiting. 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  243 

I  wish  you  may  understand  what  I  have  written.    I 

am,  etc.1    *    *    * 


TO  THE   MAfcQUIS   DE  LAFAYETTE 

HEAD-QAS.,  NEWBURG,  5  April,  1783. 
MY  DEAE  MARQS., 

*  *  *  We  stand,  now,  an  Independent  People, 
and  have  yet  to  learn  political  Tactics.  We  are 
placed  among  the  nations  of  the  Earth,  and  have 
a  character  to  establish;  but  how  we  shall  acquit 
ourselves,  time  must  discover.  The  probability  (at 
least  I  fear  it),  is  that  local  or  State  politics  will 
interfere  too  much  with  the  more  liberal  and  exten- 
sive plan  of  government,  which  wisdom  and  fore- 
sight, freed  from  the  mist  of  prejudice,  would 
dictate;  and  that  we  shall  be  guilty  of  many  blun- 
ders in  treading  this  boundless  theatre,  before  we 
shall  have  arrived  at  any  perfection  in  this  art;  in  a 
word,  that  the  experience,  which  is  purchased  at  the 
price  of  difficulties  and  distress,  will  alone  convince 
us  that  the  honor,  power,  and  true  Interest  of  this 
Country  must  be  measured  by  a  Continental  scale, 
and  that  every  departure  therefrom  weakens  the 
Union,  and  may  ultimately  break  the  band  that 
holds  us  together.  To  avert  these  evils,  to  form  a 
Constitution,  that  will  give  consistency,  stability, 

x"It  remains  only  for  the  States  to  be  wise,  and  to  establish 
their  independence  on  the  basis  of  an  inviolable,  efficacious  union, 
and  a  firm  confederation,  which  may  prevent  their  being  made 
the  sport  of  European  policy.  May  heaven  give  them  wisdom 
to  adopt  the  measures  still  necessary  for  this  important  pur- 
pose,"— Washington  to  Major-General  Greene,  31  March,  1783. 


244  George  Washington 

and  dignity  to  the  Union,  and  sufficient  powers  to 
the  great  Council  of  the  nation  for  general  pur- 
poses, is  a  duty  which  is  incumbent  upon  every 
man,  who  wishes  well  to  his  Country,  and  will  meet 
with  my  aid  as  far  as  it  can  be  rendered  in  the 
private  walks  of  life:  for  hence  forward  my  mind 
shall  be  unbent  and  I  will  endeavor  to  glide  gently 
down  the  stream  of  life  till  I  come  to  that  abyss 
from  whence  no  traveller  is  permitted  to  return. 


*    # 


TO  DR.  WILLIAM  GORDON 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  NEWBURG, 
8  July,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  It  now  rests  with  the  Confederated 
Powers,  by  the  line  of  conduct  they  mean  to  adopt, 
to  make  this  Country  great,  happy,  and  respect- 
able; or  to  sink  it  into  littleness — worse  perhaps — 
into  Anarchy  and  confusion;  for  certain  I  am,  that 
unless  adequate  Powers  are  given  to  Congress  for 
the  general  purposes  of  the  Federal  Union,  that 
we  shall  soon  moulder  into  dust  and  become  con- 
temptible in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  if  we  are  not  made 
the  sport  of  their  Politicks.  To  suppose  that  the 
general  concerns  of  this  Country  can  be  directed 
by  thirteen  heads,  or  one  head  without  competent 
powers,  is  a  solecism,  the  bad  effects  of  which  every 
man  who  has  had  the  practical  knowledge  to  judge 
from,  that  I  have,  is  fully  convinced  of;  tho'  none 
perhaps  has  felt  them  in  so  forcible  and  distressing 


Dr.  William  Gordon  245 

a  degree.  The  People  at  large,  and  at  a  distance 
from  the  theatre  of  action,  who  only  know  that  the 
machine  was  kept  in  motion,  and  that  they  are  at 
last  arrived  at  the  first  object  of  their  wishes,  are 
satisfied  with  the  event,  without  investigating  the 
causes  of  the  slow  progress  to  it,  or  of  the  expences 
which  have  accrued,  and  which  they  have  been  un- 
willing to  pay — great  part  of  which  has  arisen  from 
that  want  of  energy  in  the  Federal  Constitution, 
which  I  am  complaining  of,  and  which  I  wish  to 
see  given  to  it  by  a  Convention  of  the  People,  in- 
stead of  hearing  it  remarked  that,  as  we  have 
worked  through  an  arduous  contest  with  the  pow- 
ers Congress  already  have  (but  which,  by  the  by, 
have  been  gradually  diminishing,)  why  should  they 
be  invested  with  more? 

To  say  nothing  of  the  invisible  workings  of 
Providence,  which  has  conducted  us  through  diffi- 
culties where  no  human  foresight  could  point  the 
way;  it  will  appear  evident  to  a  close  examiner, 
that  there  has  been  a  concatenation  of  causes  to 
produce  this  event;  which  in  all  probability,  at  no 
time,  or  under  any  other  circumstances,  will  com- 
bine again — We  deceive  ourselves  therefore  by  the 
mode  of  reasoning,  and,  what  would  be  much  worse, 
we  may  bring  ruin  upon  ourselves  by  attempting 
to  carry  it  into  practice. 

We  are  known  by  no  other  character  among  na- 
tions than  as  the  United  States — Massachusetts  or 
Virginia  is  no  better  defined,  nor  any  more  thought 
of  by  Foreign  Powers  than  the  County  of 
Worcester  in  Massachusetts  is  by  Virginia,  or 


246 


George  Washington 


Gloucester  County  in  Virginia  is  by  Massachusetts, 
(respectable  as  they  are) ;  and  yet  these  counties 
with  as  much  propriety  might  oppose  themselves 
to  the  Laws  of  the  State  in  which  they  are,  as  an 
Individual  State  can  oppose  itself  to  the  Federal 
Government,  by  which  it  is,  or  ought  to  be  bound. 
Each  of  these  counties  has,  no  doubt,  its  local 
polity  and  Interests.  These  should  be  attended 
to,  and  brought  before  their  respective  legislatures 
with  all  the  force  their  importance  merits;  but 
when  they  come  in  contact  with  the  general  Inter- 
est of  the  State,  when  superior  considerations  pre- 
ponderate in  favor  of  the  whole,  their  voices  should 
be  heard  no  more.  So  should  it  be  with  individual 
States  when  compared  to  the  Union,  otherwise  I 
think  it  may  properly  be  asked  for  what  purpose 
do  we  farcically  pretend  to  be  United?  Why  do 
Congress  spend  months  together  in  deliberating 
upon,  debating,  and  digesting  plans,  which  are 
made  as  palatable,  and  as  wholesome  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  this  country  as  the  nature  of  things 
will  admit  of,  when  some  States  will  pay  no  atten- 
tion to  them,  and  others  regard  them  but  partially ; 
by  which  means  all  those  evils  which  proceed  from 
delay,  are  felt  by  the  whole;  while  the  compliant 
States  are  not  only  suffering  by  these  neglects,  but 
in  many  instances  are  injured  most  capitally  by 
their  own  exertions;  which  are  wasted  for  want  of 
the  united  effort.  A  hundred  thousand  men,  com- 
ing one  after  another,  cannot  move  a  Ton  weight; 
but  the  united  strength  of  50  would  transport  it 
with  ease.  So  has  it  been  with  great  part  of  the 


Dr.  William  Gordon  247 

expence  which  has  been  incurred  [in]  this  War.  In 
a  word,  I  think  the  blood  and  treasure,  which  has 
been  spent  in  it,  has  been  lavished  to  little  purpose, 
unless  we  can  be  better  cemented;  and  that  is  not 
to  be  effected  while  so  little  attention  is  paid  to  the 
recommendations  of  the  Sovereign  Power. 

To  me  it  would  seem  not  more  absurd,  to  hear  a 
traveller,  who  was  setting  out  on  a  long  journey, 
declare  he  would  take  no  money  in  his  pocket  to 
defray  the  Expences  of  it,  but  rather  depend  upon 
Chance  and  Charity,  lest  he  should  misapply  it — 
than  are  the  expressions  of  so  much  fear  of  the 
powers  and  means  of  Congress. 

For  Heaven's  sake,  who  are  Congress?  are  they 
not  the  creatures  of  the  People,  amenable  to  them 
for  their  conduct,  and  dependent  from  day  to  day 
on  their  breath?  Where  then  can  be  the  danger  of 
giving  them  such  Powers  as  are  adequate  to  the 
great  ends  of  Government,  and  to  all  the  general 
purposes  of  the  Confederation  (I  repeat  the  word 
general,  because  I  am  no  advocate  for  their  having 
to  do  with  the  particular  policy  of  any  state,  further 
than  it  concerns  the  Union  at  large)  ?  What  may 
be  the  consequences  if  they  have  not  these  Powers, 
I  am  at  no  loss  to  guess;  and  deprecate  the  worst; 
for  sure  I  am,  we  shall,  in  a  little  time  become  as 
contemptible  in  the  great  scale  of  Politicks,  as  we 
now  have  it  in  our  power  to  be  respectable.  And 
that,  when  the  band  of  Union  gets  once  broken, 
every  thing  ruinous  to  our  future  prospects  is  to 
be  apprehended.  The  best  that  can  come  of  it, 
in  my  humble  opinion  is,  that  we  shall  sink  into 


248  George  Washington 

obscurity,  unless  our  Civil  broils  should  keep  us 
in  remembrance  and  fill  the  page  of  history  with 
the  direful  consequences  of  them. 

You  say  that,  Congress  loose  time  by  pressing 
a  mode  that  does  not  accord  with  the  genius  of  the 
People,  and  will  thereby,  endanger  the  Union,  and 
that  it  is  the  quantum  they  want.  Permit  me  to 
ask  if  the  quantum  has  not  already  been  de- 
manded? Whether  it  has  been  obtained?  and 
whence  proceeds  the  accumulated  evils,  and  poig- 
nant distresses  of  many  of  the  public  Creditors 
— particularly  in  the  Army?  For  my  own  part  I 
hesitate  not  a  moment  to  confess,  that  I  see  nothing 
wherein  the  Union  is  endangered  by  the  late 
requisition  of  that  body,  but  a  prospect  of  much 
good,  justice,  and  prosperity  from  the  compliance 
with  it.  I  know  of  no  tax  more  convenient,  none 
so  agreeable,  as  that  which  every  man  may  pay, — 
or  let  it  alone,  as  his  convenience,  abilities,  or  In- 
clination shall  prompt.  I  am  therefore  a  warm 
friend  to  the  impost.  *  *  * 


TO   BENJAMIN    HARRISON,   GOVERNOR   OF   VIRGINIA 

MOUNT  VERNON,  18  January,  1784. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  That  the  prospect  before  us  is,  as  you 
justly  observe,  fair,  none  can  deny;  but  what  use 
we  shall  make  of  it  is  exceedingly  problematical; 
not  but  that  I  believe  all  things  will  come  right  at 
last,  but  like  a  young  heir,  come  a  little  prematurely 
to  a  large  inheritance,  we  shall  wanton  and  run 


Benjamin  Harrison  249 

riot  until  we  have  brought  our  reputation  to  the 
brink  of  ruin,  and  then  like  him  shall  have  to  labor 
with  the  current  of  opinion,  when  compelled  per- 
haps to  do  what  prudence  and  common  policy 
pointed  out,  as  plain  as  any  problem  in  Euclid,  in 
the  first  instance. 

The  disinclination  of  the  individual  States  to 
yield  competent  powers  to  Congress  for  the  federal 
government,  their  unreasonable  jealousy  of  that 
body  and  of  one  another,  and  the  disposition,  which 
seems  to  pervade  each,  of  being  all-wise  and  all- 
powerful  within  itself,  will,  if  there  is  not  a  change 
in  the  system,  be  our  downfall  as  a  nation.  This  is 
as  clear  to  me  as  the  A,  B,  C;  and  I  think  we  have 
opposed  Great  Britain,  and  have  arrived  at  the 
present  state  of  peace  and  independency,  to  very 
little  purpose,  if  we  cannot  conquer  our  own  pre- 
judices. The  powers  of  Europe  begin  to  see  this, 
and  our  newly  acquired  friends,  the  British,  are 
already  and  professedly  acting  upon  this  ground; 
and  wisely  too,  if  we  are  determined  to  persevere 
in  our  folly.  They  know  that  individual  opposi- 
tion to  their  measures  is  futile,  and  boast  that  we 
are  not  sufficiently  united  as  a  nation  to  give  a 
general  one!  Is  not  the  indignity  alone  of  this 
declaration,  while  we  are  in  the  very  act  of  peace- 
making and  conciliation,  sufficient  to  stimulate  us 
to  vest  more  extensive  and  adequate  powers  in  the 
sovereign  of  these  United  States? 

For  my  own  part,  although  I  am  returned  to, 
and  am  now  mingled  with,  the  class  of  private 
citizens,  and  like  them  must  suffer  all  the  evils  of 


250  George  Washington 

a  tyranny,  or  of  too  great  an  extension  of  federal 
powers,  I  have  no  fears  arising  from  this  source, 
in  my  mind;  but  I  have  many,  and  powerful  ones 
indeed,  which  predict  the  worst  consequences,  from 
a  half -starved,  limping  government,  that  appears 
to  be  always  moving  upon  crutches,  and  tottering 
at  every  step.  Men  chosen  as  the  delegates  in 
Congress  are,  cannot  officially  be  dangerous.  They 
depend  upon  the  breath,  nay,  they  are  so  much  the 
creatures  of  the  people,  under  the  present  consti- 
tution, that  they  can  have  no  views,  (which  could 
possibly  be  carried  into  execution,)  nor  any  inter- 
ests distinct  from  those  of  their  constituents.  My 
political  creed,  therefore,  is,  to  be  wise  in  the  choice 
of  delegates,  support  them  like  gentlemen  while 
they  are  our  representatives,  give  them  competent 
powers  for  all  federal  purposes,  support  them  in 
the  due  exercise  thereof,  and,  lastly,  to  compel  them 
to  close  attendance  in  Congress  during  their  dele- 
gation.1 These  things,  under  the  present  mode 

1 "  Scarcely  had  the  treaty  [of  peace  with  Great  Britain] 
been  ratified  when  several  delegates  who  had  come  to  Annapolis 
for  that  important  act  returned  to  their  respective  States. 
One  was  obliged  to  go  home  to  take  care  of  his  sick  child;  an- 
other to  marry;  a  third  had  very  pressing  personal  business. 
I  met  one  who  told  me  that  his  wife  called  him  back.  It  is  thus 
that  the  federal  assembly  is  scattered;  and  since  the  ratifica- 
tion has  taken  place,  it  has  no  longer  been  possible  to  form  a 
congress  of  nine  States;  and  yet  that  number  is  required  to  de- 
cide the  most  important  affairs.  The  others  are  left  to  the 
decision  of  seven  States,  but  there  is  often  much  difficulty  in 
bringing  them  together;  and  when  they  do  meet,  they  hardly 
do  any  business,  because  it  is  rarely  that  the  seven  States  when 
present  vote  unanimously.  In  this  way  the  time  has  passed 
since  the  month  of  June  last.  Almost  no  business  has  been 
done;  and  there  is  no  prospect  of  a  change  for  the  better.  Dele- 


James  McHenry  251 

for  and  termination  of  elections,  aided  by  annual 
instead  of  constant  sessions,  would,  or  I  am  ex- 
ceedingly mistaken,  make  us  one  of  the  most 
wealthy,  happy,  respectable,  and  powerful  nations, 
that  ever  inhabited  the  terrestrial  globe.  Without 
them,  we  shall,  in  my  opinion,  soon  be  every  thing 
which  is  the  direct  reverse  of  them.  *  *  * 


MOUNT  VERNON,  22  August,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  As  I  have  ever  been  a  friend  to  adequate 
powers  of  Congress,  without  which  it  is  evident  to 
me  we  never  shall  establish  a  national  character,  or 
be  considered  as  on  a  respectable  footing  by  the 
powers  of  Europe,  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  agree  with 
you  in  sentiment  not  to  enlarge  them  for  the  regu- 
lating of  commerce.  I  have  neither  time  nor 
abilities  to  enter  into  a  full  discussion  of  this  sub- 
ject; but  it  should  seem  to  me,  that  your  arguments 
against  it,  principally  that  some  States  may  be 
more  benefited  than  others  by  a  commercial  regu- 
lation, apply  to  every  matter  of  general  utility. 
Can  there  be  a  case  enumerated,  in  which  this  argu- 
ment has  not  its  force  in  greater  or  less  degree? 

gates  truly  attached  to  the  public  cause  are  in  despair.  Some 
wish  congress  to  adjourn;  others  speak  of  a  removal  to  Tren- 
ton; several  regret  Philadelphia.  But  this  diversity  of  opinion 
hardly  permits  the  hope  that  any  one  of  the  proposals  will 
prevail;  and  congress  appears  to  be  condemned  for  some  time 
longer  to  its  present  nullity." — Luzerne  to  Rayneval,  13  Febru- 
ary, 1784.  Luzerne  was  the  minister  of  France  to  the  United 
States. 


George  Washington 

We  are  either  a  united  people  under  one  head  and 
for  federal  purposes,  or  we  are  thirteen  inde- 
pendent sovereignties,  eternally  counteracting  each 
other.  If  the  former,  whatever  such  a  majority  of 
the  States,  as  the  constitution  points  out,  conceives 
to  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole,  should,  in  my 
humble  opinion,  be  submitted  to  by  the  minority. 
Let  the  southern  States  always  be  represented;  let 
them  act  more  in  union ;  let  them  declare  freely  and 
boldly  what  is  for  the  interest  of,  and  what  is  pre- 
judicial to,  their  constituents;  and  there  will,  there 
must  be,  an  accommodating  spirit.  In  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  navigation  act,  this  in  a  particular 
manner  ought,  and  will  doubtless  be  attended  to. 
If  the  assent  of  nine,  or  as  some  propose  of  eleven 
States,  is  necessary  to  give  validity  to  a  commer- 
cial system,  it  insures  this  measure,  or  it  cannot  be 
obtained. 

Wherein  then  lies  the  danger?  But  if  your 
fears  are  in  danger  of  being  realized,  cannot  cer- 
tain provisos  in  the  ordinance  guard  against  the 
evil ;  I  see  no  difficulty  in  this,  if  the  southern  dele- 
gates would  give  their  attendance  in  Congress,  and 
follow  the  example,  if  it  should  be  set  them,  of 
hanging  together  to  counteract  combinations.  I 
confess  to  you  candidly,  that  I  can  foresee  no  evil 
greater  than  disunion;  than  those  unreasonable 
jealousies,  (I  say  unreasonable^  because  I  would 
have  a  proper  jealousy  always  awake,  and  the 
United  States  on  the  watch  to  prevent  individual 
States  from  infracting  the  constitution  with  im- 
punity,) which  are  continually  poisoning  our  minds 


James  McHenry  253 

and  filling  them  with  imaginary  evils  to  the  pre- 
vention of  real  ones. 

As  you  have  asked  the  question,  I  answer,  I  do 
not  know  that  we  can  enter  upon  a  war  of  imposts 
with  Great  Britain,  or  any  other  foreign  power; 
but  we  are  certain,  that  this  war  has  been  waged 
against  us  by  the  former;  professedly  upon  a  be- 
lief that  we  never  could  unite  in  opposition  to  it; 
and  I  believe  there  is  no  way  of  putting  an  end  to, 
or  at  least  of  stopping  the  increase  of  it,  but  to 
convince  them  of  the  contrary.1  Our  trade,  in  all 

1  On  July  2,  1783,  a  British  Order  in  Council  was  issued  con- 
fining the  trade  between  the  United  States  and  the  British 
West  Indies  to  British  ships,  British-built.  "  This  proclama- 
tion," said  John  Adams,  "  is  issued  in  full  confidence  that  the 
United  States  cannot  agree  to  act  as  one  nation."  As  the  trade 
in  sugar  between  the  United  States  and  the  West  Indies  was 
quite  considerable,  this  T7as  a  serious  blow  to  American  com- 
mercial interests.  Furthermore,  in  trading  directly  with  Great 
Britain,  American  vessels  could  be  employed  in  transporting 
only  the  commodities  of  the  States  of  which  their  owners  were 
citizens.  Great  Britain  would  recognize  a  Massachusetts  ship 
or  a  Virginia  ship,  but  not  an, American  ship.  That  the  British 
government  appreciated  the  inability  of  Congress  to  enact  sat- 
isfactory commercial  regulations  is  shown  by  the  reply  of  the 
Duke  of  Dorset  to  the  American  commissioners,  March  26, 
1785,  when  they  informed  him  that  they  were  ready  to  make 
a  treaty  of  commerce  with  his  government :  "  I  have  been  in- 
structed to  lean?  from  you,  gentlemen,  what  is  the  real  nature 
of  the  powers  with  which  you  are  invested;  whether  you  are 
merely  commissioned  by  Congress,  or  have  received  separate 
powers  from  the  separate  States.  The  apparent  determination 
of  the  respective  States  to  regulate  their  own  separate  inter- 
ests renders  it  absolutely  necessary,  toward  forming  a  per- 
manent system  of  commerce,  that  my  court  should  be  informed 
how  far  the  commissioners  can  be  duly  authorized  to  enter  into 
any  engagements  with  Great  Britain,  which  it  may  not  be  in  the 
power  of  any  one  of  the  States  to  render  totally  fruitless  and 
ineffectual," 


254  George  Washington 

points  of  view,  is  as  essential  to  Great  Britain,  as 
hers  is  to  us ;  and  she  will  exchange  it  upon  recipro- 
cal and  liberal  terms,  if  better  cannot  be  had.  It 
can  hardly  be  supposed,  I  think,  that  the  carrying 
business  will  devolve  wholly  on  the  States  you  have 
named,  or  remain  long  with  them  if  it  should;  for 
either  Great  Britain  will  depart  from  her  present 
contracted  system,  or  the  policy  of  the  southern 
States  in  framing  the  act  of  navigation,  or  by  laws 
passed  by  themselves  individually,  will  devise  ways 
and  means  to  encourage  seamen  for  the  transpor- 
tation of  the  product  of  their  respective  countries 
or  for  the  encouragement  of.  But,  admitting  the 
contrary,  if  the  Union  is  considered  as  permanent, 
and  on  this  I  presume  all  superstructures  are  built, 
had  we  not  better  encourage  seamen  among  our- 
selves, with  less  imports,  than  divide  it  with  for- 
eigners, and  by  increasing  the  amount  of  them  ruin 
our  merchants,  and  greatly  injuring  the  mass  of 
our  citizens. 

To  sum  up  the  whole,  I  foresee,  or  think  I  do  it, 
the  many  advantages  which  will  arise  from  giving 
powers  of  this  kind  to  Congress  (if  a  sufficient 
number  of  States  are  required  to  exercise  them), 
without  any  evil,  save  that  which  may  proceed  from 
inattention,  or  want  of  wisdom  in  the  formation  of 
the  act;  whilst,  without  them,  we  stand  in  a  ridicu- 
lous point  of  view  in  the  eyes  of  the  nations  of  the 
world,  with  whom  we  are  attempting  to  enter  into 
commercial  treaties,  without  means  of  carrying 
them  into  effect;  who  must  see  and  feel,  that  the 
Union  or  the  States  individually  are  sovereigns,  as 


James  Warren  255 

best  suits  their  purposes ;  in  a  word,  that  we  are  one 
nation  today  and  thirteen  tomorrow.  Who  will 
treat  with  us  on  such  terms — but  perhaps  I  have 
gone  too  far  and  therefore  will  only  add,  that  Mrs. 
Washington  offers  her  compliments  and  best 
wishes  for  you,  and  that  with  great  esteem  and  re- 
gard, I  am,  dear  Sir,  &C.1 


TO  JAMES  WARREN 

MOUNT  VERNON,  7  October,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR, 

The  assurances  of  your  friendship,  after  a  silence 
of  more  than  six  years,  are  extremely  pleasing  to 
me.  Friendship,  formed  under  the  circumstances 
that  ours  commenced  are  not  easily  eradicated ;  and 
I  can  assure  you,  that  mine  has  undergone  no 
diminution.  Every  occasion,  therefore,  of  renew- 
ing it  will  give  me  pleasure,  and  I  shall  be  happy 
at  all  times  to  hear  of  your  welfare. 

1 "  Great  Britain,  in  her  commercial  policy  is  acting  the  same 
unwise  part,  with  respect  to  herself,  which  seems  to  have  in- 
fluenced all  her  councils ;  and  thereby  is  defeating  her  own  ends : 
— the  restriction  of  our  trade,  and  her  heavy  imposts  on  the 
staple  commodities  of  this  country,  will  I  conceive,  immediately 
produce  powers  in  Congress  to  regulate  the  Trade  of  the  Union; 
which,  more  than  probably  would  not  have  been  obtained  with- 
out in  half  a  century.  The  mercantile  interests  of  the  whole 
Union  are  endeavoring  to  effect  this,  &  will  no  doubt  succeed; 
they  see  the  necessity  of  a  controuling  power,  and  the  futility, 
indeed  the  absurdity,  of  each  State's  enacting  Laws  for  this 
purpose  independent  of  one  another. — This  will  be  the  case  also, 
after  a  while,  in  all  matters  of  common  concern; — It  is  to  be 
regretted,  I  confess,  that  Democratical  States  must  always  feel 
before  they  can  see: —  it  is  this  that  makes  their  Governments 
slow — but  the  people  will  be  right  at  last." — Washington  to  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  25  July,  1785. 


256  George  Washington 

The  war,  as  you  have  very  justly  observed,  has 
terminated  most  advantageously  for  America,  and 
a  fair  field  is  presented  to  our  view;  but  I  confess  to 
you  freely,  my  dear  Sir,  that  I  do  not  think  we 
possess  wisdom  or  justice  enough  to  cultivate  it 
properly.  Illiberality,  jealousy,  and  local  policy 
mix  too  much  in  all  our  public  councils  for  the  good 
government  of  the  Union.  In  a  word,  the  confed- 
eration appears  to  me  to  be  little  more  than  a 
shadow  without  the  substance,  and  Congress  a 
nugatory  body,  their  ordinances  being  little  at- 
tended to.  To  me  it  is  a  solecism  in  politics,  in- 
deed it  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  things  in 
nature,  that  we  should  confederate  as  a  nation,  and 
yet  be  afraid  to  give  the  rulers  of  that  nation  who 
are  the  creatures  of  our  making,  appointed  for  a 
limited  and  short  duration,  and  who  are  amenable 
for  every  action  and  recallable  at  any  moment,  and 
are  subject  to  all  the  evils,  which  they  may  be  in- 
strumental in  producing,  sufficient  powers  to  order 
and  direct  the  affairs  of  the  same.  By  such  policy 
as  this  the  wheels  of  government  are  clogged,  and 
our  brightest  prospects,  and  that  high  expectation, 
which  was  entertained  of  us  by  the  wondering 
world,  are  turned  into  astonishment;  and  from  the 
high  ground  on  which  we  stood,  we  are  descending 
into  the  vale  of  confusion  and  darkness. 

That  we  have  it  in  our  power  to  become  one  of 
the  most  respectable  nations  upon  earth,  admits, 
in  my  humble  opinion,  of  no  doubt,  if  we  would 
but  pursue  a  wise,  just,  and  liberal  policy  towards 
one  another,  and  keep  good  faith  with  the  rest  of 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  257 

the  world.  That  our  resources  are  ample  and  in- 
creasing, none  can  deny;  but,  while  they  are 
grudgingly  applied,  or  not  applied  at  all,  we  give 
a  vital  stab  to  public  faith,  and  shall  sink,  in  the 
eyes  of  Europe,  into  contempt. 

It  has  long  been  a  speculative  question  among 
philosophers  and  wise  men,  whether  foreign  com- 
merce is  of  real  advantage  to  any  country;  that  is, 
whether  the  luxury,  effeminacy,  and  corruptions, 
which  are  introduced  along  with  it,  are  counter- 
balanced by  the  convenience  and  wealth  which  it 
brings  with  it.  But  the  decision  of  this  question  is 
of  very  little  importance  to  us.  We  have  abund- 
ant reason  to  be  convinced,  that  the  spirit  for  trade, 
which  pervades  these  States,  is  not  to  be  restrained. 
It  behoves  us  then  to  establish  just  principles;  and 
this,  any  more  than  other  matters  of  national 
concern,  cannot  be  done  by  thirteen  heads  dif- 
ferently constructed  and  organized.  The  neces- 
sity, therefore,  of  a  controlling  power  is  obvious; 
and  why  it  should  be  withheld  is  beyond  my 
comprehension.  *  *  * 


TO   THE   MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VERNON,  10  May,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  MARQUIS, 

*  *  *  The  account  of  and  observations  which 
you  have  made  on  the  policy  and  practice  of  Great 
Britain  at  the  other  courts  of  Europe,  respecting 
these  States,  I  was  but  too  well  informed  and  con- 


258 


George  Washington 


vinced  of  before.  Unhappily  for  us,  though  their 
accounts  are  greatly  exaggerated,  yet  our  conduct 
has  laid  the  foundation  for  them.  It  is  one  of  the 
evils  of  democratical  governments,  that  the  people, 
not  always  seeing  and  frequently  misled,  must  of- 
ten feel  before  they  can  act  right;  but  then  evils 
of  this  nature  seldom  fail  to  work  their  own  cure. 
It  is  to  be  lamented,  nevertheless,  that  the  remedies 
are  so  slow,  and  that  those,  who  may  wish  to  apply 
them  seasonably,  are  not  attended  to  before  they 
suffer  in  person,  in  interest,  and  in  reputation.  I 
am  not  without  hopes,  that  matters  will  take  a  more 
favorable  turn  in  the  federal  constitution.  The 
discerning  part  of  the  community  have  long  since 
seen  the  necessity  of  giving  adequate  powers  to 
Congress  for  national  purposes,  and  the  ignorant 
and  designing  must  yield  to  it  ere  long.  Several 
late  acts  of  the  different  legislatures  have  a  ten- 
dency thereto.  Among  these  the  impost,  which  is 
now  acceded  to  by  every  State  in  the  Union, 
(though  clogged  a  little  by  that  of  New  York,) 
will  enable  Congress  to  support  the  national  credit 
in  pecuniary  matters  better  than  it  has  been  *  ; 
whilst  a  measure,  in  which  this  State  has  taken  the 
lead  at  its  last  session,  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  give 
efficient  powers  to  that  body  for  all  commercial 

1  This  refers  to  the  amendment  to  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion submitted  to  the  States  in  1783  by  which  Congress  was 
authorized  to  impose  certain  duties  on  imports,  the  total  pro- 
ceeds of  which  were  to  be  devoted  to  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt  and  the  interest  thereon.  All  the  States  save  New  York 
accepted  the  amendment.  Washington's  confidence  in  that  State 
was  misplaced.  It  rejected  the  amendment  February  15,  1787. 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  259 

purposes.  This  is  a  nomination  of  some  of  its  first 
characters  to  meet  other  commissioners  from  the 
several  States,  in  order  to  consider  of  and  decide 
upon  such  powers*  as  shall  be  necessary  for  the 
sovereign  power  of  them  to  act  under;  which  are 
to  be  reported  to  the  respective  legislatures  at  their 
autumnal  sessions,  for,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  final 
adoption;  thereby  avoiding  those  tedious  and  fu- 
tile deliberations,  which  result  from  recommenda- 
tions and  partial  concurrences,  at  the  same  tune 
that  it  places  it  at  once  in  the  power  of  Congress  to 
meet  European  nations  upon  decisive  and  equal 
ground.  All  the  legislatures,  which  I  have  heard 
from,  have  come  into  the  proposition,  and  have 
made  very  judicious  appointments.  Much  good 
is  expected  from  this  measure,  and  it  is  regretted 
by  many,  that  more  objects  were  not  embraced  by 
the  meeting.1  A  general  convention  is  talked  of  by 
many  for  the  purpose  of  revising  and  correcting 
the  defects  of  the  federal  government;  but  whilst 
this  is  the  wish  of  some,  it  is  the  dread  of  others, 
from  an  opinion  that  matters  are  not  yet  sufficiently 
ripe  for  such  an  event.2  *  *  * 

1 "  My  sentiments  with  respect  to  the  federal  government 
are  well  known.  Publicly  and  privately  have  they  been  com- 
municated without  reserve;  but  my  opinion  is,  that  there  is 
more  wickedness  than  ignorance  in  the  conduct  of  the  States, 
or,  in  other  words,  in  the  conduct  of  those  who  have  too  much 
influence  in  the  government  of  them;  and  until  the  curtain  is 
withdrawn,  and  the  private  views  and  selfish  principles,  upon 
which  these  men  act,  are  exposed  to  public  notice,  I  have  little 
hope  of  amendment  without  another  convulsion." — Washington 
to  Henry  Lee,  5  April,  1786. 

2  Here  again  Washington's  expectations  were  disappointed. 
At  the  Annapolis  Convention,  which  met  in  September,  1786, 


sob  George  Washington 

TO  JOHN  JAY 

MOUNT  VEBNON,  18  May,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  I  coincide  perfectly  in  sentiment  with 
you,  my  dear  Sir,  that  there  are  errors  in  our  na- 
tional government,  which  call  for  correction ;  loudly, 
I  would  add;  but  I  shall  find  myself  happily 
mistaken  if  the  remedies  are  at  hand.  We  are  cer- 
tainly in  a  delicate  situation;  but  my  fear  is,  that 
the  people  are  not  yet  sufficiently  misled  to  retract 
from  error.  To  be  plainer,  I  think  there  is  more 
wickedness  than  ignorance  mixed  in  our  councils. 
Under  this  impression  I  scarcely  know  what  opin- 
ion to  entertain  of  a  general  convention.  That  it 
is  necessary  to  revise  and  amend  the  articles  of 
confederation,  I  entertain  no  doubt;  but  what  may 
be  the  consequences  of  such  an  attempt  is  doubtful. 
Yet  something  must  be  done,  or  the  fabric  must 
fall,  for  it  certainly  is  tottering. 

Ignorance  and  design  are  difficult  to  combat. 
Out  of  these  proceed  illiberal  sentiments,  improper 
jealousies,  and  a  train  of  evils  which  oftentimes  in 
republican  governments  must  be  sorely  felt  before 
they  can  be  removed.  The  former,  that  is  ignor- 
ance, being  a  fit  soil  for  the  latter  to  work  in,  tools 

only  five  States  were  represented,  and  when  the  members  as- 
sembled they  felt  so  hampered  by  the  indifference  of  the  absent 
States  that  they  did  nothing  but  adopt  an  address,  prepared 
by  Alexander  Hamilton,  urging  Congress  to  call  another  con- 
vention the  following  year  for  the  consideration  of  the  defects 
of  the  existing  government.  For  Hamilton's  address,  see  his 
Works  (Lodge,  editor),  i.,  319,  and  Evans,  Writings  of 
Hamilton, 


John  Jay  261 

are  employed  by  them  which  a  generous  mind 
would  disdain  to  use;  and  which  nothing  but  time, 
and  their  own  puerile  or  wicked  productions,  can 
show  the  inefficacy  and  dangerous  tendency  of.  I 
think  often  of  our  situation,  and  view  it  with  con- 
cern. From  the  high  ground  we  stood  upon,  from 
the  plain  path  which  invited  our  footsteps,  to  be  so 
fallen!  so  lost!  it  is  really  mortifying.  But  virtue, 
I  fear,  has  in  a  great  degree  taken  its  departure 
from  our  land,  and  the  want  of  a  disposition  to  do 
justice  is  the  source  of  the  national  embarrass- 
ments; for,  whatever  guise  or  colorings  are  given 
to  them,  this  I  apprehend  is  the  origin  of  the  evils 
we  now  feel,  and  probably  shall  labor  under  for 
some  time  yet.  With  respectful  compliments  to 
Mrs.  Jay,  and  sentiments  of  sincere  friendship,  I 
am,  dear  Sir,  &C.1 


TO  JOHN  JAY 

MOUNT  VERNON,  1  August,  1786. 
DEAR  SIB, 

I  have  to  thank  you  very  sincerely  for  your  in- 
teresting letter  of  the  27th  of  June,  as  well  as  for 

1 "  Is  it  not  among  the  most  unaccountable  things  in  nature, 
that  the  representation  of  a  great  country  should  generally  be 
so  thin  as  not  to  be  able  to  execute  the  functions  of  government? 
To  what  is  this  to  be  ascribed?  Is  it  the  result  of  political 
manoeuvre  in  some  States,  or  is  it  owing  to  supineness  or  want 
of  means?  Be  the  causes  what  they  may,  it  is  shameful  and 
disgusting.  In  a  word,  it  hurts  us.  Our  character  as  a  na- 
tion is  dwindling;  and  what  it  must  come  to,  if  a  change  should 
not  soon  take  place,  our  enemies  have  foretold;  for  in  truth  we 
seem  either  not  capable,  or  not  willing,  to  take  care  of  our- 
selves."— Washington  to  William  Grayson,  26  July,  1786. 


262  George  Washington 

the  other  communications  you  had  the  goodness  to 
make  at  the  same  time.  I  am  sorry  to  be  assured, 
of  what  indeed  I  had  little  doubt  before,  that  we 
have  been  guilty  of  violating  the  treaty  in  some 
instances.1  What  a  misfortune  it  is,  the  British 
should  have  so  well  grounded  a  pretext  for  their 
palpable  infractions!  And  what  a  disgraceful 
part,  out  of  the  choice  of  difficulties  before  us,  are 
we  to  act! 

Your  sentiments,  that  our  affairs  are  drawing 
rapidly  to  a  crisis,  accord  with  my  own.  What 
the  event  will  be,  is  also  beyond  the  reach  of  my 
foresight.  We  have  errors  to  correct.  We  have 
probably  had  too  good  an  opinion  of  human  na- 
ture in  forming  our  confederation.  Experience 
has  taught  us,  that  men  will  not  adopt  and  carry 
into  execution  measures  the  best  calculated  for 

1  One  of  the  most  glaring  evidences  of  the  weakness  of  Con- 
gress was  its  inability  to  enforce  the  treaty  of  peace  with 
Great  Britain.  The  treaty  stipulated  that  Congress  should 
earnestly  recommend  to  the  States  to  pass  acts  for  the  pro- 
tection of  loyalists  who  desired  to  resume  their  residences  in  the 
States.  Congress  kept  its  promise,  but  most  of  the  States 
declined  to  comply  with  the  request.  Many  of  the  loyalists 
who  returned  found  their  property  confiscated,  and  they  could 
obtain  no  relief.  The  treaty  also  stipulated  that  private  debts 
due  to  British  subjects  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  should  be 
paid.  But  several  of  the  States  had  already  passed  laws  for 
the  confiscation  of  such  debts,  and  Massachusetts  and  Penn- 
sylvania enacted  similar  acts  even  after  the  treaty  was  made. 
The  British  government  then  declared  that  it  would  retain 
possession  of  the  posts  on  the  frontier  until  these  obstacles  to 
the  enforcement  of  the  treaty  were  removed.  Similar  difficulties 
were  encountered  in  enforcing  treaties  with  other  countries. 
"  The  files  of  Congress,"  wrote  Madison,  "  contain  complaints 
already  from  almost  every  nation  with  which  treaties  have  been 
formed." 


John  Jay  263 

their  own  good,  without  the  intervention  of  a  coer- 
cive power.  I  do  not  conceive  we  can  exist  long 
as  a  nation  without  having  lodged  some  where  a 
power,  which  will  pervade  the  whole  Union  in  as 
energetic  a  manner  as  the  authority  of  the  State 
governments  extends  over  the  several  States. 

To  be  fearful  of  investing  Congress,  constituted 
as  that  body  is,  with  ample  authorities  for  national 
purposes,  appears  to  me  the  very  climax  of  popu- 
lar absurdity  and  madness.  Could  Congress  exert 
them  for  the  detriment  of  the  public,  without  in- 
juring themselves  in  an  equal  or  greater  pro- 
portion? Are  not  their  interests  inseparably 
connected  with  those  of  their  constituents?  By  the 
rotation  of  appointment,  must  they  not  mingle  fre- 
quently with  the  mass  of  citizens?  Is  it  not  rather 
to  be  apprehended,  if  they  were  possessed  of  the 
powers  before  described,  that  the  individual  mem- 
bers would  be  induced  to  use  them,  on  many  oc- 
casions, very  timidly  and  inefficaciously  for  fear  of 
losing  their  popularity  and  future  election?  We 
must  take  human  nature  as  we  find  it.  Perfection 
falls  not  to  the  share  of  mortals.  Many  are  of 
opinion,  that  Congress  have  too  frequently  made 
use  of  the  suppliant,  humble  tone  of  requisition  in 
applications  to  the  States,  when  they  had  a  right 
to  assert  their  imperial  dignity  and  command  obedi- 
ence. Be  that  as  it  may,  requisitions  are  a  perfect 
nullity  where  thirteen  sovereign,  independent,  dis- 
united States  are  in  the  habit  of  discussing  and 
refusing  compliance  with  them  at  their  option.  Re- 
quisitions are  actually  little  better  than  a  jest  and 


264  George  Washington 

a  by-word  throughout  the  land.  If  you  tell  the 
legislatures  they  have  violated  the  treaty  of  peace, 
and  invaded  the  prerogatives  of  the  confederacy, 
they  will  laugh  in  your  face.  What  then  is  to  be 
done?  Things  cannot  go  on  in  the  same  train  for 
ever.  It  is  much  to  be  feared,  as  you  observe,  that 
the  better  kind  of  people,  being  disgusted  with  the 
circumstances,  will  have  their  minds  prepared  for 
any  revolution  whatever.  We  are  apt  to  run  from 
one  extreme  into  another.  To  anticipate  and  pre- 
vent disastrous  contingencies  would  be  the  part  of 
wisdom  and  patriotism. 

What  astonishing  changes  a  few  years  are  cap- 
able of  producing.  I  am  told  that  even  respectable 
characters  speak  of  a  monarchical  form  of  govern- 
ment without  horror.  From  thinking  proceeds 
speaking;  thence  to  acting  is  often  but  a  single 
step.  But  how  irrevocable  and  tremendous !  What 
a  triumph  for  our  enemies  to  verify  their  predic- 
tions! What  a  triumph  for  the  advocates  of  des- 
potism to  find,  that  we  are  incapable  of  governing 
ourselves,  and  that  systems  founded  on  the  basis  of 
equal  liberty  are  merely  ideal  and  fallacious! 
Would  to  God,  that  wise  measures  may  be  taken  in 
time  to  avert  the  consequences  we  have  but  too  much 
reason  to  apprehend. 

Retired  as  I  am  from  the  world,  I  frankly  ac- 
knowledge I  cannot  feel  myself  an  unconcerned 
spectator.  Yet,  having  happily  assisted  in  bring- 
ing the  ship  into  port,  and  having  been  fairly  dis- 
charged, it  is  not  my  business  to  embark  again  on 
a  sea  of  troubles.  Nor  could  it  be  expected,  that 


Henry  Lee  265 

my  sentiments  and  opinions  would  have  much 
weight  on  the  minds  of  my  countrymen.  They 
have  been  neglected,  though  given  as  a  last  legacy 
in  the  most  solemn  manner.  I  had  then  perhaps 
some  claims  to  public  attention.  I  consider  my- 
self as  having  none  at  present.  Mrs.  Washington 
joins  me  in  compliments,  etc. 

With  sentiments  of  sincere  esteem  and  friend- 
ship, I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c. 


31  October,  1786. 

MY  DEAB  SIB, 

*  *  *  The  picture  which  you  have  exhibited, 
and  the  accounts  which  are  published  of  the  commo- 
tions and  temper  of  numerous  bodies  in  the  eastern 
States,  are  equally  to  be  lamented  and  deprecated. 
They  exhibit  a  melancholy  proof  of  what  our  trans- 
atlantic foe  has  predicted;  and  of  another  thing 
perhaps,  which  is  still  more  to  be  regretted,  and  is 
yet  more  unaccountable,  that  mankind,  when  left 
to  themselves,  are  unfit  for  their  own  government. 
I  am  mortified  beyond  expression,  when  I  view  the 
clouds,  that  have  spread  over  the  brightest  morn 
that  ever  dawned  upon  any  country.  In  a  word, 
I  am  lost  in  amazement  when  I  behold  what 
intrigue,  the  interested  views  of  desperate  charac- 
ters, ignorance  and  jealousy  of  the  minor  part,  are 
capable  of  effecting,  as  a  scourge  on  the  major  part 
of  our  fellow  citizens  of  the  Union;  for  it  is  hardly 
to  be  supposed,  that  the  great  body  of  the  people, 


266  George  Washington 

though  they  will  not  act,  can  be  so  shortsighted  or 
enveloped  in  darkness,  as  not  to  see  rays  of  a  distant 
sun  through  all  this  mist  of  intoxication  and  folly.1 
You  talk,  my  good  Sir,  of  employing  influence 
to  appease  the  present  tumults  in  Massachusetts.2 
I  know  not  where  that  influence  is  to  be  found,  or, 
if  attainable,  that  it  would  be  a  proper  remedy  for 
the  disorders.  Influence  is  no  government.  Let 
us  have  one  by  which  our  lives,  liberties,  and  prop- 
erties will  be  secured,  or  let  us  know  the  worst  at 
once.  Under  these  impressions,  my  humble  opin- 
ion is,  that  there  is  a  call  for  decision.  Know  pre- 
cisely what  the  insurgents  aim  at.  If  they  have 
real  grievances,  redress  them  if  possible;  or  ac- 
knowledge the  justice  of  them,  and  your  inability 
to  do  it  in  the  present  moment.  If  they  have  not, 
employ  the  force  of  government  against  them  at 
once.  If  this  is  inadequate,  all  will  be  convinced, 
that  the  superstructure  is  bad,  or  wants  support. 

1 "  For  God's  sake  tell  me  what  is  the  cause  of  all  these 
commotions?  Do  they  proceed  from  licentiousness,  British  in- 
fluence, disseminated  by  the  Tories,  or  real  grievances  which  ad- 
mit of  redress?  If  the  latter,  why  were  they  delayed  till  the 
public  mind  had  become  so  much  agitated?  If  the  former, 
why  are  not  the  powers  of  government  tried  at  once?  It  is  as 
well  to  be  without,  as  not  to  live  under  their  exercise.  Com- 
motions of  this  sort,  like  snow-balls,  gather  strength  as  they 
roll,  if  there  is  no  opposition  in  the  way  to  divide  and  crumble 
them." — Washington  to  Humphreys,  22  October,  1786. 

2  The  years  following  the  restoration  of  peace  were  years  of 
great  financial  distress.  Much  property  had  been  destroyed, 
business  had  been  disturbed,  debts  had  accumulated,  the  paper- 
money  craze  had  taken  possession  of  most  of  the  States,  and 
general  discontent  prevailed.  Violent  outbreaks  against  the 
State  governments  occurred,  the  most  serious  one  being  Shay's 
Rebellion  in  Massachusetts. 


James  Madison  267 

To  be  more  exposed  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  and 
more  contemptible  than  we  already  are,  is  hardly 
possible.  To  delay  one  or  the  other  of  these,  is  to 
exasperate  on  the  one  hand,  or  to  give  confidence 
on  the  other,  and  will  add  to  their  numbers;  for, 
like  snow-balls,  such  bodies  increase  by  every 
movement,  unless  there  is  something  in  the  way  to 
obstruct  and  crumble  them  before  the  weight  is  too 
great  and  irresistible. 

These  are  my  sentiments.  Precedents  are  dan- 
gerous things.  Let  the  reins  of  government  then 
be  braced  and  held  with  a  steady  hand,  and  every 
violation  of  the  constitution  be  reprehended.  If 
defective,  let  it  be  amended,  but  not  suffered  to  be 
trampled  upon  whilst  it  has  an  existence.  *  *  * 


TO  JAMES  MADISON 

MOUNT  VEBNON,  5  November,  1786. 

MY  DEAK  SIB, 

I  thank  you  for  the  communications  in  your  let- 
ter of  the  1st  instant.  The  decision  of  the  House 
on  the  question  respecting  a  paper  emission  is  por- 
tentous, I  hope,  of  an  auspicious  session.  It  cer- 
tainly may  be  classed  with  the  important  questions 
of  the  present  day,  and  merited  the  serious  atten- 
tion of  the  Assembly.  Fain  would  I  hope,  that  the 
great  and  most  important  of  all  subjects,  the  fed- 
eral government,  may  be  considered  with  that  calm 
and  deliberate  attention,  which  the  magnitude  of 
it  so  critically  and  loudly  calls  for  at  this  critical 


268  George  Washington 

moment.  Let  prejudices,  unreasonable  jealousies, 
and  local  interests,  yield  to  reason  and  liberality. 
Let  us  look  to  our  national  character,  and  to  things 
beyond  the  present  moment.  No  morn  ever 
dawned  more  favorably  than  ours  did;  and  no  day 
was  ever  more  clouded  than  the  present.  Wisdom 
and  good  examples  are  necessary  at  this  time  to 
rescue  the  political  machine  from  the  impending 
storm.  Virginia  has  now  an  opportunity  to  set  the 
latter,  and  has  enough  of  the  former,  I  hope,  to 
take  the  lead  in  promoting  this  great  and  arduous 
work.  Without  an  alteration  in  our  political 
creed,  the  superstructure  we  have  been  seven  years 
in  raising,  at  the  expense  of  so  much  treasure  and 
blood,  must  fall.  We  are  fast  verging  to  anarchy 
and  confusion. 

By  a  letter  which  I  have  received  from  General 
Knox,  who  had  just  returned  from  Massachusetts, 
whither  he  had  been  sent  by  Congress  consequent 
of  the  commotions  in  that  State,  is  replete  with 
melancholy  accounts  of  the  temper  and  designs  of 
a  considerable  part  of  that  people.  Among  other 
things  he  says: 

"  Their  creed  is,  that  the  property  of  the  United  States 
has  been  protected  from  the  confiscation  of  Britain  by 
the  joint  exertions  of  all;  and  therefore  ought  to  be  the 
common  property  of  all;  and  he  that  attempts  opposition 
to  this  creed,  is  an  enemy  to  equity  and  justice,  and 
ought  to  be  swept  from  off  the  face  of  the  earth."  Again : 
"  They  are  determined  to  annihilate  all  debts,  public  and 
private,  and  have  agrarian  laws,  which  are  easily  ef- 
fected by  the  means  of  unfunded  paper  money,  which 
shall  be  a  tender  in  all  cases  whatever."  He  adds: 


James  Madison  269 

"  The  number  of  these  people  amount  in  Massachusetts 
to  about  one  fifth  part  of  several  populous  counties,  and 
to  them  may  be  collected  people  of  similar  sentiments 
from  the  States  of  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Hampshire,  so  as  to  constitute  a  body  of  about  twelve 
or  fifteen  thousand  desperate  and  unprincipled  men. 
They  are  chiefly  of  the  young  and  active  part  of  the 
community." 

How  melancholy  is  the  reflection,  that  in  so  short 
a  space  we  should  have  made  such  large  strides  tow- 
ards fulfilling  the  predictions  of  our  transatlantic 
foes!  "Leave  them  to  themselves,  and  their  gov- 
ernment will  soon  dissolve."  *  Will  not  the  wise 

1  It  was  a  common  opinion  in  Europe  both  before  and  for 
some  time  after  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  that  the 
American  States  could  not  be  permanently  united.  In  Eng- 
land perhaps  the  wish  was  father  to  the  thought.  The  Dean 
of  Gloucester,  Josiah  Tucker,  wrote :  "  As  to  the  future  grand- 
eur of  America,  and  its  being  a  rising  empire,  under  one  head, 
whether  republican  or  monarchical,  it  is  one  of  the  idlest  and 
most  visionary  notions  that  ever  was  conceived  even  by  writers 
of  romance.  The  mutual  antipathies  and  clashing  interests 
of  the  Americans,  their  difference  of  governments,  habitudes, 
and  manners,  indicate  that  they  will  have  no  centre  of  union  and 
no  common  interest.  They  never  can  be  united  into  one  compact 
empire  under  any  species  of  government  whatever;  a  disunited 
people  till  the  end  of  time,  suspicious  and  distrustful  of  each 
other,  they  will  be  divided  and  subdivided  into  little  common- 
wealths or  principalities  according  to  natural  boundaries,  by 
great  bays  of  the  sea,  and  by  vast  rivers,  lakes  and  ridges  of 
mountains." — Dean  Tucker,  Cui  Bono,  cited  in  Bancroft,  His- 
tory of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  i.,  65.  Frederick 
the  Great,  who  showed  a  friendly  disposition  toward  the  new  re- 
public, thought  that  its  form  of  government  would  prove  fatal 
to  it.  He  remarked  to  the  British  minister  in  1782 :  "  The  great 
extent  of  country  would  alone  be  a  sufficient  obstacle,  since  a 
republican  government  had  never  been  known  to  exist  for  any 
length  of  time  where  the  territory  was  not  limited  and  con- 
centrated. It  would  not  be  more  absurd  to  propose  the  estab- 


270 


George  Washington 


and  good  strive  hard  to  avert  this  evil?  Or  will 
their  supineness  suffer  ignorance,  and  the  arts  of 
self-interested,  designing,  disaffected,  and  desper- 
ate characters,  to  involve  this  great  country  in 
wretchedness  and  contempt?  What  stronger  evi- 
dence can  be  given  of  the  want  of  energy  in  our 
government,  than  these  disorders?  If  there  is  not 
power  in  it  to  check  them,  what  security  has  a  man 
for  life,  liberty,  or  property?  To  you  I  am  sure 
I  need  not  add  aught  on  this  subject.  The  con- 
sequences of  a  lax  or  inefficient  government  are  too 
obvious  to  be  dwelt  upon.  Thirteen  sovereignties 
pulling  against  each  other,  and  all  tugging  at  the 
federal  head,  will  soon  bring  ruin  on  the  whole; 
whereas  a  liberal  and  energetic  constitution,  well 
guarded  and  closely  watched  to  prevent  encroach- 
ments, might  restore  us  to  that  degree  of  respect- 
ability and  consequences,  to  which  we  had  a  fair 
claim  and  the  brightest  prospect  of  attaining. 
With  sentiments  of  very  great  esteem  and  regard. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c. 


lishment  of  a  democracy  to  govern  the  whole  country  from 
Brest  to  Riga." — Ibid.,  i.,  71.  But  prophets  of  evil  have  not  been 
lacking  since.  In  1818,  thirty  years  after  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  Sydney  Smith,  a  British  essayist,  said  in  The 
Edinburgh  Review:  "The  Americans  are  a  very  sensible,  re- 
flecting people,  and  have  conducted  their  affairs  extremely  well; 
but  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  that  such  an  empire  should 
very  long  remain  undivided,  or  that  the  dwellers  on  the  Colum- 
bia should  have  common  interest  with  the  navigators  of  the 
Hudson  and  the  Delaware." 


Henry  Knox  271 

TO   HENEY   KNOX 

MOUNT  VERNON,  26  December  1786. 
MY  DEAE  SIB, 

* 

*  *  *  I  feel,  my  dear  General  Knox,  infinitely 
more  than  I  can  express  to  you,  for  the  disorders, 
which  have  arisen  in  these  States.  Good  God! 
Who,  besides  a  Tory,  could  have  foreseen,  or  a 
Briton  predicted  them?  Were  these  people  wiser 
than  others,  or  did  they  judge  of  us  from 
the  corruption  and  depravity  of  their  own 
hearts?  The  latter  I  am  persuaded  was  the  case 
and  that  notwithstanding  the  boasted  virtue  of 
America  we  are  very  little  if  anything  behind 
them  in  dispositions  to  every  thing  that  is 
bad. 

I  do  assure  you,  that  even  at  this  moment,  when 
I  reflect  upon  the  present  prospect  of  our  affairs, 
it  seems  to  me  to  be  like  the  vision  of  a  dream. 
My  mind  can  scarcely  realize  it  as  a  thing  in  actual 
existence;  so  strange,  so  wonderful  does  it  appear 
to  me.  In  this,  as  in  most  other  matters,  we  are 
too  slow.  When  this  spirit  first  dawned,  prob- 
ably it  might  have  been  easily  checked;  but  it  is 
scarcely  within  the  reach  of  human  ken,  at  this 
moment,  to  say  when,  where,  or  how  it  will  termi- 
nate. There  are  combustibles  in  every  State, 
which  a  spark  might  set  fire  to.  In  this  a  perfect 
calm  prevails  at  present;  and  a  prompt  disposition 
to  support  and  give  energy  to  the  federal  system 
is  discovered,  if  the  unlucky  stirring  of  the  dispute 
respecting  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  does 


272  George  Washington 

not  become  a  leaven  that  will  ferment  and  sour  the 
mind  of  it. 

The  resolutions  of  the  present  session  respecting 
a  paper  emission,  military  certificates,  &c.,  have 
stamped  justice  and  liberality  on  the  proceedings 
of  the  Assembly.  By  a  late  act,  it  seems  very  de- 
sirous of  a  general  convention  to  revise  and  amend 
the  federal  constitution.  Apropos;  what  prevented 
the  eastern  States  from  attending  the  Septem- 
ber meeting  at  Annapolis? *  Of  all  the  States 
in  the  Union  it  should  have  seemed  to  me,  that  a 
measure  of  this  sort,  (distracted  as  they  were  with 
internal  commotions  and  experiencing  the  want  of 
energy  in  the  government,)  would  have  been  most 
pleasing  to  them.  What  are  the  prevailing  senti- 
ments of  the  one  now  proposed  to  be  held  in  Phila- 
delphia in  May  next?  and  how  will  it  be  attended? 
You  are  at  the  fountain  of  intelligence,  where  the 
wisdom  of  the  nation,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  is  con- 
centred; consequently  better  able,  (as  I  have  had 
sufficient  experience  of  your  intelligence,  confi- 
dence, and  candor,)  to  solve  these  questions. 

The  Maryland  Assembly  has  been  violently  agi- 
tated by  the  question  for  a  paper  emission.  It  has 
been  carried  in  the  House  of  Delegates;  but  what 
has  been  or  may  be  the  fate  of  the  bill  in  the  Sen- 
ate, I  have  not  yet  heard.  The  partisans  in  favor 
of  the  measure  in  the  lower  House  threaten,  it  is 
said,  a  secession,  if  it  is  rejected  by  that  branch  of 

1  At  the  Annapolis  Convention  in  September,  1786,  the  only 
States  represented  were  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Delaware,  and  Virginia. 


Henry  Knox  273 

the  legislature.  Thus  are  we  advancing.  In  re- 
gretting, which  I  have  often  done  with  the  keenest 
sorrow,  the  death  of  our  much  lamented  friend 
General  Greene,  I  have  accompanied  it  of  late  with 
a  query,  whether  he  would  not  have  preferred  such 
an  exit  to  the  scenes,  which,  it  is  more  than  prob- 
able, many  of  his  compatriots  may  live  to  bemoan. 

In  both  your  letters  you  intimate,  that  the  men 
of  reflection,  principle,  and  property  in  New  Eng- 
land, feeling  the  inefficacy  of  their  present  govern- 
ment, are  contemplating  a  change ;  but  you  are  not 
explicit  with  respect  to  its  nature.  It  has  been 
supposed,  that  the  constitution  of  the  State  of 
Massachusetts  was  amongst  the  most  energetic  in 
the  Union.  May  not  these  disorders  then  be  as- 
cribed to  an  indulgent  exercise  of  the  powers  of  ad- 
ministration? If  your  laws  authorized,  and  your 
powers  are  equal  to  the  suppression  of  these  tu- 
mults in  the  first  instance,  delay  and  unnecessary 
expedients  were  improper.  These  are  rarely  well 
applied;  and  the  same  causes  would  produce  simi- 
lar effects  in  any  form  of  government,  if  the  pow- 
ers of  it  are  not  exercised.  I  ask  this  question  for 
information.  I  know  nothing  of  the  facts. 

That  Great  Britain  will  be  an  unconcerned 
spectator  of  the  present  insurrections,  if  they  con- 
tinue, is  not  to  be  expected.  That  she  is  at  this 
moment  sowing  the  seeds  of  jealousy  and  discon- 
tent among  the  various  tribes  of  Indians  on  our 
frontiers,  admits  of  no  doubt  in  my  mind ;  and  that 
she  will  improve  every  opportunity  to  foment  the 
spirit  of  turbulence  within  the  bowels  of  the  United 

18 


274 


George  Washington 


States,  with  a  view  of  distracting  our  governments 
and  promoting  divisions,  is  with  me  not  less  certain. 
Her  first  mano3iivres  in  this  will  no  doubt  be 
covert,  and  may  remain  so  till  the  period  shall  ar- 
rive when  a  decided  line  of  conduct  may  avail 
her.  Charges  of  violating  the  treaty,  and  other 
pretexts,  will  then  not  be  wanting  to  color  overt 
acts,  tending  to  effect  the  great  objects  of  which 
she  has  long  been  in  labor.  A  man  is  now  at  the 
head  of  their  American  affairs,  well  calculated  to 
conduct  measures  of  this  kind,  and  more  than  prob- 
ably was  selected  for  the  purpose.  We  ought  not 
therefore  to  sleep  nor  to  slumber.  Vigilance  in 
watching  and  vigor  in  acting  is  become  in  my  opin- 
ion indispensably  necessary.  If  the  powers  are 
inadequate,  amend  or  alter  them;  but  do  not  let  us 
sink  into  the  lowest  state  of  humiliation  and  con- 
tempt, and  become  a  by-word  in  all  the  earth.  I 
think  with  you,  that  the  spring  will  unfold  import- 
ant and  distressing  scenes,  unless  much  wisdom  and 
good  management  is  displayed  in  the  interim. 
Adieu.  Be  assured  no  man  has  a  higher  esteem 
and  regard  for  you,  than  I  have;  none  more  sin- 
cerely your  friend.1  *  *  * 

1"I  have  lately  had  an  opportunity  of  conversing  with  sev- 
eral of  the  first  characters  from  the  neighboring  States.  These 
gentlemen — viz.,  Messrs.  Duane,  Chancellor  Livingston,  Egbert 
Benson,  Judges  Yates,  Haring,  and  Smith,  from  New  York, 
with  Messrs.  Lowell,  King,  Parsons,  and  Judge  Sullivan,  from 
Boston — were  commissioners  for  settling  the  boundaries  be- 
tween the  two  States.  They  seemed  to  be  all  of  opinion  that 
something  must  be  done,  but  what  that  something  was  ap- 
peared to  baffle  their  deepest  penetration.  It  is,  however,  wor- 
thy of  remark  that  Mr.  King,  Mr.  Sedgwick,  and  several  others 


John  Jay  275 

TO  JOHN  JAY 

MOUNT  VERNON,  10  March,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  How  far  the  revision  of  the  federal 
system,  and  giving  more  adequate  powers  to 
Congress  may  be  productive  of  an  efficient  gov- 
ernment, I  will  not  under  my  present  view  of  the 
matter,  pretend  to  decide. — That  many  incon- 
veniences result  from  the  present  form,  none  can 
deny.  Those  enumerated  in  your  letter  are  so  ob- 
vious and  sensibly  felt  that  no  logic  can  controvert, 
nor  is  it  likely  that  any  change  of  conduct  will 
remove  them,  and  that  attempts  to  alter  or  amend 
it  will  be  like  the  proppings  of  a  house  which  is 
ready  to  fall,  and  which  no  shears  can  support  (as 
many  seem  to  think)  may  also  be  true.  But,  is  the 
public  mind  matured  for  such  an  important  change 
as  the  one  you  have  suggested?  What  would  be 
the  consequences  of  a  premature  attempt?  My 
opinion  is,  that  this  Country  must  yet  feel  and  see 
more,  before  it  can  be  accomplished. 

A  thirst  for  power,  and  the  bantling,  I  had  liked 
to  have  said  monster  for  sovereignty,  which  have 

(I  believe  I  might  say  John  Jay),  who  have  been  mortally  op- 
posed to  the  Cincinnati,  now  look  with  considerable  confidence 
to  that  quarter  for  our  political  preservation. 

"  Mr.  Trumbull,  Mr.  Barlow,  and  myself  have  written  a  good 
number  of  pieces  in  prose  and  verse  on  political  subjects;  we 
have  the  satisfaction  to  find  that  they  are  reprinted  in  more 
papers  and  read  with  more  avidity  than  any  other  perform- 
ances. Pointed  ridicule  is  found  to  be  of  more  efficacy  than  se- 
rious argumentation." — David  Humphreys  to  Washington,  New 
Haven,  20  January,  1787. 


276  George  Washington 

taken  such  fast  hold  of  the  States  individually,  will 
when  joined  by  the  many  whose  personal  conse- 
quence in  the  control  of  State  politics  will  in  a 
manner  be  annihilated,  form  a  strong  phalanx 
against  it ;  and  when  to  these  the  few  who  can  hold 
posts  of  honor  or  profit  in  the  national  govern- 
ment, are  compared  with  the  many  who  will  see  but 
little  prospect  of  being  noticed,  and  the  discontent 
of  others  who  may  look  for  appointments,  the  op- 
position will  be  altogether  irresistable  till  the  mass, 
as  well  as  the  more  discerning  part  of  the  Com- 
munity shall  see  the  necessity.  Among  men  of 
reflection,  few  will  be  found  I  believe,  who  are  not 
beginning  to  think  that  our  system  is  more  perfect 
in  theory  than  in  practice;  and  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  boasted  virtue  of  America  it  is  more  than 
probable  we  shall  exhibit  the  last  melancholy  proof, 
that  mankind  are  not  competent  to  their  own  gov- 
ernment without  the  means  of  coercion  in  the 
sovereign. 

Yet  I  would  fain  try  what  the  wisdom  of  the 
proposed  convention  will  suggest :  and  what  can  be 
effected  by  their  councils.  It  may  be  the  last 
peaceable  mode  of  essaying  the  practicability  of  the 
present  form,  without  a  greater  lapse  of  time  than 
the  exigency  of  our  affairs  will  allow.  In  strict 
propriety  a  convention  so  holden  may  not  be  legal. 
Congress,  however,  may  give  it  a  coloring  by 
recommendation,  which  would  fit  it  more  to  the 
taste  without  proceeding  to  a  definition  of  the 
powers.  This,  however  constitutionally  it  might 
be  done,  would  not,  in  my  opinion,  be  expedient: 


David  Stuart  277 

for  delicacy  on  the  one  hand,  and  jealousy  on  the 
other,  would  produce  a  mere  nihil. 

My  name  is  in  the  delegation  to  this  Convention ; 
but  it  was  put  there  contrary  to  my  desire,  and  re- 
mains contrary  to  my  request.  Several  reasons  at 
the  time  of  this  appointment  and  which  yet  exist, 
conspired  to  make  an  attendance  inconvenient,  per- 
haps improper,  tho'  a  good  deal  urged  to  it.  With 
sentiments  of  great  regard  and  friendship, 


TO  DAVID  STUART 

PHILADELPHIA,  1  July,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

*  *  *  Rhode  Island,  from  our  last  accts.  still 
perseveres  in  that  impolitic,  unjust,  and  one  might 
add  without  much  impropriety  scandalous  con- 
duct, which  seems  to  have  marked  all  her  public 
Councils  of  late.  Consequently,  no  Representa- 

1  When  Washington  laid  down  his  military  command,  he  be- 
lieved that  he  had  taken  a  final  leave  of  all  public  employment. 
Hence  when  urged  to  represent  Virginia  in  the  Federal  Con- 
vention, he  felt  that  his  acceptance  would  expose  him  to  the 
charge  of  inconsistency.  He  was  further  embarrassed  by  the 
fact  that  he  had  given  notice  that  he  would  be  unable  to  attend 
the  triennial  meeting  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  of  which 
he  was  president,  and  which  was  to  meet  in  Philadelphia  at 
the  time  appointed  for  the  Federal  Convention.  Should  he  at- 
tend the  Convention,  after  having  declined  to  attend  the  meeting 
of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  he  feared  that  he  would  give 
offence  to  his  old  comrades  in  arms.  It  was  only  his  intense 
desire  to  see  some  decisive  steps  taken  for  the  improvement  of 
the  government  that  finally  induced  him  to  consent  to  attend  the 
Convention.  He  set  out  from  Mount  Vernon  on  May  9th,  and 
arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  May  13th,  on  which  day  he  records 


George  Washington 

tion  is  yet  here  from  thence.  New  Hampshire, 
tho'  Delegates  have  been  appointed,  is  also  unrep- 
resented. Various  causes  have  been  assigned, 
whether  well,  or  ill-founded  I  shall  not  take  upon 
me  to  decide.  The  fact,  however,  is  that  they  are 
not  here.  Political  contests,  and  want  of  money, 
are  amidst  the  reasons  assigned  for  the  non-attend- 
ance of  the  members. 

As  the  rules  of  the  convention  prevent  me  from 
relating  any  of  the  proceedings  of  it,  and  the  ga- 
zettes contain,  more  fully  than  I  could  detail,  other 
occurrences  of  a  public  nature,  I  have  little  to 
communicate  to  you  on  the  article  of  news.  Happy 
indeed  would  it  be,  if  the  convention  shall  be  able 
to  recommend  such  a  firm  and  permanent  govern- 
ment for  this  Union,  that  all  who  live  under  it  may 
be  secure  in  their  lives,  liberty,  and  property;  and 
thrice  happy  would  it  be,  if  such  a  recommenda- 
tion should  obtain.  Every  body  wishes,  every 
body  expects  something  from  the  convention;  but 
what  will  be  the  final  result  of  its  deliberation,  the 
book  of  fate  must  disclose.1  Persuaded  I  am,  that 

in  his  diary:  "Waited  on  the  President  [of  Pennsylvania], 
Doctr.  Franklin,  as  soon  as  I  got  to  town.  On  my  arrival  the 
Bells  were  chimed."  On  May  25th  he  writes :  "  Another  Delegate 
coming  in  from  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  gave  it  a  representa- 
tion, and  encreased  the  number  to  Seven,  which  forming  a 
quoram  of  the  13,  the  members  present  resolved  to  organize  the 
body;  when  by  a  unanimous  vote  I  was  called  up  to  the  chair 
as  President  of  the  body." 

1 "  The  business  of  this  convention  is  as  yet  too  much  in 
embryo  to  form  any  opinion  of  the  conclusion.  Much  is  expected 
from  it  by  some;  not  much  by  others;  and  nothing  by  a  few. 
That  something  is  necessary,  none  will  deny;  for  the  situation 
of  the  general  government,  if  it  can  be  called  a  government, 


David  Stuart  279 

the  primary  cause  of  all  our  disorders  lies  in  the  dif- 
ferent State  governments,  and  in  the  tenacity  of 
that  power,  which  pervades  the  whole  of  their  sys- 
tems. Whilst  independent  sovereignty  is  so  ar- 
dently contended  for,  whilst  the  local  views  of  each 
State,  and  separate  interests,  by  which  they  are  too 
much  governed,  will  not  yield  to  a  more  enlarged 
scale  of  politics,  incompatibility  in  the  laws  of  dif- 
ferent States,  and  disrespect  to  those  of  the  gen- 
eral government,  must  render  the  situation  of  this 
great  country  weak,  inefficient,  and  disgraceful. 
It  has  already  done  so,  almost  to  the  final  dissolu- 
tion of  it.  Weak  at  home  and  disregarded  abroad 
is  our  present  condition,  and  contemptible  enough 
it  is. 

Entirely  unnecessary  was  it  to  offer  any  apology 
for  the  sentiments  you  were  so  obliging  as  to  offer 
me.  I  have  had  no  wish  more  ardent,  through  the 
whole  progress  of  this  business,  than  that  of  know- 
ing what  kind  of  government  is  best  calculated  for 
us  to  live  under.  No  doubt  there  will  be  a  diversity 
of  sentiments  on  this  important  subject;  and,  to 
inform  the  judgment,  it  is  necessary  to  hear  all 
arguments  that  can  be  advanced.  To  please  all  is 
impossible,  and  to  attempt  it  would  be  vain.  The 
only  way,  therefore,  is,  under  all  the  views  in  which 
it  can  be  placed,  and  with  a  due  consideration  to 
circumstances,  habits,  &c.,  &c.,  to  form  such  a  gov- 

is  shaken  to  its  foundation,  and  liable  to  be  overturned  by  every 
blast.  In  a  word,  it  is  at  an  end;  and,  unless  a  remedy  is  soon 
applied,  anarchy  and  confusion  will  inevitably  ensue." — Wash- 
ington to  Jefferson,  30  May,  1787, 


280  George  Washington 

ernment  as  will  bear  the  scrutinizing  eye  of  criti- 
cism, and  trust  it  to  the  good  sense  and  patriotism 
of  the  people  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Demagogues, 
men  who  are  unwilling  to  lose  any  of  their  State 
consequence,  and  interested  characters  in  each,  will 
oppose  any  general  government.  But  let  these  be 
regarded  rightly,  and  justice,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  will 
at  length  prevail.  My  best  wishes  attend  Mrs. 
Stuart,  yourself,  and  the  girls.  If  I  can  render 
any  service  whilst  I  remain  here,  I  shall  be  happy 
in  doing  it.  I  am,  &c. 


TO   ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 

PHILADELPHIA,   10  July,  1787. 


DEAR  SIR: 


I  thank  you  for  your  communication  of  the  3d. 
When  I  refer  you  to  the  state  of  the  counsels,  which 
prevailed  at  the  period  you  left  this  city,  and  add 
that  they  are  now  if  possible  in  a  worse  train  than 
ever,  you  will  find  but  little  ground  on  which  the 
hope  of  a  good  establishment  can  be  formed.  In  a 
word,  I  almost  despair  of  seeing  a  favorable  issue 
to  the  proceedings  of  our  convention,  and  do  there- 
fore repent  having  had  any  agency  in  the  business. 

The  men,  who  oppose  a  strong  and  energetic 
government,  are  in  my  opinion  narrow-minded 
politicians,  or  are  under  the  influence  of  local  views. 
The  apprehension  expressed  by  them,  that  the  peo- 
ple will  not  accede  to  the  form  proposed,  is  the 
ostensible,  not  the  real  cause  of  opposition.  But, 
admitting  that  the  present  sentiment  is  as  they 


Patrick  Henry  281 

prognosticate,  the  proper  question  ought  neverthe- 
less to  be,  Is  it,  or  is  it  not,  the  best  form  that  such 
a  country  as  this  can  adopt?  If  it  be  the  best, 
recommend  it,  and  it  will  assuredly  obtain,  maugre 
opposition.  I  am  sorry  you  went  away.  I  wish 
you  were  back.  The  crisis  is  equally  important  and 
alarming,  and  no  opposition,  under  such  circum- 
stances, should  discourage  exertions  till  the  signa- 
ture is  offered.  I  will  not  at  this  time  trouble  you 
with  more  than  my  best  wishes  and  sincere  regard. 
I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c. 


TO  PATRICK  HENRY 

MOUNT  VERNON,  24  September,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR, 

In  the  first  moment  after  my  return,  I  take  the 
liberty  of  sending  you  a  copy  of  the  constitution, 
which  the  federal  convention  has  submitted  to  the 
people  of  these  States.  I  accompany  it  with  no 
observations.  Your  own  judgment  will  at  once 
discover  the  good  and  the  exceptionable  parts  of  it ; 
and  your  experience  of  the  difficulties,  which  have 
ever  arisen  when  attempts  have  been  made  to 
reconcile  such  variety  of  interests  and  local  pre- 
judices, as  pervade  the  several  States,  will  render 
explanation  unnecessary.  I  wish  the  constitution, 
which  is  offered,  had  been  made  more  perfect;  but 
I  sincerely  believe  it  is  the  best  that  could  be  ob- 
tained at  this  time.  And,  as  a  constitutional  door 
is  opened  for  amendment  hereafter,  the  adoption 


282 


George  Washington 


of  it,  under  the  present  circumstances  of  the  Union, 
is  in  my  opinion  desirable. 

From  a  variety  of  concurring  accounts  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  that  the  political  concerns  of  this 
country  are  in  a  manner  suspended  by  a  thread,  and 
that  the  convention  has  been  looked  up  to,  by  the 
reflecting  part  of  the  community,  with  a  solicitude 
which  is  hardly  to  be  conceived;  and,  if  nothing 
had  been  agreed  on  by  that  body,  anarchy  would 
soon  have  ensued,  the  seeds  being  deeply  sown  in 
every  soil.  I  am,  &C.1 


TO  HENRY  KNOX 

MOUNT  VERNON,  October,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  The  constitution  is  now  before  the  judg- 
ment-seat. It  has,  as  was  expected,  its  adversaries 
and  supporters.  Which  will  preponderate  is  yet 
to  be  decided.  The  former  more  than  probably 
will  be  most  active,  as  the  major  part  of  them  will, 

1 "  The  Constitution  that  is  submitted,  is  not  free  from  im- 
perfections, but  there  are  as  few  radical  defects  in  it  as  could 
well  be  expected,  considering  the  heterogeneous  mass  of  which 
the  Convention  was  composed  and  the  diversity  of  interests 
that  are  to  be  attended  to.  As  a  constitutional  door  is  opened 
for  future  amendments  and  alterations,  I  think  it  would  be  wise 
in  the  People  to  accept  what  is  offered  to  them  and  I  wish  it 
may  be  by  as  great  a  majority  of  them  as  it  was  by  that  of 
the  Convention;  but  this  is  hardly  to  be  expected  because  the 
importance  and  sinister  views  of  too  many  characters,  will  be 
affected  by  the  change. — Much  will  depend  however  upon  lit- 
erary abilities,  and  the  recommendation  of  it  by  good  pens 
should  be  openly,  I  mean,  publickly  afforded  in  the  Gazettes. — 
Go  matters  however  as  they  may,  I  shall  have  the  consolation 


Henry  Knox  283 

it  is  to  be  feared,  be  governed  by  sinister  and 
self-important  motives,  to  which  every  thing  in 
their  breasts  must  yield.  The  opposition  from 
another  class  of  them  may  perhaps,  (if  they  should 
be  men  of  reflection,  candor,  and  information,) 
subside  in  the  solution  of  the  following  simple  ques- 
tions. 1.  Is  the  constitution,  which  is  submitted 
by  the  convention,  preferable  to  the  government, 
(if  it  can  be  called  one,)  under  which  we  now  live? 
2.  Is  it  probable  that  more  confidence  would  at  the 
time  be  placed  in  another  convention,  provided  the 
experiment  should  be  tried,  than  was  placed  in 
the  last  one,  and  is  it  likely  that  a  better  agreement 
would  take  place  therein?  What  would  be  the 
consequences  if  these  should  not  happen,  or  even 
from  the  delay,  which  must  inevitably  follow  such 
an  experiment?  Is  there  not  a  constitutional  door 
open  for  alterations  or  amendments?  and  is  it  not 
likely  that  real  defects  will  be  as  readily  discov- 
ered after  as  before  trial?  and  will  not  our  succes- 
sors be  as  ready  to  apply  the  remedy  as  ourselves,  if 
occasion  should  require  it?  To  think  otherwise 
will,  in  my  judgment,  be  ascribing  more  of  the 
amor  patrice,  more  wisdom  and  more  virtue  to  our- 
selves, than  I  think  we  deserve. 

It  is  highly  probable,  that  the  refusal  of  our 
Governor     [Edmund     Randolph]     and     Colonel 


to  reflect  that  no  objects  but  the  public  good — and  that  peace 
and  harmony  which  I  wished  to  see  prevail  in  the  Convention, 
obtruded  even  for  a  moment  in  my  bosom  during  the  whole  Ses- 
sion long  as  it  was." — Washington  to  Colonel  David  Hum- 
phreys, 10  October,  1787. 


284 


George  Washington 


Mason  to  subscribe  to  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
vention will  have  a  bad  effect  in  this  State;  for,  as 
you  well  observe,  they  must  not  only  assign  rea- 
sons for  the  justification  of  their  own  conduct,  but 
it  is  highly  probable  that  these  reasons  will  be 
clothed  in  most  terrific  array  for  the  purpose  of 
alarming.  Some  things  are  already  addressed  to 
the  fears  of  the  people,  and  will  no  doubt  have  their 
effect.  As  far,  however,  as  the  sense  of  this  part 
of  the  country  has  been  taken,  it  is  strongly  in  favor 
of  the  proposed  constitution.  Further  I  cannot 
speak  with  precision.  If  a  powerful  opposition  is 
given  to  it,  the  weight  thereof  will,  I  apprehend, 
come  from  the  south  side  of  the  James  River,  and 
from  the  western  counties.  I  am,  &c. 


TO   BUSHROD   WASHINGTON 

MOUNT  VERNON,  10  November,  1787. 

DEAR  BUSHROD, 

*  *  *  That  the  Assembly  would  afford  the 
people  an  opportunity  of  deciding  on  the  proposed 
constitution,  I  had  scarcely  a  doubt.  The  only 
question  with  me  was,  whether  it  would  go  forth 
under  favorable  auspices,  or  receive  the  stamp  of 
disapprobation.  The  opponents  I  expected  (for 
it  ever  has  been,  that  the  adversaries  to  a  measure 
are  more  active  than  its  friends,)  would  endeavor 
to  stamp  it  with  unfavorable  impressions,  in  order 
to  bias  the  judgment,  that  is  ultimately  to  decide 
on  it.  This  is  evidently  the  case  with  the  writers 
in  opposition,  whose  objections  are  better  calculated 


Bushrod  Washington  285 

to  alarm  the  fears,  than  to  convince  the  judgment, 
of  their  readers.  They  build  their  objections  upon 
principles,  that  do  not  exist,  which  the  constitution 
does  not  support  them  in,  and  the  existence  of 
which  has  been,  by  an  appeal  to  the  constitution 
itself,  flatly  denied ;  and  then,  as  if  they  were  unan- 
swerable, draw  all  the  dreadful  consequences  that 
are  necessary  to  alarm  the  apprehensions  of  the 
ignorant  or  unthinking.  It  is  not  the  interest  of 
the  major  part  of  those  characters  to  be  convinced; 
nor  will  their  local  views  yield  to  arguments, 
which  do  not  accord  with  their  present  or  future 
prospects. 

A  candid  solution  of  a  single  question,  to  which 
the  plainest  understanding  is  competent,  does,  in 
my  opinion,  decide  the  dispute;  namely,  Is  it  best 
for  the  States  to  unite  or  not  to  unite?  If  there 
are  men,  who  prefer  the  latter,  then  unquestionably 
the  constitution  which  is  offered  must,  in  their  es- 
timation, be  wrong  from  the  words,  "  We  the  peo- 
ple" to  the  signature,  inclusively,  but  those,  who 
think  differently,  and  yet  object  to  parts  of  it, 
would  do  well  to  consider,  that  it  does  not  lie  with 
any  one  State,  or  the  minority  of  the  States,  to 
superstruct  a  constitution  for  the  whole.  The  sep- 
arate interests,  as  far  as  it  is  practicable,  must  be 
consolidated;  and  local  views  must  be  attended  to, 
as  far  as  the  nature  of  the  case  will  admit.  Hence 
it  is,  that  every  State  has  some  objection  to  the 
present  form,  and  these  objections  are  directed  to 
different  points.  That  which  is  most  pleasing  to 
one  is  obnoxious  to  another,  and  so  vice  versa.  If 


286  George  Washington 

then  the  union  of  the  whole  is  a  desirable  object, 
the  component  parts  must  yield  a  little  in  order 
to  accomplish  it.  Without  the  latter,  the  former 
is  unattainable;  for  again  I  repeat  it,  that  not  a 
single  State,  nor  the  minority  of  the  States,  can 
force  a  constitution  on  the  majority.  But,  ad- 
mitting the  power,  it  will  surely  be  granted  that  it 
cannot  be  done  without  involving  scenes  of  civil 
commotion,  of  a  very  serious  nature. 

Let  the  opponents  of  the  proposed  constitution 
in  this  State  be  asked,  and  it  is  a  question  they  cer- 
tainly ought  to  have  asked  themselves,  what  line 
of  conduct  they  would  advise  to  adopt,  if  nine  other 
States,  of  which  I  think  there  is  little  doubt,  should 
accede  to  the  constitution.  Would  they  recom- 
mend, that  it  should  stand  single?  Will  they  con- 
nect it  with  Rhode  Island?  Or  even  with  two 
others  checker-wise,  and  remain  with  them,  as  out- 
casts from  the  society,  to  shift  for  themselves?  Or 
will  they  return  to  their  dependence  on  Great 
Britain?  Or,  lastly,  have  the  mortification  to  come 
in  when  they  will  be  allowed  no  credit  for  doing 
so?1 

The  warmest  friends  and  the  best  supporters  the 
constitution  has,  do  not  contend  that  it  is  free  from 
imperfections;  but  they  found  them  unavoidable, 
and  are  sensible,  if  evil  is  likely  to  arise  therefrom, 
the  remedy  must  come  hereafter;  for  in  the  present 

1  North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island  were  the  only  States  that 
failed  to  ratify  the  Constitution  before  the  new  government 
went  into  operation.  North  Carolina  ratified  November  21, 
1789,  and  Rhode  Island  on  May  29,  1790. 


Bushrod  Washington  287 

moment  it  is  not  to  be  obtained;  and,  as  there  is  a 
constitutional  door  open  for  it,  I  think  the  people 
(for  it  is  with  them  to  judge),  can,  as  they  will 
have  the  advantage"  of  experience  on  their  side,  de- 
cide with  as  much  propriety  on  the  alterations  and 
amendments  which  are  necessary,  as  ourselves.  I 
do  not  think  we  are  more  inspired,  have  more  wis- 
dom, or  possess  more  virtue,  than  those  who  will 
come  after  us. 

The  power  under  the  constitution  will  always  be 
in  the  people.  It  is  intrusted  for  certain  defined 
purposes,  and  for  a  certain  limited  period,  to  rep- 
resentatives of  their  own  choosing;  and,  whenever 
it  is  executed  contrary  to  their  interest,  or  not 
agreeable  to  their  wishes,  their  servants  can  and 
undoubtedly  will  be  recalled.  It  is  agreed  on  all 
hands,  that  no  government  can  be  well  administered 
without  powers;  yet,  the  instant  these  are  dele- 
gated, although  those,  who  are  intrusted  with  the 
administration,  are  no  more  than  the  creatures  of 
the  people,  act  as  it  were  but  for  a  day,  and  are 
amenable  for  every  false  step  they  take,  they  are, 
from  the  moment  they  receive  it,  set  down  as 
tyrants;  their  natures,  they  would  conceive  from 
this,  immediately  changed,  and  that  they  can  have 
no  other  disposition  but  to  oppress.  Of  these 
things,  in  a  government  constituted  and  guarded 
as  ours  is,  I  have  no  idea;  and  do  firmly  believe, 
that,  whilst  many  ostensible  reasons  are  assigned 
to  prevent  the  adoption  of  it,  the  real  ones  are  con- 
cealed behind  the  curtains,  because  they  are  not  of 
a  nature  to  appear  in  open  day.  I  believe  further, 


288  George  Washington 

supposing  them  pure,  that  as  great  evils  result  from 
too  great  jealousy  as  from  the  want  of  it.  We 
need  look,  I  think,  no  further  for  proof  of  this,  than 
to  the  constitution  of  some,  if  not  all,  of  these 
States.  No  man  is  a  warmer  advocate  for  proper 
restraints  and  wholesome  checks  in  every  depart- 
ment of  government,  than  I  am;  but  I  have  never 
yet  been  able  to  discover  the  propriety  of  placing 
it  absolutely  out  of  the  power  of  men  to  render 
essential  services,  because  a  possibility  remains  of 
their  doing  ill.  *  *  * 


TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 

MOUNT  VERNON,  8  January,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  The  diversity  of  sentiments  upon  the  im- 
portant matter,  which  has  been  submitted  to  the 
people,  was  as  much  expected  as  it  is  regretted  by 
me.1  The  various  passions  and  motives,  by  which 
men  are  influenced,  are  concomitants  of  fallibility, 
engrafted  into  our  nature  for  the  purposes  of  un- 
erring wisdom;  but,  had  I  entertained  a  latent 
hope,  (at  the  time  you  moved  to  have  the  constitu- 
tion submitted  to  a  second  convention,)  that  a  more 
perfect  form  would  be  agreed  to,  in  a  word,  that 
any  constitution  would  be  adopted  under  the  im- 
pressions and  instructions  of  the  members,  the 
publications,  which  have  taken  place  since,  would 

1  This  letter  is  a  reply  to  one  from  Randolph,  which  had  been 
accompanied  by  his  pamphlet  containing  his  objections  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution. 


Edmund  Randolph  289 

have  eradicated  every  form  of  it.  How  do  the  sen- 
timents of  the  influential  characters  in  this  State, 
who  are  opposed  to  the  constitution,  and  have 
favored  the  public -with  their  opinions,  quadrate 
with  each  other?  Are  they  not  at  variance  on  some 
of  the  most  important  points?  If  the  opponents 
in  the  same  State  cannot  agree  in  their  principles, 
what  prospect  is  there  of  a  coalescence  with  the  ad- 
vocates of  the  measure,  when  the  different  views 
and  jarring  interests  of  so  wide  and  extended  an 
empire  are  to  be  brought  forward  and  combated? 

To  my  judgment  it  is  more  clear  than  ever,  that 
an  attempt  to  amend  the  constitution,  which  is  sub- 
mitted, would  be  productive  of  more  heat  and 
greater  confusion  than  can  well  be  conceived. 
There  are  some  things  in  the  new  form,  I  will 
readily  acknowledge,  which  never  did,  and  I  am 
persuaded  never  will,  obtain  my  cordial  approba- 
tion; but  I  then  did  conceive,  and  do  now  most 
firmly  believe,  that  in  the  aggregate  it  is  the  best 
constitution,  that  can  be  obtained  at  this  epoch, 
and  that  this,  or  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  awaits 
our  choice,  and  are  the  only  alternatives  before  us. 
Thus  believing,  I  had  not,  nor  have  I  now,  any 
hesitation  in  deciding  on  which  to  lean. 

I  pray  your  forgiveness  for  the  expression  of 
these  sentiments.  In  acknowledging  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  on  this  subject,  it  was  hardly  to  be 
avoided,  although  I  am  well-disposed  to  let  the 
matter  rest  entirely  on  its  own  merits,  and  men's 
minds  to  their  own  workings.  With  very  great 
esteem  and  regard  I  am,  &c. 
19 


290  George  Washington 

TO   THE   MARQUIS   DE   LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VERNON,  7  February,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  MARQUIS, 

You  know  it  always  gives  me  the  sincerest 
pleasure  to  hear  from  you,  and  therefore  I  need 
only  say,  that  your  two  kind  letters  of  the  9th  and 
15th  of  October,  so  replete  with  personal  affection 
and  confidential  intelligence,  afforded  me  inexpres- 
sible satisfaction.  *  *  * 

You  appear  to  be,  as  might  be  expected  from  a 
real  friend  to  this  country,  anxiously  concerned 
about  its  present  political  situation.  So  far  as  I 
am  able,  I  shall  be  happy  in  gratifying  that  friendly 
solicitude.  As  to  my  sentiments  with  respect 
to  the  merits  of  the  new  constitution,  I  will  dis- 
close them  without  reserve,  (although  by  passing 
through  the  post-office  they  should  become  known 
to  all  the  world,)  for  in  truth  I  have  nothing  to 
conceal  on  that  subject.  It  appears  to  me,  then, 
little  short  of  a  miracle,  that  the  delegates  from  so 
many  different  States  (which  States  you  know  are 
also  different  from  each  other),  in  their  manners, 
circumstances,  and  prejudices,  should  unite  in 
forming  a  system  of  national  government,  so  little 
liable  to  well-founded  objections.  Nor  am  I  yet 
such  an  enthusiastic,  partial,  or  undiscriminating 
admirer  of  it,  as  not  to  perceive  it  is  tinctured  with 
some  real  (though  not  radical)  defects.  The  lim- 
its of  a  letter  would  not  suffer  me  to  go  fully 
into  an  examination  of  them;  nor  would  the  dis- 
cussion be  entertaining  or  profitable.  I  therefore 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  291 

forbear  to  touch  upon  it.  With  regard  to  the  two 
great  points,  (the  pivots  upon  which  the  whole 
machine  must  move,)  my  creed  is  simply, 

1st.  That  the  general  government  is  not  invested 
with  more  powers,  than  are  indispensably  neces- 
sary to  perform  the  functions  of  a  good  govern- 
ment; and  consequently,  that  no  objection  ought  to 
be  made  against  the  quantity  of  power  delegated 
to  it. 

2ly.  That  these  powers,  (as  the  appointment 
of  all  rulers  will  for  ever  arise  from,  and  at  short, 
stated  intervals  recur  to,  the  free  suffrage  of  the 
people,)  are  so  distributed  among  the  legislative, 
executive,  and  judicial  branches,  into  which  the 
general  government  is  arranged,  that  it  can  never 
be  in  danger  of  degenerating  into  a  monarchy,  an 
oligarchy,  an  aristocracy,  or  any  other  despotic  or 
oppressive  form,  so  long  as  there  shall  remain  any 
virtue  in  the  body  of  the  people. 

I  would  not  be  understood,  my  dear  Marquis,  to 
speak  of  consequences,  which  may  be  produced  in 
the  revolution  of  ages,  by  corruption  of  morals, 
profligacy  of  manners,  and  listlessness  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  natural  and  unalienable  rights  of 
mankind,  nor  of  the  successful  usurpations,  that 
may  be  established  at  such  an  unpropitious  junc- 
ture upon  the  ruins  of  liberty,  however  providently 
guarded  and  secured;  as  these  are  contingencies 
against  which  no  human  prudence  can  effectually 
provide.  It  will  at  least  be  a  recommendation  to 
the  proposed  constitution,  that  it  is  provided  with 
more  checks  and  barriers  against  the  introduction 


George  Washington 

of  tyranny,  and  those  of  a  nature  less  liable  to  be 
surmounted,  than  any  government  hitherto  in- 
stituted among  mortals  hath  possessed.  We  are 
not  to  expect  perfection  in  this  world;  but  man- 
kind, in  modern  times,  have  apparently  made  some 
progress  in  the  science  of  government.  Should 
that,  which  is  now  offered  to  the  people  of  America, 
be  found  on  experiment  less  perfect  than  it  can  be 
made,  a  constitutional  door  is  left  open  for  its 
amelioration. 

Some  respectable  characters  have  wished,  that 
the  States,  after  having  pointed  out  whatever  al- 
terations and  amendments  may  be  judged  neces- 
sary, would  appoint  another  federal  convention  to 
modify  it  upon  those  documents.  For  myself,  I 
have  wondered,  that  sensible  men  should  not  see 
the  impracticability  of  this  scheme.  The  members 
would  go  fortified  with  such  instructions,  that  no- 
thing but  discordant  ideas  could  prevail.  Had  I 
but  slightly  suspected,  at  the  time  when  the  late 
convention  was  in  session,  that  another  convention 
would  not  be  likely  to  agree  upon  a  better  form  of 
government,  I  should  now  be  confirmed  in  the 
fixed  belief  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  agree 
upon  any  system  whatever;  so  many,  I  may  add, 
such  contradictory  and  in  my  opinion  unfounded 
objections  have  been  urged  against  the  system  i 
contemplation,  many  of  which  would  opera 
equally  against  every  efficient  government,  that 
might  be  proposed.  I  will  only  add,  as  a  further 
opinion  founded  on  the  maturest  deliberation,  that 
there  is  no  alternative,  no  hope  of  alteration,  no 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  293 

intermediate  resting-place,  between  the  adoption 
of  this,  and  a  recurrence  to  an  unqualified  state 
of  anarchy,  with  all  its  deplorable  consequen- 
ces. *  *  * 


TO  THE  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VERNON,  28  April,  1788. 

*  *  *  I  notice  with  pleasure  the  additional 
immunities  and  facilities  in  trade,  which  France 
has  granted  by  the  late  royal  arret  to  the  United 
States.  I  flatter  myself  it  will  have  the  desired 
effect  in  some  measure  of  augmenting  the  commer- 
cial intercourse.  From  the  productions  and  wants 
of  the  two  countries,  their  trade  with  each  other  is 
certainly  capable  of  [too?]  great  amelioration  to  be 
actuated  by  a  spirit  of  unwise  policy.  For  so  surely 
as  ever  we  shall  have  an  efficient  government  estab- 
lished, so  surely  will  that  government  impose  re- 
taliating restrictions,  to  a  certain  degree,  upon  the 
trade  of  Britain.  At  present,  or  under  our  exist- 
ing form  of  confederation,  it  would  be  idle  to  think 
of  making  commercial  regulations  on  our  part. 
One  State  passes  a  prohibitory  law  respecting  some 
article,  another  State  opens  wide  the  avenue  for 
its  admission.  One  Assembly  makes  a  system,  an- 
other Assembly  unmakes  it.  Virginia,  in  the  very 
last  session  of  her  legislature,  was  about  to  have 
passed  some  of  the  most  extravagant  and  prepos- 
terous edicts  on  the  subject  of  trade,  that  ever 
stained  the  leaves  of  a  legislative  code.  It  is  in 
vain  to  hope  for  a  remedy  of  these,  and  innumerable 


294  George  Washington 

other  evils,  until  a  general  government  shall  be 
adopted. 

The  conventions  of  six  States  only  have  as 
yet  accepted  the  new  constitution.  No  one  has 
rejected  it.  It  is  believed  that  the  convention 
of  Maryland,  which  is  now  in  session,  and  that  of 
South  Carolina,  which  is  to  assemble  on  the  12th  of 
May,  will 'certainly  adopt  it.1  It  is  also  since  the 
elections  of  members  of  the  convention  have  taken 
place  in  this  State,  more  generally  believed,  that  it 
will  be  adopted  here,  than  it  was  before  those  elec- 
tions were  made.  There  will,  however,  be  power- 
ful and  eloquent  speeches  on  both  sides  of  the 
question  in  the  Virginia  convention;  but  as  Pen- 
dleton,  Wythe,  Blair,  Madison,  Jones,  Nicholas, 


1 "  Since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you  by  the  last 
Packet,  the  Convention  of  Maryland  has  ratified  the  federal 
Constitution  by  a  majority  of  63  to  11  voices.  That  makes  the 
seventh  State  which  has  adopted  it.  Next  Monday  the  Conven- 
tion in  Virginia  will  assemble — we  have  still  good  hopes  of  its 
adoption  here,  though  by  no  great  plurality  of  votes.  South 
Carolina  has  probably  decided  favorably  before  this  time.  The 
plot  thickens  fast.  A  few  short  weeks  will  determine  the  po- 
litical fate  of  America  for  the  present  generation,  and  prob- 
ably produce  no  small  influence  on  the  happiness  of  society 
through  a  long  succession  of  ages  to  come.  Should  every  thing 
proceed  with  harmony  and  consent  according  to  our  actual 
wishes  and  expectations,  I  will  confess  to  you  sincerely,  my 
dear  Marquis,  it  will  be  so  much  beyond  any  thing  we  had  a 
right  to  imagine  or  expect  eighteen  months  ago,  that  it  will 
demonstrate  as  visibly  the  finger  of  Providence,  as  any  possible 
event  in  the  course  of  human  affairs  can  ever  designate  it.  It 
is  impracticable  for  you  or  any  one  who  has  not  been  on  the 
spot,  to  realise  the  change  in  men's  minds  and  the  progress  to- 
wards rectitude  in  thinking  and  acting  which  will  then  have 
been  made." — Washington  to  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  28 
May,  1788. 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  295 

Innes,  and  many  other  of  our  first  characters,  will 
be  advocates  for  its  adoption,  you  may  suppose 
the  weight  of  abilities  will  rest  on  that  side. 
Henry  and  Mason. are  its  great  adversaries.  The 
governor,  if  he  approves  it  at  all,  will  do  it  feebly. 

On  the  general  merits  of  this  proposed  constitu- 
tion, I  wrote  to  you  some  time  ago  my  sentiments 
pretty  freely.  That  letter  had  not  been  received 
by  you,  when  you  addressed  to  me  the  last  of  yours, 
which  has  come  to  my  hands.  I  had  never  sup- 
posed that  perfection  could  be  the  result  of  accom- 
modation and  mutual  concession.  The  opinion  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  and  yourself  is  certainly  a  wise  one, 
that  the  constitution  ought  by  all  means  to  be  ac- 
cepted by  nine  States  before  any  attempt  should  be 
made  to  procure  amendments;  for,  if  that  accept- 
ance shall  not  previously  take  place,  men's  minds 
will  be  so  much  agitated  and  soured,  that  the  dan- 
ger will  be  greater  than  ever  of  our  becoming  a 
disunited  people.  Whereas,  on  the  other  hand, 
with  prudence  in  temper  and  a  spirit  of  modera- 
tion, every  essential  alteration  may  in  the  process 
of  time  be  expected. 

You  will  doubtless  have  seen,  that  it  was  owing 
to  this  conciliatory  and  patriotic  principle,  that  the 
convention  of  Massachusetts  adopted  the  constitu- 
tion in  toto,  but  recommended  a  number  of  specific 
alterations,  and  quieting  explanations  as  an  early, 
serious,  and  unremitting  subject  of  attention. 
Now,  although  it  is  not  to  be  expected,  that  every 
individual  in  society  will  or  can  be  brought  to  agree 
upon  what  is  exactly  the  best  form  of  government, 


296  George  Washington 

yet  there  are  many  things  in  the  constitution,  which 
only  need  to  be  explained,  in  order  to  prove  equally 
satisfactory  to  all  parties.  For  example,  there  was 
not  a  member  of  the  convention,  I  believe,  who  had 
the  least  objection  to  what  is  contended  for  by  the 
advocates  for  a  Bill  of  Rights  and  Trial  Ity  Jury. 
The  first,  where  the  people  evidently  retained 
every  thing,  which  they  did  not  in  the  express  terms 
give  up,  was  considered  nugatory,  as  you  will  find 
to  have  been  more  fully  explained  by  Mr.  Wilson 
and  others;  and,  as  to  the  second,  it  was  only  the 
difficulty  of  establishing  a  mode,  which  should  not 
interfere  with  the  fixed  modes  of  any  of  the  States, 
that  induced  the  convention  to  leave  it  as  a  matter 
of  future  adjustment. 

There  are  other  points  in  which  opinions  would 
be  more  likely  to  vary.  As  for  instance,  on  the 
ineligibility  of  the  same  person  for  president,  after 
he  should  have  served  a  certain  course  of  years. 
Guarded  so  effectually  as  the  proposed  constitu- 
tion is,  in  respect  to  the  prevention  of  bribery  and 
undue  influence  in  the  choice  of  president,  I  confess 
I  differ  widely  myself  from  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
you,  as  to  the  necessity  or  expediency  of  rotation 
in  that  appointment.  The  matter  was  fairly  dis- 
cussed in  the  convention,  and  to  my  full  conviction, 
though  I  cannot  have  tune  or  room  to  sum  up  the 
argument  in  this  letter.  There  cannot  in  my  judg- 
ment be  the  least  danger,  that  the  president  will  by 
any  practicable  intrigue  ever  be  able  to  continue 
himself  one  moment  in  office,  much  less  perpetuate 
himself  in  it,  but  in  the  last  stage  of  corrupted 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  297 

morals  and  political  depravity;  and  even  then,  there 
is  as  much  danger  that  any  other  species  of  domina- 
tion would  prevail.  Though,  when  a  people  shall 
have  become  incapable  of  governing  themselves, 
and  fit  for  a  master,  it  is  of  little  consequence  from 
what  quarter  he  comes.  Under  an  extended  view 
of  this  part  of  the  subject,  I  can  see  no  propriety 
in  precluding  ourselves  from  the  services  of  any 
man,  who  on  some  great  emergency  shall  be  deemed 

universally  most  capable  of   serving   the   public. 

*    *    * 


TO  THE  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VERNON,  18  June,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  MARQUIS, 

*  *  *  I  like  not  much  the  situation  of  affairs 
in  France.  The  bold  demands  of  the  parliaments, 
and  the  decisive  tone  of  the  King,  show  that  but 
little  more  irritation  would  be  necessary  to  blow 
up  the  spark  of  discontent  into  a  flame,  that  might 
not  easily  be  quenched.  If  I  were  to  advise,  I 
should  say  that  great  moderation  should  be  used  on 
both  sides.  Let  it  not,  my  dear  Marquis,  be  con- 
sidered as  a  derogation  from  the  good  opinion,  that 
I  entertain  of  your  prudence,  when  I  caution  you, 
as  an  individual  desirous  of  signalizing  yourself  in 
the  cause  of  your  country  and  freedom,  against 
running  into  extremes  and  prejudicing  your  cause. 
The  King,  though,  I  think  from  every  thing  I  have 
been  able  to  learn,  he  is  really  a  good-hearted 
though  a  warm-spirited  man,  if  thwarted  injudici- 


298  George  Washington 

ously  in  the  execution  of  prerogatives  that  belonged 
to  the  crown,  and  in  plans  which  he  conceives  cal- 
culated to  promote  the  national  good,  may  disclose 
qualities  he  has  been  little  thought  to  possess.  On 
the  other  hand,  such  a  spirit  seems  to  be  awakened 
in  the  kingdom,  as,  if  managed  with  extreme  pru- 
dence, may  produce  a  gradual  and  tacit  revolution 
much  in  favor  of  the  subjects,  by  abolishing  lettres 
de  cachet  f  and  defining  more  accurately  the  powers 
of  government.  It  is  a  wonder  to  me,  there  should 
be  found  a  single  monarch,  who  does  not  realize 
that  his  own  glory  and  felicity  must  depend  on  the 
prosperity  and  happiness  of  his  people.  How  easy 
is  it  for  a  sovereign  to  do  that,  which  shall  not  only 
immortalize  his  name,  but  attract  the  blessings  of 
millions. 

In  a  letter  I  wrote  you  a  few  days  ago  by  Mr. 
Barlow,  but  which  might  not  possibly  have  reached 
New  York  until  after  his  departure,  I  mentioned 
the  accession  of  Maryland  to  the  proposed  govern- 
ment, and  gave  you  the  state  of  politics  to  that 
period.  Since  which  the  convention  of  South  Caro- 
lina has  ratified  the  constitution  by  a  great  ma- 
jority. That  of  this  State  has  been  sitting  almost 
three  weeks;  and,  so  nicely  does  it  appear  to  be 
balanced,  that  each  side  asserts  that  it  has  a  pre- 
ponderancy  of  votes  in  its  favor.  It  is  probable, 
therefore,  the  majority  will  be  small,  let  it  fall  on 
whichever  part  it  may.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  it 
will  be  in  favor  of  the  adoption.  The  conventions 
of  New  York  and  New  Hampshire  both  assemble 
this  week.  A  large  proportion  of  members,  with 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  299 

the  governor  at  their  head,  in  the  former,  are  said 
to  be  opposed  to  the  government  in  contemplation. 
New  Hampshire,  it  is  thought,  will  adopt  it  with- 
out much  hesitation  or  delay.  It  is  a  little  strange, 
that  the  men  of  large  property  in  the  south  should 
be  more  afraid  that  the  constitution  will  produce 
an  aristocracy  or  a  monarchy,  than  the  genuine 
democratical  people  of  the  east.  Such  are  our 
actual  prospects.  The  accession  of  one  State  more 
will  complete  the  number,  which,  by  the  constitu- 
tional provision,  will  be  sufficient  in  the  first  in- 
stance to  carry  the  government  into  effect. 

And  then,  I  expect,  that  many  blessings  will  be 
attributed  to  our  new  government,  which  are  now 
taking  their  rise  from  that  industry  and  frugality, 
into  the  practice  of  which  the  people  have  been 
forced  from  necessity.  I  really  believe,  that  there 
never  was  so  much  labor  and  economy  to  be  found 
before  in  the  country  as  at  the  present  moment.  If 
they  persist  in  the  habits  they  are  acquiring,  the 
good  effects  will  soon  be  distinguishable.  When 
the  people  shall  find  themselves  secure  under  an 
energetic  government,  when  foreign  nations  shall 
be  disposed  to  give  us  equal  advantages  in  com- 
merce from  dread  of  retaliation,  when  the  burdens 
of  war  shall  be  in  a  manner  done  away  by  the  sale 
of  western  lands,  when  the  seeds  of  happiness  which 
are  sown  here  shall  begin  to  expand  themselves, 
and  when  every  one,  (under  his  own  vine  and  fig- 
tree,)  shall  begin  to  taste  the  fruits  of  freedom, 
then  all  these  blessings  (for  all  these  blessings 
will  come)  will  be  referred  to  the  fostering  in- 


3°°  George  Washington 

fluence  of  the  new  government.  Whereas  many 
causes  will  have  conspired  to  produce  them.  You 
see  I  am  not  less  enthusiastic  than  I  ever  have  been, 
if  a  belief  that  peculiar  scenes  of  felicity  are  re- 
served for  this  country  is  to  be  denominated 
enthusiasm.  Indeed,  I  do  not  believe,  that  Provi- 
dence has  done  so  much  for  nothing.  It  has  always 
been  my  creed,  that  we  should  not  be  left  as  an 
awful  monument  to  prove,  "  that  mankind,  under 
the  most  favorable  circumstances  for  civil  liberty 
and  happiness,  are  unequal  to  the  task  of  govern- 
ing themselves,  and  therefore  made  for  a  master." 
We  have  had  a  backward  spring  and  summer, 
with  more  rain  and  cloudy  weather  than  almost 
ever  has  been  known ;  still  the  appearance  of  crops 
in  some  parts  of  the  country  is  favorable,  as  we 
may  generally  expect  will  be  the  case,  from  the 
difference  of  soil  and  variety  of  climate  in  so  exten- 
sive a  region;  insomuch  that  I  hope,  some  day  or 
another,  we  shall  become  a  storehouse  and  granary 
for  the  world.  In  addition  to  our  former  channels 
of  trade,  salted  provisions,  butter,  and  cheese  are 
exported  with  profit  from  the  eastern  States  to  the 
East  Indies.  In  consequence  of  a  contract,  large 
quantities  of  flour  are  lately  sent  from  Baltimore 
for  supplying  the  garrison  of  Gibraltar.  I  am,  &c. 


TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

MOUNT  VERNON,  31  August,  1788. 

SIR, 
*    *    *    The  merits  and  defects  of  the  proposed 


Thomas  Jefferson  301 

constitution  have  been  largely  and  ably  discussed. 
For  myself,  I  was  ready  to  have  embraced  any 
tolerable  compromise,  that  was  competent  to  save 
us  from  impending  ruin;  and  I  can  say  there  are 
scarcely  any  of  the  amendments,  which  have  been 
suggested,  to  which  I  have  much  objection,  except 
that  which  goes  to  the  prevention  of  direct  taxa- 
tion. And  that,  I  presume,  will  be  more  strenu- 
ously advocated  and  insitsed  upon  hereafter,  than 
any  other.  I  had  indulged  the  expectation,  that 
the  new  government  would  enable  those  entrusted 
with  its  administration  to  do  justice  to  the  public 
creditors,  and  retrieve  the  national  character.  But, 
if  no  means  are  to  be  employed  but  requisitions, 
that  expectation  was  vain,  and  we  may  as  well  re- 
cur to  the  old  confederation.  If  the  system  can 
be  put  in  operation,  without  touching  much  the 
pockets  of  the  people,  perhaps  it  may  be  done;  but, 
in  my  judgment,  infinite  circumspection  and  pru- 
ence  are  yet  necessary  in  the  experiment.  It  is 
nearly  impossible  for  anybody  who  has  not  been 
on  the  spot,  (from  any  description)  to  conceive 
what  the  delicacy  and  danger  of  our  situation 
have  been.  Though  the  peril  is  not  past  en- 
tirely, thank  God  the  prospect  is  somewhat 
brightening. 

You  will  probably  have  heard,  before  the  receipt 
of  this  letter,  that  the  general  government  has  been 
adopted  by  eleven  States,  and  that  the  actual  Con- 
gress have  been  prevented  from  issuing  their  ordi- 
nance for  carrying  it  into  execution,  in  consequence 
of  a  dispute  about  the  place  at  which  the  future 


302  George  Washington 

Congress  shall  meet.     It  is  probable,  that  Phila- 
delphia or  New  York  will  soon  be  agreed  upon. 

I  will  just  touch  on  the  bright  side  of  our  na- 
tional state,  before  I  conclude;  and  we  may  per- 
haps rejoice,  that  the  people  have  been  ripened  by 
misfortune  for  the  reception  of  a  good  govern- 
ment. They  are  emerging  from  the  gulf  of  dissi- 
pation and  debt,  into  which  they  had  precipitated 
themselves  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Economy  and 
industry  are  evidently  gaining  ground.  Not  only 
agriculture,  but  even  manufactures,  are  much  more 
attended  to  than  formerly.  Notwithstanding  the 
shackles  under  which  our  trade  in  general  labors, 
commerce  to  the  East  Indies  is  prosecuted  with 
considerable  success.  Salted  provisions  and  other 
produce,  (particularly  from  Massachusetts,)  have 
found  an  advantageous  market  there.  The  voy- 
ages are  so  much  shorter,  and  the  vessels  are  navi- 
gated at  so  much  less  expense,  that  we  may  hope 
to  rival  and  supply,  (at  least  through  the  West 
Indies,)  some  part  of  Europe  with  commodities 
from  thence.  This  year  the  exports  from  Massa- 
chusetts have  amounted  to  a  great  deal  more  than 
their  imports.  I  wish  this  was  the  case  every- 
where. *  *  * 


IV 
Starting  the  New  Government 

We  rejoice,  and  with  us  all  America, 
that  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  our  com- 
mon country  you  have  returned  once 
more  to  public  life.  In  you  all  parties 
confide;  in  you  all  interests  unite;  and 
we  have  no  doubt  that  your  past  ser- 
vices, great  as  they  have  been,  will  be 
equalled  by  your  future  exertions,  and 
that  your  prudence  and  sagacity  as  a 
statesman  will  tend  to  avert  the  dan- 
gers to  which  we  were  exposed,  to  give 
stability  to  the  present  Government  and 
dignity  and  splendor  to  that  country 
which  your  skill  and  valor  as  a  soldier 
so  eminently  contributed  to  raise  to 
independence  and  empire. 

REPLY  OF  THE  SENATE  TO  WASH- 
INGTON'S INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 


IV 
Starting  the  New  Government 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 

MOUNT  VERNON,  3   October,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR, 

In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  candid 
and  kind  letter  by  the  last  post,  little  more  is  incum- 
bent upon  me  than  to  thank  you  sincerely  for  the 
frankness  with  which  you  communicated  your  sen- 
timents, and  to  assure  you  that  the  same  manly 
tone  of  intercourse  will  always  be  more  than  barely 
welcome;  indeed  it  will  be  highly  acceptable  to  me. 
I  am  particularly  glad  in  the  present  instance,  that 
you  have  dealt  thus  freely  and  like  a  friend.1 

1 "  In  answer  to  the  observations  you  make  on  the  probability 
of  my  election  to  the  presidency,  knowing  me  as  you  do,  I  need 
only  say,  that  it  has  no  enticing  charms  and  no  fascinating 
allurements  for  me.  However,  it  might  not  be  decent  for  me 
to  say  I  would  refuse  to  accept,  or  even  to  speak  much  about 
an  appointment  which  may  never  take  place;  for,  in  so  doing, 
one  might  possibly  incur  the  application  of  the  moral  resulting 
from  that  fable,  in  which  the  fox  is  represented  as  inveighing 
against  the  sourness  of  the  grapes,  because  he  could  not  reach 
them.  All  that  it  will  be  necessary  to  add,  my  dear  Marquis, 
in  order  to  show  my  decided  predilections  is,  that,  (at  my  time 
of  life  and  under  my  circumstances,)  the  increasing  infirmities 

20  305 


306  George  Washington 

Although  I  could  not  help  observing,  from  sev- 
eral publications  and  letters,  that  my  name  had 
been  sometimes  spoken  of,  and  that  it  was  possible 
the  contingency  which  is  the  subject  of  your  letter 
might  happen,  yet  I  thought  it  best  to  maintain  a 
guarded  silence,  and  to  lack  the  counsel  of  my 
best  friends,  (which  I  certainly  hold  in  the  highest 


of  nature  and  the  growing  love  of  retirement  do  not  permit  me 
to  entertain  a  wish  beyond  that  of  living  and  dying  an  honest 
man  on  my  own  farm.  Let  those  follow  the  pursuits  of  ambi- 
tion and  fame,  who  have  a  keener  relish  for  them,  or  who  may 
have  more  years  in  store  for  the  enjoyment." — Washington  to 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  28  April,  1788. 

"  I  take  it  for  granted,  Sir,  you  have  concluded  to  comply  with 
•what  will,  no  doubt,  be  the  general  call  of  your  country  in  re- 
lation to  the  new  government.  You  will  permit  me  to  say, 
that  it  is  indispensable  you  should  lend  yourself  to  its  first 
operations.  It  is  to  little  purpose  to  have  introduced  a  system, 
if  the  weightiest  influence  is  not  given  to  its  firm  establishment 
in  the  outset." — Hamilton  to  Washington,  13  August,  1788. 

"  On  the  delicate  subject  with  which  you  conclude  your  letter 
[of  August  13,  1788],  I  can  say  nothing,  because  the  event 
alluded  to  may  never  happen,  and  because,  in  case  it  should  oc- 
cur, it  would  be  a  point  of  prudence  to  defer  forming  one's  ulti- 
mate and  irrevocable  decision,  so  long  as  new  data  might  be 
afforded  for  one  to  act  with  the  greater  wisdom  and  propriety. 
I  would  not  wish  to  conceal  my  prevailing  sentiment  from  you; 
for  you  know  me  well  enough,  my  good  Sir,  to  be  persuaded, 
that  I  am  not  guilty  of  affectation  when  I  tell  you,  that  it 
is  my  great  and  sole  desire  to  live  and  die  in  peace  and  retire- 
ment on  my  own  farm.  Were  it  even  indispensable,  a  different 
line  of  conduct  should  be  adopted,  while  you  and  some  others 
who  are  acquainted  with  my  heart  would  acquit,  the  world 
and  posterity  might  possibly  accuse  me  [of]  inconsistency  and 
ambition.  Still  I  hope  I  shall  always  possess  firmness  and 
virtue  enough  to  maintain  (what  I  consider  the  most  enviable  of 
all  titles),  the  character  of  an  honest  man." — Washington  to 
Hamilton,  28  August,  1788. 

"  I  should  be  deeply  pained,  my  dear  Sir,  if  your  scruples 
in  regard  to  a  certain  station  should  be  matured  into  a  resolu- 


Alexander  Hamilton  307 

estimation,)  rather  than  to  hazard  an  imputation 
unfriendly  to  the  delicacy  of  my  feelings.  For, 
situated  as  I  am,  I  could  hardly  bring  the  question 
into  the  slightest  discussion,  or  ask  an  opinion  even 
in  the  most  confidential  manner,  without  betray- 
ing, in  my  judgment,  some  impropriety  of  con- 
duct, or  without  feeling  an  apprehension,  that  a 


tion  to  decline  it;  though  I  am  neither  surprised  at  their  ex- 
istence, nor  can  I  but  agree  in  opinion  that  the  caution  you 
observe  in  deferring  the  ultimate  determination  is  prudent.  I 
have,  however,  reflected  maturely  on  the  subject,  and  have  come 
to  a  conclusion  (in  which  I  feel  no  hesitation),  that  every  pub- 
lic and  personal  consideration  will  demand  from  you  an  ac- 
quiescence in  what  will  certainly  be  the  unanimous  wish  of  your 
country. 

"  The  absolute  retreat,  which  you  meditated  at  the  close  of 
the  late  war,  was  natural  and  proper.  Had  the  government 
produced  by  the  revolution  gone  on  in  a  tolerable  train,  it 
would  have  been  most  advisable  to  have  persisted  in  that  re- 
treat. But  I  am  clearly  of  opinion,  that  the  crisis,  which 
brought  you  again  into  public  view,  left  you  no  alternative  but 
to  comply;  and  I  am  equally  clear  in  the  opinion,  that  you  are 
by  that  act  pledged  to  take  a  part  in  the  execution  of  the  gov- 
ernment. I  am  not  less  convinced,  that  the  impression  of  the 
necessity  of  your  filling  the  station  in  question  is  so  universal, 
that  you  run  no  risk  of  any  uncandid  imputation  by  submitting 
to  it.  But,  even  if  this  were  not  the  case,  a  regard  to  your 
own  reputation,  as  well  as  to  the  public  good,  calls  upon  you 
in  the  strongest  manner  to  run  that  risk. 

"  It  cannot  be  considered  as  a  compliment  to  say,  that  on 
your  acceptance  of  the  office  of  president,  the  success  of  the  new 
government  in  its  commencement  may  materially  depend. 
Your  agency  and  influence  will  be  not  less  important  in  pre- 
serving it  from  the  future  attacks  of  its  enemies,  than  they 
have  been  in  recommending  it  in  the  first  instance  to  the  adop- 
tion of  the  people.  Independent  of  all  considerations  drawn 
from  this  source,  the  point  of  light  in  which  you  stand  at  home 
and  abroad  will  make  an  infinite  difference  in  the  respectability 
with  which  the  government  will  begin  its  operations,  in  the 
alternative  of  your  being  or  not  being  at  the  head  of  it.  I 


308  George  Washington 

premature  display  of  anxiety  might  be  construed 
into  a  vainglorious  desire  of  pushing  myself  into 
notice  as  a  candidate.  Now,  if  I  am  not  grossly 
deceived  in  myself,  I  should  unfeignedly  rejoice  in 
case  the  electors,  by  giving  their  votes  in  favor  of 
some  other  person,  would  save  me  from  the  dreaded 
dilemma  of  being  forced  to  accept  or  refuse. 

If  that  may  not  be,  I  am  in  the  next  place  ear- 
nestly desirous  of  searching  out  the  truth,  and  of 

forbear  to  mention  considerations  which  might  have  a  more 
personal  application.  What  I  have  said  will  suffice  for  the  in- 
ferences I  mean  to  draw. 

"  First;  in  a  matter  so  essential  to  the  well-being  of  society 
as  the  prosperity  of  a  newly  instituted  government,  a  citizen  of 
so  much  consequence  as  yourself  to  its  success  has  no  option 
but  to  lend  his  services  if  called  for.  Permit  me  to  say,  it 
would  be  inglorious,  in  such  a  situation,  not  to  hazard  the 
glory,  however  great,  which  he  might  have  previously  acquired. 

"  Secondly;  your  signature  to  the  proposed  system  pledges 
your  judgment  for  its  being  such  an  one  as  upon  the  whole 
was  worthy  of  the  public  approbation.  If  it  should  miscarry, 
(as  men  commonly  decide  from  success  or  the  want  of  it)  the 
blame  will  in  all  probability  be  laid  on  the  system  itself.  And 
the  framers  of  it  will  have  to  encounter  the  disrepute  of  having 
brought  about  a  revolution  in  government,  without  substituting 
any  thing  that  was  worthy  of  the  effort;  they  pulled  down  one 
Utopia,  it  will  be  said,  to  build  up  another.  This  view  of  the 
subject,  if  I  mistake  not,  my  dear  Sir,  will  suggest  to  your 
mind  greater  hazard  to  that  fame,  which  must  be  and  ought 
to  be  dear  to  you,  in  refusing  your  future  aid  to  the  system, 
than  in  affording  it.  I  will  only  add,  that  in  my  estimate  of  the 
matter,  that  aid  is  indispensable. 

"  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  express  these  sentiments,  and  to 
lay  before  you  my  view  of  the  subject.  I  doubt  not  the  con- 
siderations mentioned  have  fully  occurred  to  you,  and  I  trus 
they  will  finally  produce  in  your  mind  the  same  result  which 
exists  in  mine.  I  flatter  myself  the  frankness  with  which  I 
have  delivered  myself  will  not  be  displeasing  to  you.  It  has 
been  prompted  by  motives  which  you  would  not  disapprove." — 
Hamilton  to  Washington,  September,  1788. 


Alexander  Hamilton  309 

knowing  whether  there  does  not  exist  a  probability 
that  the  government  would  be  just  as  happily  and 
effectually  carried  into  execution  without  my  aid 
as  with  it.  I  am  truly  solicitous  to  obtain  all  the 
previous  information,  which  the  circumstances  will 
afford,  and  to  determine  (when  the  determination 
can  with  propriety  be  no  longer  postponed)  accord- 
ing to  the  principles  of  right  reason,  and  the  dic- 
tates of  a  clear  conscience,  without  too  great  a 
reference  to  the  unforeseen  consequences,  which 
may  affect  my  person  or  reputation.  Until  that 
period,  I  may  fairly  hold  myself  open  to  conviction, 
though  I  allow  your  sentiments  to  have  weight  in 
them;  and  I  shall  not  pass  by  your  arguments 
without  giving  them  as  dispassionate  a  considera- 
tion as  I  can  possibly  bestow  upon  them. 

In  taking  a  survey  of  the  subject,  in  whatever 
point  of  light  I  have  been  able  to  place  it,  I  will 
not  suppress  the  acknowledgment,  my  dear  Sir, 
that  I  have  always  felt  a  kind  of  gloom  upon  my 
mind,  as  often  as  I  have  been  taught  to  expect  I 
might,  and  perhaps  must,  ere  long,  be  called  to 
make  a  decision.  You  will,  I  am  well  assured,  be- 
lieve the  assertion,  (though  I  have  little  expecta- 
tion it  would  gain  credit  from  those  who  are  less 
acquainted  with  me,)  that,  if  I  should  receive  the 
appointment,  and  if  I  should  be  prevailed  upon  to 
accept  it,  the  acceptance  would  be  attended  with 
more  diffidence  and  reluctance  than  I  ever  experi- 
enced before  in  my  life.  It  would  be,  however,  with 
a  fixed  and  sole  determination  of  lending  whatever 
assistance  might  be  in  my  power  to  promote  the 


3io  George  Washington 

public  weal,  in  hopes  that  at  a  convenient  and 
early  period  my  services  might  be  dispensed  with, 
and  that  I  might  be  permitted  once  more  to  retire, 
to  pass  an  unclouded  evening  after  the  stormy  day 
of  life,  in  the  bosom  of  domestic  tranquillity. 

But  why  these  anticipations?  If  the  friends  to 
the  constitution  conceive  that  my  administering  the 
government  will  be  a  means  of  its  acceleration  and 
strength,  is  it  not  probable  that  the  adversaries  of 
it  may  entertain  the  same  ideas,  and  of  course  make 
it  an  object  of  opposition?  That  many  of  this  de- 
scription will  become  electors,  I  can  have  no  doubt 
of,  any  more  than  that  their  opposition  will  ex- 
tend to  any  character,  who,  (from  whatever  cause,) 
would  be  likely  to  thwart  their  measures.  It  might 
be  impolitic  in  them  to  make  this  declaration  pre- 
vious to  the  election;  but  I  shall  be  out  in  my  con- 
jectures if  they  do  not  act  conformably  thereto,  and 
from  the  seeming  moderation,  by  which  they  ap- 
pear to  be  actuated  at  present  is  neither  more  nor 
less  than  a  finesse  to  lull  and  deceive.  Their  plan 
of  opposition  is  systematized,  and  a  regular  inter- 
course, I  have  much  reason  to  believe,  between  the 
leaders  of  it  in  the  several  States  is  formed  to  ren- 
der it  more  effectual.  With  sentiments  of  sincere 
regard  and  esteem,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &C.1 

1  These  views  produced  no  change  in  the  sentiments  of 
Colonel  Hamilton,  in  regard  to  the  main  topic  of  discussion. 
"  I  feel  a  conviction,"  said  he  in  reply,  "  that  you  will  finally 
see  your  acceptance  to  be  indispensable.  It  is  no  compliment 
to  say,  that  no  other  man  can  sufficiently  unite  the  public  opin- 
ion, or  can  give  the  requisite  weight  to  the  office,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  government.  These  considerations  appear  to 


Benjamin  Lincoln  311 

TO  BENJAMIN   LINCOLN 

MOUNT  VERNON,  26  October,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  been  lately  favored  with  the  receipt  of 
your  letters  of  the  24th  and  30th  of  September, 
with  their  enclosures,  and  thank  you  sincerely  for 
your  free  and  friendly  communications.  As  the 
period  is  now  rapidly  approaching,  which  must 
decide  the  fate  of  the  new  constitution,  as  to  the 
manner  of  its  being  carried  into  execution,  and 
probably  as  to  its  usefulness,  it  is  not  wonderful  that 
we  should  all  feel  an  unusual  degree  of  anxiety  on 
the  occasion.  I  must  acknowledge  my  fears  have 
been  greatly  alarmed,  but  still  I  am  not  without 
hopes.  From  the  good  beginning,  that  has  been 
made  in  Pennsylvania,  a  State  from  which  much 
was  to  be  feared,  I  cannot  help  foreboding  well  of 
the  others.  That  is  to  say,  I  flatter  myself  a  ma- 
jority of  them  will  appoint  federal  members  to 

me  of  themselves  decisive.  I  am  not  sure  that  your  refusal 
would  not  throw  every  thing  into  confusion.  I  am  sure  that 
it  would  have  the  worst  effect  imaginable.  Indeed,  as  I  hinted 
in  a  former  letter,  I  think  circumstances  leave  no  option." 

Many  of  General  Washington's  correspondents  touched  upon 
the  same  subject;  and  he  was  made  to  understand  from  all 
quarters,  that  he  was  designated  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
as  the  first  chief  magistrate  under  the  new  constitution.  In 
writing  from  Connecticut,  Colonel  Jonathan  Trumbull  said: 
"  In  the  choice  of  president  we  have,  I  believe,  no  discordant 
voice.  All  minds  are  agreed,  and  every  heart  exults  in  the 
pleasing  prospect  of  having  their  wishes  so  nobly  gratified  in 
this  great  appointment." — October  28th.  And  Governor  John- 
son of  Maryland  wrote :  "  We  cannot,  Sir,  do  without  you,  and 
I  and  thousands  more  can  explain  to  anybody  but  yourself  why 
we  cannot  do  without  you." — October  10th. — Sparks. 


312  George  Washington 

the  several  branches  of  the  new  government.  I 
hardly  should  think  that  Massachusetts,  Connecti- 
cut, New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia  would  be  for  attempting 
premature  amendments.  Some  of  the  rest  may 
also,  in  all  probability,  be  apprehensive  of  throw- 
ing our  affairs  into  confusion  by  such  ill-timed 
expedients. 

There  will,  however,  be  no  room  for  the  ad- 
vocates of  the  constitution  to  relax  in  their  exer- 
tions; for,  if  they  should  be  lulled  into  security, 
appointments  of  antifederal  men  may  probably 
take  place,  and  the  consequences,  which  you  so 
justly  dread,  be  realized.  Our  Assembly  is  now 
in  session.  It  is  represented  to  be  rather  antifed- 
eral, but  we  have  heard  nothing  of  its  doings.  Mr. 
Patrick  Henry,  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee,  and  Mr.  Madison 
are  talked  of  for  the  senate.1  Perhaps  as  much  op- 
position, or,  in  other  words,  as  great  an  effort  for 
early  amendments,  is  to  be  apprehended  from  this 
State  as  from  any  but  New  York.  The  constant 
report  is,  that  North  Carolina  will  soon  accede  to 
the  new  Union.  A  new  Assembly  is  just  elected 
in  Maryland,  in  which  it  is  asserted  the  number  of 
federalists  greatly  predominates;  and,  that  being 
the  case,  we  may  look  for  favorable  appointments, 
in  spite  of  the  rancor  and  activity  of  a  few  dis- 
contented and,  I  may  say,  apparently  unprincipled 
men. 

1  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Colonel  Grayson,  both  of  whom 
had  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  were  Virginia's 
first  senators. 


Benjamin  Lincoln  313 

I  would  willingly  pass  over  in  silence  that  part 
of  your  letter  in  which  you  mention  the  persons, 
who  are  candidates  for  the  first  two  offices  in  the 
executive,  if  I  did  not  fear  the  omission  might  seem 
to  betray  a  want  of  confidence.  Motives  of  deli- 
cacy have  prevented  me  hitherto  from  conversing 
or  writing  on  this  subject,  whenever  I  could  avoid 
it  with  decency.  I  may,  however,  with  great  sin- 
cerity, and  I  believe  without  offending  against 
modesty  or  propriety,  say  to  you,  that  I  most 
heartily  wish  the  choice  to  which  you  allude  may 
not  fall  upon  me ;  and  that,  if  it  should,  I  must  re- 
serve to  myself  the  right  of  making  up  my  final  de- 
cision at  the  last  moment,  when  it  can  be  brought 
into  one  view,  and  when  the  expediency  or  inex- 
pediency of  a  refusal  can  be  more  judiciously  de- 
termined than  at  present.  But  be  assured,  my 
dear  Sir,  if  from  any  inducement  I  shall  be  per- 
suaded ultimately  to  accept,  it  will  not  be  (so  far 
as  I  know  my  own  heart)  from  any  of  a  private  or 
personal  nature.  Every  personal  consideration 
conspires  to  rivet  me  (if  I  may  use  the  expression) 
to  retirement.  At  my  time  of  life,  and  under  my 
circumstances,  nothing  in  this  world  can  ever  draw 
me  from  it,  unless  it  be  a  conviction  that  the  par- 
tiality of  my  countrymen  had  made  my  services 
absolutely  necessary,  joined  to  a  fear  that  my  re- 
fusal might  induce  a  belief  that  I  preferred  the 
conservation  of  my  own  reputation  and  private 
ease  to  the  good  of  my  country.1  After  all,  if 

1 "  Notwithstanding  my  advanced  season  of  life,  my  increas- 
ing  fondness   for   agricultural    amusements,    and   my    growing 


314  George  Washington 

I  should  conceive  myself  in  a  manner  constrained 
to  accept,  I  call  Heaven  to  witness,  that  this  very 
act  would  be  the  greatest  sacrifice  of  my  personal 
feelings  and  wishes,  that  ever  I  have  been  called 
upon  to  make.  It  would  be  to  forego  repose  and 
domestic  enjoyment,  for  trouble,  perhaps  for  pub- 
lic obloquy;  for  I  should  consider  myself  as  enter- 
ing upon  an  unexplored  field  enveloped  on  every 
side  with  clouds  and  darkness. 

From  this  embarrassing  situation  I  had  natur- 
ally supposed  that  my  declarations  at  the  close  of 
the  war  would  have  saved  me ;  and  that  my  sincere 
intentions,  then  publicly  made  known,  would  have 
effectually  precluded  me  for  ever  afterwards  from 
being  looked  upon  as  a  candidate  for  any  office. 
This  hope,  as  a  last  anchor  of  worldly  happiness 
in  old  age,  I  had  still  carefully  preserved;  until  the 
public  papers,  and  private  letters  from  my  corre- 
spondents in  almost  every  quarter,  taught  me  to 


love  of  retirement,  augment  and  confirm  my  decided  predilec- 
tion for  the  character  of  a  private  citizen,  yet  it  would  be  no 
one  of  these  motives,  nor  the  hazard  to  which  my  former  repu- 
tation might  be  exposed,  nor  the  terror  of  encountering  new 
fatigues  and  troubles,  that  would  deter  me  from  an  acceptance 
[of  the  presidency] ;  but  a  belief,  that  some  other  person,  who 
had  less  pretence  and  less  inclination  to  be  excused,  could  exe- 
cute all  the  duties  full  as  satisfactorily  as  myself.  *  *  * 
You  will  perceive,  my  dear  Sir,  by  what  is  here  observed,  (and 
which  you  will  be  pleased  to  consider  in  the  light  of  a  confi- 
dential communication,)  that  my  inclinations  will  dispose  and 
decide  me  to  remain  as  I  am,  unless  a  clear  and  insurmountable 
conviction  should  be  impressed  on  my  mind,  that  some  very 
disagreeable  consequences  must,  in  all  human  probability,  result 
from  the  indulgence  of  my  wishes." — Washington  to  Henry 
Lee,  22  September,  1788, 


Benjamin  Lincoln  315 

apprehend  that  I  might  soon  be  obliged  to  answer 
the  question,  whether  I  would  go  again  into  public 
life  or  not. 

You  will  see,  my  dear  Sir,  from  this  train  of  re- 
flections, that  I  have  lately  had  enough  of  my  own 
perplexities  to  think  of,  without  adverting  much  to 
the  affairs  of  others.  So  much  have  I  been  other- 
wise occupied,  and  so  little  agency  did  I  wish  to 
have  in  electioneering,  that  I  have  never  entered 
into  a  single  discussion  with  any  person,  nor,  to 
the  best  of  my  recollection,  expressed  a  single  sen- 
timent, orally  or  in  writing,  respecting  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  vice-president.  From  the  extent  and 
respectability  of  Massachusetts,  it  might  reason- 
ably be  expected,  that  he  would  be  chosen  from  that 
State.  But,  having  taken  it  for  granted,  that  the 
person  selected  for  that  important  place  would  be 
a  true  federalist,  in  that  case  I  was  altogether  dis- 
posed to  acquiesce  in  the  prevailing  sentiments  of 
the  electors,  without  giving  any  unbecoming  pre- 
ference, or  incurring  any  unnecessary  ill  will. 
Since  it  here  seems  proper  to  touch  a  little  more 
fully  upon  that  point,  I  will  frankly  give  you 
my  manner  of  thinking,  and  what,  under  certain 
circumstances,  would  be  my  manner  of  acting. 

For  this  purpose  I  must  speak  again  hypotheti- 
cally  for  argument's  sake,  and  say,  supposing  I 
should  be  appointed  to  the  administration,  and 
supposing  I  should  accept  it,  I  most  solemnly  de- 
clare, that  whosoever  shall  be  found  to  enjoy  the 
confidence  of  the  States,  so  far  as  to  be  elected  vice- 
president,  cannot  be  disagreeable  to  me  in  that 


3i 6  George  Washington 

office.1  And,  even  if  I  had  any  predilection,  I 
flatter  myself  I  possess  patriotism  enough  to  sac- 
rifice it  at  the  shrine  of  my  country;  where  it  will 
be  unavoidably  necessary  for  me  to  have  made  in- 
finitely greater  sacrifices,  before  I  can  find  myself 
in  the  supposed  predicament,  that  is  to  say,  before 
I  can  be  connected  with  others  in  any  possible  po- 
litical relation.  In  truth  I  believe,  that  I  have  no 
prejudices  on  the  subject,  and  that  it  would  not 
be  in  the  power  of  any  evil-minded  persons,  who 
wished  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  those  concerned 
in  the  government,  to  infuse  them  into  my  mind. 
For,  to  continue  the  same  hypothesis  one  step 
farther,  supposing  myself  to  be  connected  in  office 
with  any  gentleman  of  character,  I  would  most  cer- 
tainly treat  him  with  perfect  sincerity  and  the 
greatest  candor  in  every  respect.  I  would  give 
him  my  full  confidence,  and  use  my  utmost  en- 
deavors to  cooperate  with  him  in  promoting  and 
rendering  permanent  the  national  prosperity. 
This  should  be  my  great,  my  only  aim,  under  the 
fixed  and  irrevocable  resolution  of  leaving  to  other 
hands  the  helm  of  the  State,  as  soon  as  my  services 
could  possibly  with  propriety  be  dispensed  with. 

I  have  thus,  my  dear  Sir,  insensibly  been  led  into 
a  longer  detail  than  I  intended,  and  have  used  more 
egotism  than  I  could  have  wished,  for  which  I  urge 

1 "  From  different  channels  of  information  it  seemed  prob- 
able to  me,  even  before  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  that  Mr.  John 
Adams  would  be  chosen  vice-president.  He  will  doubtless  make 
a  very  good  one;  and  let  whoever  may  occupy  the  first  seat,  I 
shall  be  entirely  satisfied  with  that  arrangement  for  filling  the 
second  office." — Washington  to  Knox,  1  January,  1789. 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  317 

no  other  apology,  than  but  my  opinion  of  your 
friendship,  discretion,  and  candor.     I  am,  &c. 


TO  THE   MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VERNON,  29  January,  1789. 

MY  DEAE  MARQUIS, 

*  *  *  The  choice  of  senators,  representatives, 
and  electors,  which  (excepting  in  that  of  the  last 
description)  took  place  at  different  times  in  the 
different  States,  has  afforded  abundant  topics  for 
domestic  news  since  the  beginning  of  autumn.  I 
need  not  enumerate  the  several  particulars,  as  I 
imagine  you  see  most  of  them  detailed  in  the 
American  gazettes.  I  will  content  myself  with 
only  saying,  that  the  elections  have  been  hitherto 
vastly  more  favorable  than  we  could  have  expected, 
that  federal  sentiments  seem  to  be  growing  with 
uncommon  rapidity,  and  that  this  increasing  una- 
nimity is  not  less  indicative  of  the  good  disposi- 
tion than  the  good  sense  of  the  Americans.  Did 
it  not  savor  so  much  of  partiality  for  my  country- 
men, I  might  add,  that  I  cannot  help  flattering 
myself,  that  the  new  Congress,  on  account  of  the 
self -created  respectability  and  various  talents  of 
its  members,  will  not  be  inferior  to  any  Assembly 
in  the  world.  From  these  and  some  other  circum- 
stances I  really  entertain  greater  hopes,  that 
America  will  not  finally  disappoint  the  expecta- 
tions of  her  friends,  than  I  have  at  almost  any 
former  period.  Still,  however,  in  such  a  fickle 


George  Washington 


state  of  existence  I  would  not  be  too  sanguine  in 
indulging  myself  with  the  contemplation  of  scenes 
of  uninterrupted  prosperity,  lest  some  unforeseen 
mischance  or  perverseness  should  occasion  the 
greater  mortification,  by  blasting  the  enjoyment  in 
the  very  bud. 

I  can  say  little  or  nothing  new,  in  consequence  of 
the  repetition  of  your  opinion,  on  the  expediency 
there  will  be  for  my  accepting  the  office  to  which 
you  refer.  Your  sentiments,  indeed,  coincide  much 
more  nearly  with  those  of  my  other  friends,  than 
with  my  own  feelings.  In  truth  my  difficulties  in- 
crease and  magnify  as  I  draw  towards  the  period, 
when,  according  to  the  common  belief,  it  will  be 
necessary  for  me  to  give  a  definitive  answer,  in  one 
way  or  another.  Should  circumstances  render  it 
in  a  manner  inevitably  necessary  to  be  in  the  affir- 
mative, be  assured,  my  dear  Sir,  I  shall  assume  the 
task  with  the  most  unfeigned  reluctance,  and  with 
a  real  diffidence,  for  which  I  shall  probably  receive 
no  credit  from  the  world.  If  I  know  my  own 
heart,  nothing  short  of  a  conviction  of  duty  will 
induce  me  again  to  take  an  active  part  in  public 
affairs;  and,  in  that  case,  if  I  can  form  a  plan  for 
my  own  conduct,  my  endeavors  shall  be  unremit- 
tingly exerted,  (even  at  the  hazard  of  former  fame 
or  present  popularity,)  to  extricate  my  country 
from  the  embarrassments  in  which  it  is  entangled 
through  want  of  credit;  and  to  establish  a  general 
system  of  policy,  which  if  pursued  will  ensure  per- 
manent felicity  to  the  commonwealth.  I  think  I 
see  a  path  as  clear  and  as  direct  as  a  ray  of  light, 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  319 

which  leads  to  the  attainment  of  that  object. 
Nothing  but  harmony,  honesty,  industry,  and 
frugality  are  necessary  to  make  us  a  great  and 
happy  people.  Happily  the  present  posture  of 
affairs,  and  the  prevailing  disposition  of  my  coun- 
trymen, promise  to  cooperate  in  establishing  those 
four  great  and  essential  pillars  of  public  felicity. 

What  has  been  considered  at  the  moment  as  a 
disadvantage,  will  probably  turn  out  for  our  good. 
While  our  commerce  has  been  considerably  cur- 
tailed, for  want  of  that  extensive  credit  formerly 
given  in  Europe,  and  for  default  of  remittance, 
the  useful  arts  have  been  almost  imperceptibly 
pushed  to  a  considerable  degree  of  perfection. 

Though  I  would  not  force  the  introduction  of 
manufactures,  by  extravagant  encouragements, 
and  to  the  prejudice  of  agriculture,  yet  I  conceive 
much  might  be  done  in  that  way  by  women,  child- 
ren, and  others,  without  taking  one  really  neces- 
sary hand  from  tilling  the  earth.  Certain  it  is, 
great  savings  are  already  made  in  many  articles  of 
apparel,  furniture,  and  consumption.  Equally 
certain  it  is,  that  no  diminution  in  agriculture  has 
taken  place,  at  the  time  when  greater  and  more 
substantial  improvements  in  manufactures  were 
making,  than  were  ever  before  known  in  America. 
In  Pennsylvania  they  have  attended  particularly 
to  the  fabrication  of  cotton  cloths,  hats,  and  all 
articles  in  leather.  In  Massachusetts,  they  are  es- 
tablishing factories  of  duck,  cordage,  glass,  and 
several  other  extensive  and  useful  branches.  The 
number  of  shoes  made  in  one  town,  and  nails  in 


320  George  Washington 

another,  is  incredible.  In  that  State  and  Con- 
necticut are  also  factories  of  superfine  and  other 
broadcloths.  I  have  been  writing  to  our  friend 
General  Knox  this  day  to  procure  me  homespun 
broadcloth  of  the  Hartford  fabric,  to  make  a  suit 
of  clothes  for  myself.  I  hope  it  will  not  be  a  great 
while  before  it  will  be  unfashionable  for  a  gentle- 
man to  appear  in  any  other  dress.  Indeed,  we 
have  already  been  too  long  subject  to  British  pre- 
judices. I  use  no  porter  or  cheese  in  my  family 
but  such  as  is  made  in  America.  Both  those  arti- 
cles may  now  be  purchased  of  an  excellent  quality. 
While  you  are  quarrelling  among  yourselves  in 
Europe,  while  one  king  is  running  mad,  and  others 
acting  as  if  they  were  already  so,  by  cutting  the 
throats  of  the  subjects  of  their  neighbors,  I  think 
you  need  not  doubt,  my  dear  Marquis,  we  shall 
continue  in  tranquillity  here,  and  that  population 
will  be  progressive  so  long  as  there  shall  continue 
to  be  so  many  easy  means  for  obtaining  a  sub- 
sistence, and  so  ample  a  field  for  the  exertion  of 
talents  and  industry.  All  my  family  join  in  com- 
pliments to  Madame  de  Lafayette  and  yourself. 
Adieu. 


INAUGURAL  SPEECH 
TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS,  APRIL  30,  1789 


FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTA- 
TIVES: 
Among  the  vicissitudes  incident  to  life,  no  event 


Inaugural  Speech  321 

could  have  filled  me  with  greater  anxieties,  than 
that  of  which  the  notification  was  transmitted  by 
your  order,  and  received  on  the  14th  day  of  the 
present  month.  On  the  one  hand,  I  was  summoned 
by  my  country,  whose  voice  I  can  never  hear  but 
with  veneration  and  love,  from  a  retreat  which  I 
had  chosen  with  the  fondest  predilection,  and,  in 
my  flattering  hopes,  with  an  immutable  decision, 
as  the  asylum  of  my  declining  years;  a  retreat 
which  was  rendered  every  day  more  necessary  as 
well  as  more  dear  to  me,  by  the  addition  of  habit  to 
inclination,  and  of  frequent  interruptions  in  my 
health  to  the  gradual  waste  committed  on  it  by 
time.  On  the  other  hand,  the  magnitude  and  dif- 
ficulty of  the  trust,  to  which  the  voice  of  my  coun- 
try called  me,  being  sufficient  to  awaken  in  the 
wisest  and  most  experienced  of  her  citizens  a  dis- 
trustful scrutiny  into  his  qualifications,  could  not 
but  overwhelm  with  despondence  one,  who,  inherit- 
ing inferior  endowments  from  nature,  and  unprac- 
tised in  the  duties  of  civil  administration,  ought  to 
be  peculiarly  conscious  of  his  own  deficiencies.  In 
this  conflict  of  emotions,  all  I  dare  aver  is,  that  it 
has  been  my  faithful  study  to  collect  my  duty  from 
a  just  appreciation  of  every  circumstance  by  which 
it  might  be  affected.  All  I  dare  hope  is,  that,  if 
in  executing  this  task,  I  have  been  too  much  swayed 
by  a  grateful  remembrance  of  former  instances,  or 
by  an  affectionate  sensibility  to  this  transcendent 
proof  of  the  confidence  of  my  fellow-citizens;  and 
have  thence  too  little  consulted  my  incapacity  as 
well  as  disinclination  for  the  weighty  and  untried 


322 


George  Washington 


cares  before  me;  my  error  will  be  palliated  by  the 
motives  which  misled  me,  and  its  consequences  be 
judged  by  my  country  with  some  share  of  the  par- 
tiality in  which  they  originated. 

Such  being  the  impressions  under  which  I  have, 
in  obedience  to  the  public  summons,  repaired  to 
the  present  station,  it  would  be  peculiarly  im- 
proper to  omit,  in  this  first  official  act,  my  fervent 
supplications  to  that  Almighty  Being,  who  rules 
over  the  universe,  who  presides  in  the  councils  of 
nations,  and  whose  providential  aids  can  supply 
every  human  defect,  that  his  benediction  may  con- 
secrate to  the  liberties  and  happiness  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  a  government  instituted  by 
themselves  for  these  essential  purposes,  and  may 
enable  every  instrument  employed  in  its  adminis- 
tration to  execute  with  success  the  functions  allotted 
to  his  charge.  In  tendering  this  homage  to  the  great 
Author  of  every  public  and  private  good,  I  assure 
myself  that  it  expresses  your  sentiments  not  less 
than  my  own;  nor  those  of  my  fellow-citizens  at 
large,  less  than  either.  No  people  can  be  bound  to 
acknowledge  and  adore  the  invisible  hand,  which 
conducts  the  affairs  of  men,  more  than  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  Every  step,  by  which  they 
have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an  independent 
nation,  seems  to  have  been  distinguished  by  some 
token  of  providential  agency.  And,  in  the  im- 
portant revolution  just  accomplished  in  the  system 
of  their  united  government,  the  tranquil  delibera- 
tions and  voluntary  consent  of  so  many  distinct 
communities,  from  which  the  event  has  resulted, 


Inaugural  Speech  323 

cannot  be  compared  with  the  means  by  which  most 
governments  have  been  established,  without  some 
return  of  pious  gratitude  along  with  an  humble  an- 
ticipation of  the  future  blessings  which  the  past 
seems  to  presage.  These  reflections,  arising  out 
of  the  present  crisis,  have  forced  themselves  too 
strongly  on  my  mind  to  be  suppressed.  You  will 
join  with  me,  I  trust,  in  thinking  that  there  are 
none,  under  the  influence  of  which  the  proceedings 
of  a  new  and  free  government  can  more  auspici- 
ously commence. 

By  the  article  establishing  the  executive  depart- 
ment, it  is  made  the  duty  of  the  President  "  to  rec- 
ommend to  your  consideration  such  measures  as 
he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient."  The  cir- 
cumstances, under  which  I  now  meet  you,  will  ac- 
quit me  from  entering  into  that  subject  farther 
than  to  refer  you  to  the  great  constitutional  char- 
ter under  which  we  are  assembled;  and  which,  in 
defining  your  powers,  designates  the  objects  to 
which  your  attention  is  to  be  given.  It  will  be 
more  consistent  with  those  circumstances,  and  far 
more  congenial  with  the  feelings  which  actuate  me, 
to  substitute,  in  place  of  a  recommendation  of  par- 
ticular measures,  the  tribute  that  is  due  to  the 
talents,  the  rectitude,  and  the  patriotism,  which 
adorn  the  characters  selected  to  devise  and  adopt 
them.  In  these  honorable  qualifications  I  behold 
the  surest  pledges,  that  as,  on  one  side,  no  local 
prejudices  or  attachments,  no  separate  views  or 
party  animosities,  will  misdirect  the  comprehensive 
and  equal  eye,  which  ought  to  watch  over  this  great 


324  George  Washington 

assemblage  of  communities  and  interests;  so,  on 
another,  that  the  foundations  of  our  national  policy 
will  be  laid  in  the  pure  and  immutable  principles 
of  private  morality,  and  the  pre-eminence  of  a  free 
government  be  exemplified  by  all  the  attributes, 
which  can  win  the  affections  of  its  citizens,  and 
command  the  respect  of  the  world. 

I  dwell  on  this  prospect  with  every  satisfaction, 
which  an  ardent  love  for  my  country  can  inspire; 
since  there  is  no  truth  more  thoroughly  established, 
than  that  there  exists  in  the  economy  and  course  of 
nature  an  indissoluble  union  between  virtue  and 
happiness,  between  duty  and  advantage,  between 
the  genuine  maxims  of  an  honest  and  magnanimous 
policy,  and  the  solid  rewards  of  public  prosperity 
and  felicity;  since  we  ought  to  be  no  less  persuaded 
that  the  propitious  smiles  of  Heaven  can  never  be 
expected  on  a  nation  that  disregards  the  eternal 
rules  of  order  and  right,  which  Heaven  itself  has 
ordained;  and  since  the  preservation  of  the  sacred 
fire  of  liberty,  and  the  destiny  of  the  republican 
model  of  government,  are  justly  considered  as 
deeply,  perhaps  as  finally  staked,  on  the  experi- 
ment intrusted  to  the  hands  of  the  American 
people. 

Besides  the  ordinary  objects  submitted  to  your 
care,  it  will  remain  with  your  judgment  to  decide, 
how  far  an  exercise  of  the  occasional  power  dele- 
gated by  the  fifth  article  of  the  Constitution  is 
rendered  expedient  at  the  present  juncture  by  the 
nature  of  objections  which  have  been  urged  against 
the  system,  or  by  the  degree  of  inquietude  which 


Inaugural  Speech  325 

has  given  birth  to  them.  Instead  of  undertaking 
particular  recommendations  on  this  subject,  in 
which  I  could  be  guided  by  no  lights  derived  from 
official  opportunities,  I  shall  again  give  way  to  my 
entire  confidence  in  your  discernment  and  pursuit 
of  the  public  good ;  for  I  assure  myself,  that,  whilst 
you  carefully  avoid  every  alteration,  which  might 
endanger  the  benefits  of  a  united  and  effective  gov- 
ernment, or  which  ought  to  await  the  future  lessons 
of  experience;  a  reverence  for  the  characteristic 
rights  of  freemen,  and  a  regard  for  the  public 
harmony,  will  sufficiently  influence  your  delibera- 
tions on  the  question,  how  far  the  former  can  be 
more  impregnably  fortified,  or  the  latter  be  safely 
and  advantageously  promoted. 

To  the  preceding  observations  I  have  one  to  add, 
which  will  be  most  properly  addressed  to  the  House 
of  Representatives.  It  concerns  myself,  and  will 
therefore  be  as  brief  as  possible.  When  I  was  first 
honored  with  a  call  into  the  service  of  my  country, 
then  on  the  eve  of  an  arduous  struggle  for  its  lib- 
erties, the  light  in  which  I  contemplated  my  duty 
required,  that  I  should  renounce  every  pecuniary 
compensation.  From  this  resolution  I  have  in  no 
instance  departed.  And  being  still  under  the  im- 
pressions which  produced  it,  I  must  decline  as  in- 
applicable to  myself  any  share  in  the  personal 
emoluments,  which  may  be  indispensably  included 
in  a  permanent  provision  for  the  executive  depart- 
ment; and  must  accordingly  pray,  that  the  pecun- 
iary estimates  for  the  station  in  which  I  am  placed 
may,  during  my  continuance  in  it,  be  limited  to 


326 


George  Washington 


such  actual  expenditures  as  the  public  good  may 
be  thought  to  require. 

Having  thus  imparted  to  you  my  sentiments,  as 
they  have  been  awakened  by  the  occasion  which 
brings  us  together,  I  shall  take  my  present  leave; 
but  not  without  resorting  once  more  to  the  benign 
Parent  of  the  human  race,  in  humble  supplication, 
that,  since  he  has  been  pleased  to  favor  the  Ameri- 
can people  with  opportunities  for  deliberating  in 
perfect  tranquillity,  and  dispositions  for  deciding 
with  unparalleled  unanimity  on  a  form  of  govern- 
ment for  the  security  of  their  union  and  the  ad- 
vancement of  their  happiness ;  so  his  divine  blessing 
may  be  equally  conspicuous  in  the  enlarged  views, 
the  temperate  consultations,  and  the  wise  measures, 
on  which  the  success  of  this  government  must 
depend. 


BEPLY  TO  THE  ANSWER  OF  THE  SENATE  1 

8  May,  1789. 

GENTLEMEN, 

I  thank  you  for  your  address,  in  which  the  most 
affectionate  sentiments  are  expressed  in  the  most 

1  After  the  delivery  of  the  President's  Inaugural  Address,  the 
Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives  each  sent  to  him  ad- 
dresses in  reply.  Their  character  and  tone  may  be  inferred 
from  these  sentences  from  the  answer  of  the  Senate: 

"SiR:  We,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  return  you  our 
sincere  thanks  for  your  excellent  speech  delivered  to  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  congratulate  you  on  the  complete  organi- 
zation of  the  Federal  Government,  and  felicitate  ourselves  and 
our  fellow-citizens  on  your  elevation  to  the  office  of  President, 
an  office  highly  important  by  the  powers  constitutionally  an- 


Reply  to  Answer  of  Senate  327 

obliging  terms.  The  coincidence  of  circumstances, 
which  led  to  this  auspicious  crisis,  the  confidence 
reposed  in  me  by  my  fellow-citizens,  and  the  assist- 
ance I  may  expect  from  counsels,  which  will  be 
dictated  by  an  enlarged  and  liberal  policy,  seem  to 
presage  a  more  prosperous  issue  to  my  administra- 
tion, than  a  diffidence  of  my  abilities  had  taught  me 
to  anticipate.  I  now  feel  myself  inexpressibly 
happy  in  a  belief,  that  Heaven,  which  has  done  so 
much  for  our  infant  nation,  will  not  withdraw  its 
providential  influence  before  our  political  felicity 
shall  have  been  completed ;  and  in  a  conviction  that 
the  Senate  will  at  all  times  co-operate  in  every 
measure  which  may  tend  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
this  confederated  republic. 

Thus  supported  by  a  firm  trust  in  the  great  Ar- 
biter of  the  universe,  aided  by  the  collected  wisdom 
of  the  Union,  and  imploring  the  divine  benediction 
on  our  joint  exertions  in  the  service  of  our  country, 
I  readily  engage  with  you  in  the  arduous  but  pleas- 
ing task  of  attempting  to  make  a  nation  happy. 


nexed  to  it  and  extremely  honorable  from  the  manner  in  which 
the  appointment  is  made." 

After  expressing  their  pleasure  that  he  had  again  entered 
public  life,  and  assuring  him  of  their  support  in  carrying  out 
the  policy  which  he  had  indicated,  the  address  concludes: 

"  We  commend  you,  sir,  to  the  protection  of  Almighty  God, 
earnestly  beseeching  Him  long  to  preserve  a  life  so  valuable  and 
dear  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  that  your  Admin- 
istration may  be  prosperous  to  the  nation  and  glorious  to 
yourself." 

The  full  text  of  the  answers  of  the  two  houses  may  be 
found  in  Richardson,  The  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presi- 
dents, L,  54,  56. 


328 


George  Washington 


REPLY  TO   THE  ANSWER   OF  THE   HOUSE   OF   REPRE- 
SENTATIVES * 

8  May,  1789. 

GENTLEMEN, 

Your  very  affectionate  address  produces  emo- 
tions, which  I  know  not  how  to  express.  I  feel, 
that  my  past  endeavors  in  the  service  of  my  coun- 
try are  far  overpaid  by  its  goodness;  and  I  fear 
much,  that  my  future  ones  may  not  fulfil  your 
kind  anticipation.  All  that  I  can  promise  is,  that 
they  will  be  invariably  directed  by  an  honest  and 
an  ardent  zeal.  Of  this  resource  my  heart  assures 
me.  For  all  beyond,  I  rely  on  the  wisdom  and 
patriotism  of  those  with  whom  I  am  to  co-operate, 
and  a  continuance  of  the  blessings  of  Heaven  on 
our  beloved  country. 


SPEECH  TO   BOTH   HOUSES   OF   CONGRESS, 

JANUARY  8,  1790 

FELLOW-CITIZENS    OF    THE    SENATE    AND    HOUSE    OF    REPRE- 
SENTATIVES: 

I  embrace  with  great  satisfaction  the  opportu- 
nity, which  now  presents  itself,  of  congratulating 
you  on  the  present  favorable  prospects  of  our  pub- 

1  The  answer  of  the  House  of  Representatives  began  with 
these  words: 

"  Sm:  The  Representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States 
present  their  congratulations  on  the  event  by  which  your  fel- 
low-citizens have  attested  the  pre-eminence  of  your  merit.  You 
have  long  held  the  first  place  in  their  esteem.  You  have  often 
received  tokens  of  their  affection.  You  now  possess  the  only 
proof  that  remained  of  their  gratitude  for  your  services,  of 


Speech  to  Congress  329 

lie  affairs.  The  recent  accession  of  the  important 
State  of  North  Carolina  to  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States  (of  which  official  information  has 
been  received),  the  rising  credit  and  respectability 
of  our  country,  and  the  general  and  increasing 
good  will  towards  the  government  of  the  Union, 
and  the  concord,  peace,  and  plenty,  with  which  we 
are  blessed,  are  circumstances  auspicious,  in  an 
eminent  degree,  to  our  national  prosperity. 

In  resuming  your  consultations  for  the  general 
good,  you  cannot  but  derive  encouragement  from 
the  reflection,  that  the  measures  of  the  last  session 
have  been  as  satisfactory  to  your  constituents,  as 
the  novelty  and  difficulty  of  the  work  allowed  you 
to  hope.  Still  further  to  realize  their  expectations, 
and  to  secure  the  blessings,  which  a  gracious  Provi- 
dence has  placed  within  our  reach,  will,  in  the  course 
of  the  present  important  session,  call  for  the  cool 
and  deliberate  exertion  of  your  patriotism,  firm- 
ness, and  wisdom. 

Among  the  many  interesting  objects,  which  will 
engage  your  attention,  that  of  providing  for  the 
common  defence  will  merit  particular  regard.  To 
be  prepared  for  war  is  one  of  the  most  effectual 
means  of  preserving  peace. 

A  free  people  ought  not  only  to  be  armed,  but 
disciplined;  to  which  end  a  uniform  and  well-di- 
gested plan  is  requisite;  and  their  safety  and  in- 

their  reverence  for  your  wisdom,  and  of  their  confidence  in 
your  virtues.  You  enjoy  the  highest,  because  the  truest,  honor 
of  being  the  first  Magistrate  by  the  unanimous  choice  of  the 
freest  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth." — Richardson,  The  Mes- 
sages and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  i.,  56. 


33°  George  Washington 

terest  require,  that  they  should  promote  such 
manufactories  as  tend  to  render  them  independent 
of  others  for  essential,  particularly  for  military, 
supplies. 

The  proper  establishment  of  the  troops,  which 
may  be  deemed  indispensable,  will  be  entitled  to 
mature  consideration.  In  the  arrangements  which 
may  be  made  respecting  it,  it  will  be  of  importance 
to  conciliate  the  comfortable  support  of  the  officers 
and  soldiers  with  a  due  regard  to  economy. 

There  was  reason  to  hope,  that  the  pacific  meas- 
ures, adopted  with  regard  to  certain  hostile  tribes 
of  Indians,  would  have  relieved  the  inhabitants  of 
our  southern  and  western  frontiers  from  their  de- 
predations. But  you  will  perceive,  from  the  in- 
formation contained  in  the  papers,  which  I  shall 
direct  to  be  laid  before  you,  (comprehending  a 
communication  from  the  commonwealth  of  Vir- 
ginia,) that  we  ought  to  be  prepared  to  afford 
protection  to  those  parts  of  the  Union,  and,  if 
necessary,  to  punish  aggressors. 

The  interest  of  the  United  States  requires,  that 
our  intercourse  with  other  nations  should  be  facili- 
tated by  such  provisions  as  will  enable  me  to  fulfil 
my  duty  in  that  respect,  in  the  manner  which  cir- 
cumstances may  render  most  conducive  to  the 
public  good;  and,  to  this  end,  that  the  compensa- 
tions, to  be  made  to  the  persons  who  may  be 
employed,  should,  according  to  the  nature  of  their 
appointments,  be  defined  by  law,  and  a  competent 
fund  designated  for  defraying  the  expenses  in- 
cident to  the  conduct  of  our  foreign  affairs. 


Speech  to  Congress  331 

Various  considerations  also  render  it  expedient, 
that  the  terms,  on  which  foreigners  may  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  rights  of  citizens,  should  be  speedily 
ascertained  by  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization. 

Uniformity  in  the  currency,  weight,  and  meas- 
ures of  the  United  States  is  an  object  of  great 
importance,  and  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  duly 
attended  to. 

The  advancement  of  agriculture,  commerce,  and 
manufactures,  by  all  proper  means,  will  not,  I 
trust,  need  recommendation.  But  I  cannot  for- 
bear intimating  to  you  the  expediency  of  giving 
effectual  encouragement,  as  well  to  the  introduc- 
tion of  new  and  useful  inventions  from  abroad,  as 
to  the  exertions  of  skill  and  genius  in  producing 
them  at  home;  and  of  facilitating  the  intercourse 
between  the  distant  parts  of  our  country  by  a  due 
attention  to  the  post-office  and  post-roads. 

Nor  am  I  less  persuaded,  that  you  will  agree 
with  me  in  opinion,  that  there  is  nothing  which  can 
better  deserve  your  patronage  than  the  promotion 
of  science  and  literature.  Knowledge  is  in  every 
country  the  surest  basis  of  public  happiness.  In 
one,  in  which  the  measures  of  government  receive 
their  impression  so  immediately  from  the  sense  of 
the  community,  as  in  ours,  it  is  proportionably 
essential.  To  the  security  of  a  free  constitution  it 
contributes  in  various  ways;  by  convincing  those 
who  are  intrusted  with  the  public  administration, 
that  every  valuable  end  of  government  is  best  an- 
swered by  the  enlightened  confidence  of  the  people ; 
and  by  teaching  the  people  themselves  to  know, 


S32  George  Washington 

and  to  value  their  own  rights;  to  discern  and  pro- 
vide against  invasions  of  them;  to  distinguish 
between  oppression  and  the  necessary  exercise  of 
lawful  authority,  between  burthens  proceeding 
from  a  disregard  to  their  convenience  and  those 
resulting  from  the  inevitable  exigencies  of  society; 
to  discriminate  the  spirit  of  liberty  from  that  of 
licentiousness,  cherishing  the  first,  avoiding  the  last, 
and  uniting  a  speedy  but  temperate  vigilance 
against  encroachments,  with  an  inviolable  respect 
to  the  laws. 

Whether  this  desirable  object  will  be  the  best 
promoted  by  affording  aids  to  seminaries  of  learn- 
ing already  established,  by  the  institution  of  a 
national  university,  or  by  any  other  expedients, 
will  be  well  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  deliberations 
of  the  legislature. 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES: 

I  saw  with  peculiar  pleasure,  at  the  close  of  the 
last  session,  the  resolution  entered  into  by  you,  ex- 
pressive of  your  opinion,  that  an  adequate  provis- 
ion for  the  support  of  the  public  credit  is  a  matter 
of  high  importance  to  the  national  honor  and  pros- 
perity. In  this  sentiment  I  entirely  concur.  And 
to  a  perfect  confidence  in  your  best  endeavors  to 
devise  such  a  provision  as  will  be  truly  consistent 
with  the  end,  I  add  an  equal  reliance  on  the  cheer- 
ful co-operation  of  the  other  branch  of  the  leg- 
islature. It  would  be  superfluous  to  specify 
inducements  to  a  measure,  in  which  the  character 
and  permanent  interests  of  the  United  States  are 


David  Stuart  333 

so  obviously  and  so  deeply  concerned,  and  which 
has  received  so  explicit  a  sanction  from  your 
declaration. 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES: 

I  have  directed  the  proper  officers  to  lay  before 
you  respectively  such  papers  and  estimates  as  re- 
gard the  affairs  particularly  recommended  to  your 
consideration,  and  necessary  to  convey  to  you  that 
information  of  the  State  of  the  Union,  which  it  is 
my  duty  to  afford. 

The  welfare  of  our  country  is  the  great  object 
to  which  our  cares  and  efforts  ought  to  be  directed ; 
and  I  shall  derive  great  satisfaction  from  a  co- 
operation with  you  in  the  pleasing  though  arduous 
task  of  insuring  to  our  fellow-citizens  the  blessings 
which  they  have  a  right  to  expect  from  a  free,  effi- 
cient, and  equal  government. 


TO  DAVID  STUART 

NEW  YORK,  28  March,  1790. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  I  am  sorry  such  jealousies  as  you  speak 
of  should  be  gaining  ground,  and  are  poisoning  the 
minds  of  the  southern  people;1  but  admit  the  fact, 

1  From  Dr.  Stuart's  Letter. — "  A  spirit  of  jealousy,  which 
may  become  dangerous  to  the  Union,  towards  the  eastern  States, 
seems  to  be  growing  fast  among  us.  It  is  represented,  that 
the  northern  phalanx  is  so  firmly  united,  as  to  bear  down  all 
opposition,  while  Virginia  is  unsupported,  even  by  those  whose 
interests  are  similar  to  hers.  It  is  the  language  of  all  I  have 
seen  on  their  return  from  New  York.  Colonel  Lee  tells  me, 


334  George  Washington 

which  is  alleged  as  the  cause  of  them,  and  give  it 
full  scope,  does  it  amount  to  more  than  what  was 
known  to  every  man  of  information  before,  at,  and 
since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution?  Was  it  not 
always  believed,  that  there  are  some  points  which 
peculiarly  interest  the  eastern  States?  And  did 
any  one,  who  reads  human  nature,  and  more  es- 
pecially the  character  of  the  eastern  people,  con- 
ceive that  they  would  not  pursue  them  steadily  by 
a  combination  of  their  force?  Are  there  not  other 
points,  which  equally  concern  the  southern  States? 
If  these  States  are  less  tenacious  of  their  interest, 
or  if,  whilst  the  eastern  move  in  a  solid  phalanx 
to  effect  their  views,  the  southern  are  always  di- 
vided, which  of  the  two  is  most  to  be  blamed?  That 
there  is  a  diversity  of  interests  in  the  Union  none 
has  denied.  That  this  is  the  case,  also,  in  every 
State  is  equally  certain ;  and  that  it  even  extends  to 
the  counties  of  individual  States  can  be  as  readily 
proved.  Instance  the  southern  and  northern  parts 
of  Virginia,  the  upper  and  lower  parts  of  South 
Carolina,  &c.  Have  not  the  interests  of  these  al- 
ways been  at  variance?  Witness  the  county  of 
Fairfax.  Have  not  the  interests  of  the  people  of 
that  county  varied,  or  the  inhabitants  been  taught 

that  many,  who  were  warm  supporters  of  the  government,  are 
changing  their  sentiments,  from  a  conviction  of  the  impracti- 
cability of  union  with  States,  whose  interests  are  so  dissimilar 
to  those  of  Virginia.  I  fear  the  Colonel  is  one  of  the  number. 
The  late  applications  to  Congress,  respecting  the  slaves,  will 
certainly  tend  to  promote  this  spirit.  It  gives  particular  um- 
brage, that  the  Quakers  should  be  so  busy  in  this  business. 
That  they  will  raise  up  a  storm  against  themselves,  appears  to 
me  very  certain."  Abingdon,  Virginia,  March  15th.— Sparks. 


David  Stuart  335 

to  believe  so?  These  are  well-known  truths,  and 
yet  it  did  not  follow,  that  separation  was  to  result 
from  the  disagreement. 

To  constitute  a  dispute  there  must  be  two  par- 
ties. To  understand  it  well,  both  parties,  and  all 
the  circumstances,  must  be  fully  heard;  and,  to 
accommodate  differences,  temper  and  mutual  for- 
bearance are  requisite.  Common  danger  brought 
the  States  into  confederacy,  and  on  their  union  our 
safety  and  importance  depend.  A  spirit  of  ac- 
commodation was  the  basis  of  the  present  constitu- 
tion. Can  it  be  expected,  then,  that  the  southern 
or  the  eastern  parts  of  the  empire  will  succeed  in 
all  their  measures?  Certainly  not.  But  I  will 
readily  grant,  that  more  points  will  be  carried  by 
the  latter  than  the  former,  and  for  the  reason  which 
has  been  mentioned,  namely,  that,  in  all  great  na- 
tional questions,  they  move  in  unison,  whilst  the 
others  are  divided.  But  I  ask  again,  which  is  most 
blameworthy,  those  who  see,  and  will  steadily  pur- 
sue their  interest,  or  those  who  cannot  see,  or,  see- 
ing, will  not  act  wisely?  And  I  will  ask  another 
question,  of  the  highest  magnitude  in  my  mind, 
to  wit,  if  the  eastern  and  northern  States  are  dan- 
gerous in  union,  will  they  be  less  so  in  separation? 
If  self-interest  is  their  governing  principle,  will  it 
forsake  them,  or  be  less  restrained  by  such  an 
event?  I  hardly  think  it  would.  Then,  independ- 
ent of  other  considerations,  what  would  Virginia, 
(and  such  other  States  as  might  be  inclined  to  join 
her,)  gain  by  a  separation?  Would  they  not, 
most  unquestionably,  be  the  weaker  party? 


336  George  Washington 

Men,  who  go  from  hence  without  feeling  them- 
selves of  so  much  consequence  as  they  wished  to  be 
considered,  and  disappointed  expectants,  added  to 
malignant,  designing  characters,  who  miss  no  op- 
portunity of  aiming  a  blow  at  the  constitution, 
paint  highly  on  one  side,  without  bringing  into 
view  the  arguments,  which  are  offered  on  the  other. 

It  is  to  be  lamented,  that  the  editors  of  the  differ- 
ent gazettes  in  the  Union  do  not  more  generally 
and  more  correctly  (instead  of  stuffing  their  papers 
with  scurrility  and  nonsensical  declamation,  which 
few  would  read  if  they  were  apprized  of  the  con- 
tents,) publish  the  debates  in  Congress  on  all  great 
national  questions.  And  this,  with  no  uncommon 
pains,  every  one  of  them  might  do.  The  princi- 
ples upon  which  the  difference  of  opinion  arises, 
as  well  as  the  decisions,  would  then  come  fully 
before  the  public,  and  afford  the  best  data  for  its 
judgment.  *  *  * 

The  memorial  of  the  Quakers  (and  a  very  mal- 
apropos one  it  was)  has  at  length  been  put  to  sleep, 
and  will  scarcely  awake  before  the  year  1808.1 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c. 

1  The  Quakers  at  their  annual  meetings  held  in  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  in  1789  had  petitioned  Congress  to  adopt  meas- 
ures for  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade.  These  petitions  were 
referred  to  a  committee  who  brought  in  a  series  of  resolu- 
tions which  after  considerable  amendment  were  adopted  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  this  form: 

"  That  the  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any 
of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  cannot 
be  prohibited  by  Congress,  prior  to  the  year  1808. 

"  That  Congress  have  no  authority  to  interfere  in  the  emanci- 
pation of  slaves,  or  in  the  treatment  of  them  within  any  of  the 


David  Humphreys  337 

TO  DAVID  HUMPHREYS 

PHILADELPHIA,  20  July,  1791. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  16th  of  Febru- 
ary and  3d  of  May,  and  am  much  obliged  by  your 
observations  on  the  situation,  manners,  customs, 
and  dispositions  of  the  Spanish  nation.  In  this  age 
of  free  inquiry  and  enlightened  reason,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  that  the  condition  of  the  people  in  every 
country  will  be  bettered,  and  the  happiness  of  man- 
kind promoted.  Spain  appears  to  be  so  much  be- 
hind the  other  nations  of  Europe  in  liberal  policy, 
that  a  long  time  will  undoubtedly  elapse,  before 
the  people  of  that  kingdom  can  taste  the  sweets  of 
liberty,  and  enjoy  the  natural  advantages  of  their 
country. 

In  my  last  I  mentioned  my  intention  of  visiting 
the  southern  States,  which  I  have  since  accom- 
plished, and  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you,  that 
I  performed  a  journey  of  eighteen  hundred  and 
eighty-seven  miles  without  meeting  with  any  in- 
terruption by  sickness,  bad  weather,  or  any  unto- 
ward accident.  Indeed,  so  highly  were  we  favored, 
that  we  arrived  at  each  place,  where  I  proposed  to 

States;  it  remaining  with  the  several  States  alone  to  provide 
any  regulations  therein,  which  humanity  and  true  policy  may 
require. 

"  That  Congress  have  authority  to  restrain  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  from  carrying  on  the  African  trade,  for  the 
purpose  of  supplying  foreigners  with  slaves,  and  of  providing, 
by  proper  regulations,  for  the  humane  treatment,  during  their 
passage,  of  slaves  imported  by  the  said  citizens  into  the  States 
admitting  such  importation." — Annals  of  Congress,  First  Con- 
gress, ii.,  1474. 


338  George  Washington 

make  any  halt,  on  the  very  day  I  fixed  upon  before 
we  set  out.  The  same  horses  performed  the  whole 
tour;  and  although  much  reduced  in  flesh,  kept  up 
their  full  spirits  to  the  last  day. 

I  am  much  pleased  that  I  have  taken  this  jour- 
ney, as  it  has  enabled  me  to  see  with  my  own  eyes 
the  situation  of  the  country  through  which  we 
travelled,  and  to  learn  more  accurately  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  than  I  could  have  done  by  any 
information. 

The  country  appears  to  be  in  a  very  improving 
state,  and  industry  and  frugality  are  becoming 
much  more  fashionable  than  they  have  hitherto 
been  there.  Tranquillity  reigns  among  the  people, 
with  that  disposition  towards  the  general  govern- 
ment, which  is  likely  to  preserve  it.  They  begin  to 
feel  the  good  effects  of  equal  laws  and  equal  pro- 
tection. The  farmer  finds  a  ready  market  for  his 
produce,  and  the  merchant  calculates  with  more 
certainty  on  his  payments.  Manufactures  have 
as  yet  made  but  little  progress  in  that  part  of  the 
country,  and  it  will  probably  be  a  long  time  before 
they  are  brought  to  that  state,  to  which  they  have 
already  arrived  in  the  middle  and  eastern  parts  of 
the  Union. 

Each  day's  experience  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  seems  to  confirm  its  establishment, 
and  to  render  it  more  popular.  A  ready  acqui- 
escence in  the  laws  made  under  it  shows  in  a  strong 
light  the  confidence,  which  the  people  have  in  their 
representatives,  and  in  the  upright  views  of  those, 
who  administer  the  government.  At  the  time  of 


David  Humphreys  339 

passing  a  law  imposing  a  duty  on  home-made 
spirits,  it  was  vehemently  affirmed  by  many,  that 
such  a  law  could  never  be  executed  in  the  southern 
States,  particularly  in  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina. As  this  law  came  in  force  only  on  the  1st  of 
this  month,  little  can  be  said  of  its  effects  from  ex- 
perience; but,  from  the  best  information  I  could 
get  on  my  journey,  respecting  its  operation  on  the 
minds  of  the  people,  (and  I  took  some  pains  to  ob- 
tain information  on  this  point,)  there  remains  no 
doubt  but  it  will  be  carried  into  effect,  not  only 
without  opposition,  but  with  very  general  appro- 
bation in  those  very  parts  where  it  was  foretold, 
that  it  would  never  be  submitted  to  by  any  one. 
It  is  possible,  however,  and  perhaps  not  improb- 
able, that  some  demagogue  may  start  up,  and 
produce  and  get  signed  some  resolutions  declara- 
tory of  their  disapprobation  of  the  measure. 

Our  public  credit  stands  on  that  ground,  which 
three  years  ago  it  would  have  been  considered  as  a 
species  of  madness  to  have  foretold.  The  astonish- 
ing rapidity,  with  which  the  newly  instituted  bank 
was  filled,  gives  an  unexampled  proof  (here)  of  the 
resources  of  our  countrymen,  and  their  confidence 
in  public  measures.  On  the  first  day  of  opening  the 
subscription,  the  whole  number  of  shares  (twenty 
thousand)  were  taken  up  in  one  hour,  and  appli- 
cation made  for  upwards  of  four  thousand  shares 
more  than  were  granted  by  the  institution,  besides 
many  others  that  were  coming  in  from  different 
quarters. 

For  some  time  past  the  western  frontiers  have 


340  George  Washington 

been  alarmed  by  depredations  committed  by  some 
hostile  tribes  of  Indians;  but  such  measures  are 
now  in  train  as  will,  I  presume,  either  bring  them 
to  sue  for  peace  before  a  stroke  is  struck  at  them, 
or  make  them  feel  the  effects  of  an  enmity  too 
sensibly  to  provoke  it  again  unnecessarily,  unless, 
as  is  much  suspected,  they  are  countenanced,  abet- 
ted, and  supported  in  their  hostile  views  by  the 
British.  Though  I  must  confess  I  cannot  see  much 
prospect  of  living  in  tranquillity  with  them,  so 
long  as  a  spirit  of  land- jobbing  prevails,  and 
our  frontier  settlers  entertain  the  opinion,  that 
there  is  not  the  same  crime  (or  indeed  no  crime 
at  all)  in  killing  an  Indian  as  in  killing  a  white 
man. 

You  have  been  informed  of  the  spot  fixed  on  for 
the  seat  of  government  on  the  Potomac;  and  I  am 
now  happy  to  add,  that  all  matters  between  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  soil  and  the  public  are  settled  to  the 
mutual  satisfaction  of  the  parties,  and  that  the 
business  of  laying  out  the  city,  the  grounds  for 
public  buildings,  walks,  &c.  is  progressing  under 
the  inspection  of  Major  L'Enfant  with  pleasing 
prospects. 

Thus  much  for  our  American  affairs.  And  I 
wish  I  could  say  as  much  in  favor  of  circumstances 
in  Europe.  But  our  accounts  from  thence  do 
not  paint  the  situation  of  the  inhabitants  in  very 
pleasing  colors.  One  part  exhibits  war  and  de- 
vastations, another  preparations  for  war,  a  third 
commotions,  a  fourth  direful  apprehensions  of 
commotions;  and  indeed  there  seems  to  be  scarcely 


Alexander  Hamilton  341 

a  nation  enjoying  uninterrupted,  unapprehensive 
tranquillity. 

The  example  of  France  will  undoubtedly  have  its 
effects  on  other  kingdoms.  Poland,  by  the  public 
papers,  appears  to  have  made  large  and  unexpected 
strides  towards  liberty,  which,  if  true,  reflects  great 
honor  on  the  present  King,  who  seems  to  have  been 
the  principal  promoter  of  the  business.  *  *  * 


TO  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON,  SECRETARY  OF  THE 

TREASURY 
[PRIVATE  AND  CONFIDENTIAL] 

MOUNT  VERNON,  29  July,  1792. 

MY  DEAE  SIR, 

I  have  not  yet  received  the  new  regulations  of 
allowances  to  the  surveyors  or  collectors  of  the 
duties  on  spirituous  liquors;  but  this  by  the  by. 
My  present  purpose  is  to  write  you  a  letter  on 
a  more  interesting  and  important  subject.  I  do 
it  in  strict  confidence,  and  with  frankness  and 
freedom. 

On  my  way  home,  and  since  my  arrival  here,  I 
have  endeavored  to  learn  from  sensible  and  mod- 
erate men,  known  friends  to  the  government,  the 
sentiments  which  are  entertained  of  public  meas- 
ures. These  all  agree,  that  the  country  is  prosper- 
ous and  happy,  but  they  seem  to  be  alarmed  at  that 
system  of  policy,  and  those  interpretations  of  the 
constitution,  which  have  taken  place  in  Congress. 
Others  less  friendly,  perhaps,  to  the  government, 
and  more  disposed  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  its  offi- 


342  George  Washington 

cers  (among  whom  may  be  classed  my  neighbor 
and  quondam  friend  Colonel  M[ason],  go  further, 
and  enumerate  a  variety  of  matters,  which,  as  well 
as  I  recollect,  may  be  adduced  under  the  following 
heads,  viz.: 

1.  "  That  the  public  debt  is  greater  than  we  can  pos- 
sibly pay,  before  other  causes  of  adding  new  debt  to  it 
will  occur;  and  that  this  has  been  artificially  created  by 
adding  together  the  whole  amount  of  the  debtor   and 
creditor  sides  of  the  accounts,  instead  of  taking  only 
their  balances,  which  could  have  been  paid  off  in  a  short 
time. 

2.  "  That  this  accumulation  of  debt  has  taken  for  ever 
out  of  our  power  those  easy  sources  of  revenue,  which, 
applied   to   the   ordinary   necessities    and   exigencies   of 
government,  would  have  answered  them  habitually,  and 
covered  us  from  habitual  murmurings  against  taxes  and 
tax-gatherers,  reserving  extraordinary  calls  for  extraor- 
dinary occasions,  which  would  animate  the  people  to  meet 
them. 

3.  "  That  the  calls  for  money  have  been  no  greater  than 
we  must  generally   expect  for  the   same  or  equivalent 
exigencies,  yet  we  are  already  obliged  to  strain  the  im- 
post till  it  produces  clamor,  and  will  produce  evasion, 
and  war  on  our  own  citizens  to  collect  it ;  and  even  to  re- 
sort to  an  excise  law,  of  odious  character  with  the  people, 
partial  in   its  operation,  unproductive,  unless  enforced 
by  arbitrary  and  vexatious  means,  and  committing  the 
authority  of  the  government  in  parts  where  resistance 
is  most  probable  and  coercion  least  practicable. 

4.  "  They  cite  propositions  in   Congress,  and  suspect 
other  projects  on  foot,  still  to  increase  the  mass  of  the 
debt. 

5.  "  They  say,  that  by  borrowing  at  two  thirds  of  the 
interest  we  might  have  paid   off  the  principal  in   two 


Alexander  Hamilton  343 

thirds  of  the  time;  but  that  from  this  we  are  precluded 
by  its  being  made  irredeemable  but  in  small  portions 
and  long  terms. 

6.  "That  this  irredeemable  quality  was  given  it  for 
the  avowed  purpose  of  inviting  its  transfer  to  foreign 
countries. 

7.  "  They  predict,  that  this  transfer  of  the  principal, 
when  completed,  will  occasion  an  exportation  of  three 
millions  of  dollars  annually  for  the  interest,  a  drain  of 
coin,  of  which  as  there  has  been  no  example,  no  calcula- 
tion can  be  made  of  its  consequences. 

8.  "  That  the  banishment  of  our  coin  will  be  completed 
by  the  creation  of  ten  millions  of  paper  money  in  the 
form  of  bank  bills,  now  issuing  into  circulation. 

9.  "  They  think  the  ten  or  twelve  per  cent,   annual 
profit,  paid  to  the  lenders  of  this  paper  medium,  are 
taken  out  of  the  pocket  of  the  people,  who  would  have 
had  without  interest  the  coin  it  is  banishing. 

10.  "  That  all  the  capital  employed  in  paper  specula- 
tion is  barren  and  useless,  producing,  like  that  on  a 
gaming-table,  no  accession  to  itself,  and  is  withdrawn 
from   commerce  and   agriculture,  where  it  would   have 
produced  an  addition  to  the  common  mass. 

11.  "  That  it  nourishes  in  our  citizens  vice  and  idle- 
ness instead  of  industry  and  morality. 

12.  "  That  it  has  furnished  effectual  means  of  corrupt- 
ing such  a  portion  of  the  legislature,  as  turns  the  balance 
between  the  honest  voters,  whichever  way  it  is  directed. 

13.  "  That  this   corrupt  squadron,  deciding  the  voice 
of  the  legislature,  have  manifested  their  dispositions  to 
get  rid  of  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  constitution 
on  the  general  legislature;  limitations,  on  the  faith  of 
which  the  States  acceded  to  that  instrument. 

14.  "  That  the  ultimate  object  of  all  this  is  to  prepare 
the  way  for  a  change,  from  the  present  republican  form 
of  government  to  that  of  a  monarchy,  of  which  the  Brit- 
ish constitution  is  to  be  the  model. 


344  George  Washington 

15.  "That  this  was  contemplated  in  the  Convention 
they  say  is  no  secret,  because  its  partisans  have  made 
none  of  it.     To  effect  it  then  was  impracticable,  but  they 
are  still  eager  after  their  object,  and  are  predisposing 
every  thing  for  its  ultimate  attainment. 

16.  "  So  many  of  them  have  got  into  the  legislature 
that,  aided  by  the  corrupt  squadron  of  paper-dealers,  who 
are  at  their  devotion,  they  make  a  majority  in   both 
houses. 

17.  "  The  republican  party,  who  wish  to  preserve  the 
government  in  its  present  form,  are  fewer,  even  when 
joined  by  the  two,  three,  or  half-dozen   antifederalists, 
who,  though  they  dare  not  avow  it,  are  still  opposed  to 
any  general  government;  but,  being  less  so  to  a  republi- 
can than  a  monarchical  one,  they  naturally  join  those 
whom  they  think  pursuing  the  lesser  evil. 

18.  "  Of  all  the  mischiefs  objected  to  the  system  of 
measures  before  mentioned,  none,  they  add,  is  so  afflict- 
ing and  fatal  to  every  honest  hope,  as  the  corruption  of 
the  legislature.    As  it  was  the  earliest  of  these  measures, 
it  became  the  instrument  for  producing  the  rest,  and  will 
be  the  instrument  of  producing  in  future  a  king,  lords, 
and  commons,  or  whatever  else  those  who  direct  it  may 
choose.    Withdrawn   such   a  distance   from   the  eye  of 
their  constituents,  and  these  so  dispersed  as  to  be  inac- 
cessible to  public  information,  and  particularly  to  that 
of  the  conduct  of  their  own  representatives,  they  will 
form  the  worst  government  upon  earth  if  the  means  of 
their  corruption  be  not  prevented. 

19.  "The  only  hope  of  safety,  they  say,  hangs  now  on 
the  numerous  representation,  which  is  to  come  forward 
the  ensuing  year;  but,  should  the  majority  of  the  new 
members  be  still  in  the  same  principles  with  the  present, 
show  so  much  dereliction  of  republican  government,  and 
such  a  disposition  to  encroach  upon  or  explain  away  the 
limited  powers  of  the  constitution  in  order  to  change 
it,  it  is  not  easy  to  conjecture  what  would  be  the  re- 


Alexander  Hamilton  345 

suit,  nor  what  means  would  be  resorted  to  for  the  cor- 
rection of  the  evil.  True  wisdom,  they  acknowledge, 
should  direct  temperate  and  peaceable  measures;  but, 
they  add,  the  division  of  sentiments  and  interest  happens 
unfortunately  to  be  so  geographical,  that  no  mortal  can 
say  that  what  is  most  wise  and  temperate  would  pre- 
vail against  what  is  more  easy  and  obvious.  They 
declare  they  can  contemplate  no  evil  more  incalculable, 
than  the  breaking  of  the  Union  into  two  or  more  parts; 
yet  when  they  view  the  mass,  which  opposed  the  origi- 
nal coalescence,  when  they  consider  that  it  lay  chiefly 
in  the  southern  quarter,  and  that  the  legislature  have 
availed  themselves  of  no  occasion  of  allaying  it,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  whenever  northern  and  southern  pre- 
judices have  come  into  conflict,  the  latter  have  been 
sacrificed  and  the  former  soothed. 

20.  "  That  the  owers  of  the  debt  are  in  the  southern, 
and  the  holders  of  it  in  the  northern  division. 

21.  "  That     the     antifederal     champions     are     now 
strengthened    in    argument    by    the    fufilment    of    their 
predictions,  which  has  been  brought  about  by  the  mon- 
archical  federalists   themselves;   who,   having  been   for 
the    new    government    merely    as    a    stepping-stone    to 
monarchy,  have  themselves  adopted  the  very  construc- 
tions of  the  constitution,  of  which,  when  advocating  the 
acceptance  before  the  tribunal  of  the  people,  they  de- 
clared it  unsusceptible;  whilst  the  republican  federalists, 
who   espoused    the    same   government    for   its   intrinsic 
merits,  are  disarmed  of  their  weapons,  that  which  they 
denied    as    prophecy    being    now    become    true    history. 
Who,  therefore,  can  be  sure,  they  ask,  that  these  things 
may  not  proselyte  the  small  number,  which  was  want- 
ing to  place  the  majority  on  the  other  side?    And  this, 
they  add,  is  the  event  at  which  they  tremble." 1 

1  This  is  copied  almost  verbatim  from  a  letter  which  the  writer 
had  recently  received  from  Jefferson. — Sparks.     Hamilton's  ro»- 


346 


George  Washington 


These,  as  well  as  my  memory  serves  me,  are  the 
sentiments,  which  directly  and  indirectly  have  been 
disclosed  to  me.  To  obtain  light  and  to  pursue 
truth  being  my  sole  aim,  and  wishing  to  have  be- 
fore me  explanations  of,  as  well  as  the  complaints 
on,  measures,  in  which  the  public  interest,  har- 
mony, and  peace  is  so  deeply  concerned,  and  my 
public  conduct  so  much  involved,  it  is  my  request, 
and  you  would  oblige  me  by  furnishing  me  with 
your  ideas  upon  the  discontents  here  enumerated; 
and  for  this  purpose  I  have  thrown  them  into  heads 
or  sections,  and  numbered  them,  that  those  ideas 
may  be  applied  to  the  correspondent  numbers. 
Although  I  do  not  mean  to  hurry  you  in  giving 
your  thoughts  on  occasion  of  this  letter,  yet,  as 
soon  as  you  can  make  it  convenient  to  yourself,  it 
would  for  more  reasons  than  one  be  agreeable  and 
very  satisfactory  to  me.  *  *  * 

With  affectionate  regard,  I  am,  &c. 


TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,   ATTORNEY-GENERAL 

[PRIVATE] 
MOUNT  VERNON,  26  August,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

The  purpose  of  this  letter  is  merely  to  acknow- 
ledge the  receipt  of  your  favors  of  the  5th  and  13th 
instant,  and  to  thank  you  for  the  information  in 
both,  without  entering  into  the  details  of  either.1 

ply  is  printed  in  his  Works    (Lodge),  ii.,  236,  but  is  wrongly 
described  as  a  "  cabinet  paper." — Ford. 

1  Randolph  had  written  urging  him  to  accept  a  second  term. 


Edmund  Randolph  347 

With  respect,  however,  to  the  interesting  subject 
treated  on  in  that  of  the  5th,  I  can  express  but  one 
sentiment  at  this  time,  and  that  is  a  wish,  a  devout 
one,  that,  whatever  my  ultimate  determination 
shall  be,  it  may  be  for  the  best.  The  subject  never 
recurs  to  my  mind  but  with  additional  poignancy; 
and,  from  the  declining  state  in  the  health  of  my 
nephew,  to  whom  my  concerns  of  a  domestic  and 
private  nature  are  entrusted,  it  comes  with  ag- 
gravated force.  But  as  the  All-wise  Disposer  of 
events  has  hitherto  watched  over  my  steps,  I  trust, 
that,  in  the  important  one  I  may  soon  be  called 
upon  to  take,  he  will  mark  the  course  so  plainly, 
as  that  I  cannot  mistake  the  way.  In  full  hope  of 
this,  I  will  take  no  measures  yet  a  while,  that  will 
not  leave  me  at  liberty  to  decide  from  circum- 
stances, and  the  best  lights  I  can  obtain  on  the 
subject. 

I  shall  be  happy,  in  the  mean  time,  to  see  a  cessa- 
tion of  the  abuses  of  public  officers,  and  of  those 
attacks  upon  almost  every  measure  of  government, 
with  which  some  of  the  gazettes  are  so  strongly 
impregnated;  and  which  cannot  fail,  if  persevered 
in  with  the  malignancy  with  which  they  now  teem, 
of  rending  the  Union  asunder.  The  seeds  of  dis- 
content, distrust,  and  irritation,  which  are  so  plen- 
tifully sown,  can  scarcely  fail  to  produce  this  effect, 
and  to  mar  that  prospect  of  happiness,  which  per- 
haps never  beamed  with  more  effulgence  upon  any 
people  under  the  sun;  and  this  too  at  a  time,  when 
all  Europe  are  gazing  with  admiration  at  the 
brightness  of  our  prospects.  And  for  what  is  all 


348  George  Washington 

this?    Among  other  things,  to  afford  nuts  for  our 
transatlantic  (what  shall  I  call  them?)  foes. 

In  a  word,  if  the  government  and  the  officers  of 
it  are  to  be  the  constant  theme  for  newspaper  abuse, 
and  this  too  without  condescending  to  investigate 
the  motives  or  the  facts,  it  will  be  impossible,  I 
conceive,  for  any  man  living  to  manage  the  helm 
or  to  keep  the  machine  together.  But  I  am  run- 
ning from  my  text,  and  therefore  will  only  add 
assurances  of  the  affectionate  esteem  and  regard, 
with  which  I  am,  &c. 


TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE 

[PRIVATE] 

18  October,  1792. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  did  not  require  the  evidence  of  the  extracts, 
which  you  enclosed  to  me,  to  convince  me  of  your 
attachment  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  or  of  your  disposition  to  promote  the  gen- 
eral welfare  of  this  country;  but  I  regret,  deeply 
regret,  the  difference  in  opinions,  which  have  arisen 
and  divided  you  and  another  principal  officer  of  the 
government;  and  wish  devoutly  there  could  be  an 
accommodation  of  them  by  mutual  yieldings.1 

1  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  took  no  pains  to  conceal  the  bitter- 
ness which  had  grown  up  between  them.  Jefferson  wrote, 
"  Hamilton  and  I  were  pitted  against  each  other  every  day  in 
the  cabinet  like  two  fighting  cocks."  Their  hostility  caused 
their  chief  a  great  deal  of  pain  and  anxiety.  He  tried  in  vain 
to  reconcile  them  and  persuade  them  to  work  together  in  har- 
mony. See  his  letters  of  August  23,  1792,  to  Jefferson  and  of 
August  26,  1792,  to  Hamilton  in  his  Writings  (Ford's  edition), 


Thomas  Jefferson  349 

A  measure  of  this  sort  would  produce  harmony 
and  consequent  good  in  our  public  councils.  The 
contrary  will  inevitably  introduce  confusion  and 
serious  mischiefs;  and  for  what?  Because  mankind 
cannot  think  alike,  but  would  adopt  different  means 
to  attain  the  same  ends.  For  I  will  frankly  and 
solemnly  declare,  that  I  believe  the  views  of  both 
of  you  to  be  pure  and  well-meant,  and  that  experi- 
ence only  will  decide,  with  respect  to  the  salubrity 
of  the  measures,  which  are  the  subjects  of  dispute. 
Why,  then,  when  some  of  the  best  citizens  in  the 
United  States,  men  of  discernment,  uniform  and 
tried  patriots,  who  have  no  sinister  views  to  pro- 
mote, but  are  chaste  in  their  ways  of  thinking  and 
acting,  are  to  be  found,  some  on  one  side  and  some 
on  the  other  of  the  questions,  which  have  caused 
these  agitations,  should  either  of  you  be  so  tena- 
cious of  your  opinions,  as  to  make  no  allowances  for 
those  of  the  other?  I  could,  and  indeed  was  about 
to  add  more  on  this  interesting  subject,  but  will 
forbear,  at  least  for  the  present,  after  expressing 
a  wish,  that  the  cup,  which  has  been  presented  to 
us  may  not  be  snatched  from  our  lips  by  a  discord- 
ance of  action,  when  I  am  persuaded  there  is  no 
discordance  in  your  views.  I  have  a  great,  a  sin- 
cere esteem  and  regard  for  you  both,  and  ardently 
wish  that  some  line  could  be  marked  out  by  which 
both  of  you  could  walk.  I  am,  always,  &C.1 

xii.,  171,  176.  The  opposition  between  the  two  leaders  ex- 
tended to  their  followers,  and  was  influential  in  the  formation 
of  our  first  political  parties,  the  Federalists  and  the  Republicans. 
1  This  letter  was  in  answer  to  a  brief  one  from  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, accompanying  extracts  from  letters  written  by  him  to 


35°  George  Washington 

SECOND   INAUGURAL  ADDRESS 

DELIVERED  IN  THE  SENATE  CHAMBER,  PHILADELPHIA, 
MARCH  4,   1793 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  : 

I  am  again  called  upon,  by  the  voice  of  my 
country,  to  execute  the  functions  of  its  Chief 
Magistrate.  When  the  occasion  proper  for  it 
shall  arrive,  I  shall  endeavor  to  express  the  high 
sense  I  entertain  of  this  distinguished  honor,  and  of 
the  confidence  which  has  been  reposed  in  me  by  the 
people  of  United  America.  Previous  to  the  exe- 
cution of  any  official  act  of  the  President,  the  Con- 
stitution requires  an  oath  of  office.  This  oath  I  am 
now  about  to  take  and  in  your  presence;  that,  if  it 
shall  be  found  during  my  administration  of  the 
government,  I  have  in  any  instance  violated  will- 
ingly or  knowingly  the  injunction  thereof,  I  may, 
besides  incurring  constitutional  punishment,  be  sub- 
ject to  the  upbraiding  of  all  who  are  now  witnesses 
of  the  present  solemn  ceremony. 


TO  HENRY  LEE,   GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 

[PRIVATE] 

PHILADELPHIA,  21  July,  1793. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    The  communications  in  your  letter  were 
pleasing  and  grateful;  for,  although  I  have  done 

different  persons,  and  giving  his  views  of  the  Constitution  as 
expressed  soon  after  that  instrument  was  adopted  by  the  gen- 
eral convention.  For  the  letters  containing  these  extracts,  see 
Jefferson's  Writings,  vol.  ii.,  p.  290.  North  American  Review, 
vol.  xxv.,  p.  268. — Sparks. 


Henry  Lee  351 

no  public  act  with  which  my  mind  upbraids  me, 
yet  it  is  highly  satisfactory  to  learn,  that  the  things 
which  I  do,  of  an  interesting  tendency  to  the  peace 
and  happiness  of  this  country,  are  generally  ap- 
proved by  my  fellow  citizens.  But,  were  the  case 
otherwise,  I  should  not  be  less  inclined  to  know 
the  sense  of  the  people  upon  every  matter  of  great 
public  concern;  for,  as  I  have  no  wish  superior  to 
that  of  promoting  the  happiness  and  welfare  of 
this  country,  so,  consequently,  it  is  only  for  me  to 
know  the  means  to  accomplish  the  end,  if  it  be 
within  the  compass  of  my  powers. 

That  there  are  in  this,  as  well  as  in  all  other  coun- 
tries, discontented  characters,  I  well  know;  as  also 
that  these  characters  are  actuated  by  very  different 
views;  some  good,  from  an  opinion  that  the  meas- 
ures of  the  general  government  are  impure;  some 
bad,  and,  if  I  might  be  allowed  to  use  so  harsh  an 
expression,  diabolical,  inasmuch  as  they  are  not 
only  meant  to  impede  the  measures  of  that  govern- 
ment generally,  but  more  especially,  (as  a  great 
mean  towards  the  accomplishment  of  it,)  to  de- 
stroy the  confidence,  which  it  is  necessary  for  the 
people  to  place,  (until  they  have  unequivocal  proof 
of  demerit,)  in  their  public  servants.  For  in  this 
light  I  consider  myself,  whilst  I  am  an  occupant 
of  office;  and,  if  they  were  to  go  further  and  call 
me  their  slave,  during  this  period,  I  would  not  dis- 
pute the  point. 

But  in  what  will  this  abuse  terminate?  The 
result,  as  it  respects  myself,  I  care  not;  for  I  have 
a  consolation  within,  that  no  earthly  efforts  can 


352 


George  Washington 


deprive  me  of,  and  that  is,  that  neither  ambitious 
nor  interested  motives  have  influenced  my  conduct. 
The  arrows  of  malevolence,  therefore,  however, 
barbed  and  well  pointed,  never  can  reach  the  most 
vulnerable  part  of  me;  though,  whilst  I  am  up 
as  a  mark,  they  will  be  continually  aimed.  The 
publications  in  Freneau's  and  Bache's  papers  are 
outrages  on  common  decency ;  and  they  progress  in 
that  style,  in  proportion  as  their  pieces  are  treated 
with  contempt,  and  are  passed  by  in  silence,  by 
those  at  whom  they  are  aimed.  The  tendency  of 
them,  however,  is  too  obvious  to  be  mistaken  by 
men  of  cool  and  dispassionate  minds,  and,  in  my 
opinion,  ought  to  alarm  them;  because  it  is  difficult 
to  prescribe  bounds  to  the  effect.  *  *  * 


TO  DAVID  HUMPHREYS 


PHILADELPHIA,   12  June,  1796. 

MY  DR.  HUMPHREYS — 

I  could  not  suffer  Captain  O'Brien  to  return 
without  carrying  along  with  him  this  evidence  of 
my  continued  regard  and  friendship  for  you.  In 
expressing  of  which  I  shall  be  concise,  for  a  long 
and  interesting  session  closed  only  the  first  day  of 
this  month — many  laws  which  require  immediate 
attention  and  execution;  added  to  a  preparation 
for  a  journey  to  Mount  Vernon  (tomorrow)  for  a 
little  relaxation  from  the  unpleasant  scenes  which 
have  been  and  are  continually  presenting  them- 


David  Humphreys  353 

selves  to  my  view,  will  not,  however  well  disposed 
I  might  otherwise  be,  permit  me  to  be  profuse. 

From  the  office  of  State  you  will  receive  every 
thing  that  relates  to  business;  and  the  gazettes, 
which  I  presume  accompany  the  despatches,  will 
bring  you  pretty  well  acquainted  with  the  state  of 
politics  and  of  parties  in  this  country;  and  shew 
you  in  what  manner  I  am  attacked  for  a  steady 
opposition  to  every  measure  which  has  a  tendency 
to  disturb  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  it.  But 
these  attacks,  unjust  and  unpleasant  as  they  are, 
will  occasion  no  change  in  my  conduct;  nor  will 
they  work  any  other  effect  in  my  mind,  than  to  in- 
crease the  anxious  desire  which  has  long  possessed 
my  breast  to  enjoy  in  the  shades  of  retirement  the 
consolation  of  having  rendered  my  country  every 
service  my  abilities  were  competent  to,  uninfluenced 
by  pecuniary  or  ambitious  considerations  as  they 
respected  myself,  and  without  any  attempt  to  pro- 
vide for  my  friends  farther  than  their  merits,  ab- 
stractedly entitle  them  to — nor  an  attempt  in  any 
instance  to  bring  a  relation  of  mine  into  office. 
Malignity  therefore  may  dart  her  shafts;  but  no 
earthly  power  can  deprive  me  of  the  consolation 
of  knowing  that  I  have  not  in  the  course  of  my 
administration  been  guilty  of  a  wilful  error,  how- 
ever numerous  they  may  have  been  from  other 
causes.  When  you  shall  think  with  the  poet  that 
"  the  post  of  honor  is  a  private  station,"  &  may  be 
inclined  to  enjoy  yourself  in  my  shades — (I  do  not 
mean  the  shades  below  where,  if  you  put  it  off 
long,  I  may  be)  I  can  only  tell  you  that  you  will 


354  George  Washington 

meet  with  the  same  cordial  reception  at  Mount 
Vernon  that  you  have  always  experienced  at  that 
place,  and  that  I  am,  &c. 


TO   THOMAS   JEFFERSON 

MOUNT  VERNON,  6  July,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR, 

When  I  inform  you,  that  your  letter  of  the  19th 
ultimo  *  went  to  Philadelphia  and  returned  to  this 
place  before  it  was  received  by  me,  it  will  be  ad- 
mitted, I  am  persuaded,  as  an  apology  for  my  not 
having  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  it  sooner. 

If  I  had  entertained  any  suspicions  before,  that 
the  queries,  which  have  been  published  in  B  ache's 
paper,  proceeded  from  you,  the  assurances  you  have 
given  of  the  contrary  would  have  removed  them; 
but  the  truth  is,  I  harbored  none.2  I  am  at  no  loss 

1  See    this    letter    in    Jefferson,    Writings     (Ford's    edition), 
vii.,  81,  or   (Washington's  edition),  iv.,  141. 

2  Bache's  paper,  The  Aurora,  was  conspicuous  for  its  bitter 
attacks  on  Washington,  whose  retirement  from  the  Presidency 
provoked  the  following  effusion  printed  in  the  issue  of  March 
6,  1797: 

" '  Lord,  now  lettest  Thou  Thy  servant  depart  in  peace,'  was 
the  pious  ejaculation  of  a  pious  man  who  beheld  a  flood  of  hap- 
piness rushing  in  upon  mankind.  If  ever  there  was  a  time 
that  would  license  the  reiteration  of  the  ejaculation,  that  time 
has  now  arrived,  for  the  man  who  is  the  source  of  all  the 
misfortune  of  our  country  is  this  day  reduced  to  a  level  with 
his  fellow-citizens,  and  is  no  longer  possessed  of  power  to  mul- 
tiply evils  upon  the  United  States.  If  ever  there  was  a  period 
for  rejoicing,  this  is  the  moment.  Every  heart  in  unison  with 
the  freedom  and  happiness  of  the  people  ought  to  beat  high 
with  exultation  that  the  name  of  Washington  ceases  from  this 
day  to  give  currency  to  political  insults,  and  to  legalize  corrup- 
tion. A  new  era  is  now  opening  upon  us,  an  era  which  promises 


Thomas  Jefferson  355 

to  conjecture  from  what  source  they  flowed,  through 
what  channel  they  were  conveyed,  and  for  what 
purpose  they  and  similar  publications  appear. 
They  were  known  to  be  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Parker 
in  the  early  part  of  the  last  session  of  Congress. 
They  were  shown  about  by  Mr.  Giles  during  the 
session,  and  they  made  their  public  exhibition  about 
the  close  of  it. 

Perceiving  and  probably  hearing,  that  no  abuse 
in  the  gazettes  would  induce  me  to  take  notice  of 
anonymous  publications  against  me,  those,  who 
were  disposed  to  do  me  such  friendly  offices,  have 
embraced  without  restraint  every  opportunity  to 
weaken  the  confidence  of  the  people;  and,  by  hav- 
ing the  whole  game  in  their  hands,  they  have 
scrupled  not  to  publish  things  that  do  not,  as  well 
as  those  which  do  exist,  and  to  mutilate  the  latter, 
so  as  to  make  them  subserve  the  purposes  which 
they  have  in  view. 

As  you  have  mentioned  the  subject  yourself,  it 
would  not  be  frank,  candid,  or  friendly  to  conceal, 
that  your  conduct  has  been  represented  as  derogat- 
ing from  that  opinion  I  had  conceived  you  enter- 


much  to  the  people,  for  public  measures  must  now  stand  upon 
their  own  merits,  and  nefarious  projects  can  no  longer  be  sup- 
ported by  a  name.  When  a  retrospect  has  been  taken  of  the 
Washingtonian  administration  for  eight  years,  it  is  a  subject  of 
the  greatest  astonishment  that  a  single  individual  should  have 
cankered  the  principles  of  republicanism  in  an  enlightened  peo- 
ple just  emerged  from  the  gulf  of  despotism,  and  should  have 
carried  his  designs  against  the  public  liberty  so  far  as  to  have 
put  in  jeopardy  its  very  existence.  Such,  however,  are  the 
facts,  and  with  these  staring  us  in  the  face,  the  day  ought  to 
be  a  JUBILEE  in  the  United  States." 


356  George  Washington 

tained  of  me;  that,  to  your  particular  friends  and 
connexions  you  have  described  and  they  have  de- 
nounced, me  as  a  person  under  a  dangerous  in- 
fluence; and  that,  if  I  would  listen  more  to  some 
other  opinions,  all  would  be  well.  My  answer  in- 
variably has  been,  that  I  had  never  discovered  any 
thing  in  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  raise  sus- 
picions in  my  mind  of  his  insincerity;  that,  if  he 
would  retrace  my  public  conduct  while  he  was  in 
the  administration,  abundant  proofs  would  occur 
to  him,  that  truth  and  right  decisions  were  the  sole 
objects  of  my  pursuit;  that  there  were  as  many  in- 
stances within  his  own  knowledge  of  my  having 
decided  against  as  in  favor  of  the  opinions  of  the 
person  evidently  alluded  to;  and,  moreover,  that  I 
was  no  believer  in  the  infallibility  of  the  politics  or 
measures  of  any  man  living.  In  short,  that  I  was 
no  party  man  myself,  and  the  first  wish  of  my  heart 
was,  if  parties  did  exist,  to  reconcile  them. 

To  this  I  may  add,  and  very  truly,  that,  until 
within  the  last  year  or  two,  I  had  no  conception 
that  parties  would  or  even  could  go  the  length  I 
have  been  witness  to;  nor  did  I  believe  until  lately, 
that  it  was  within  the  bounds  of  probability,  hardly 
within  those  of  possibility,  that,  while  I  was  using 
my  utmost  exertions  to  establish  a  national  char- 
acter of  our  own,  independent,  as  far  as  our  obliga- 
tions and  justice  would  permit,  of  every  nation  of 
the  earth,  and  wished,  by  steering  a  steady  course, 
to  preserve  this  country  from  the  horrors  of  a  deso- 
lating war,  I  should  be  accused  of  being  the  enemy 
of  one  nation,  and  subject  to  the  influence  of  an- 


Patrick  Henry  357 

other;  and,  to  prove  it,  that  every  act  of  my  ad- 
ministration would  be  tortured,  and  the  grossest 
and  most  insidious  misrepresentations  of  them  be 
made,  by  giving  one  side  only  of  a  subject,  and  that 
too  in  such  exaggerated  and  indecent  terms  as  could 
scarcely  be  applied  to  a  Nero,  a  notorious  defaul- 
ter, or  even  to  a  common  pickpocket.  But  enough 
of  this,  I  have  already  gone  further  in  the  expres- 
sion of  my  feelings  than  I  intended.1  *  *  * 


TO    PATRICK    HENRY 

[CONFIDENTIAL] 

MOUNT  VERNON,  15  January,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR, 

At  the  threshold  of  this  letter  I  ought  to  make  an 
apology  for  its  contents;  but,  if  you  will  give  me 
credit  for  my  motives,  I  will  contend  for  no  more, 
however  erroneous  my  sentiments  may  appear  to 
you. 

It  would  be  a  waste  of  time  to  attempt  to  bring 
to  the  view  of  a  person  of  your  observation  and 
discernment,  the  endeavors  of  a  certain  party 
among  us  to  disquiet  the  public  mind  among  us 

1  No  correspondence  after  this  date  between  Washington  and 
Jefferson  appears  in  the  letter-books,  except  a  brief  note  the 
month  following  upon  an  unimportant  matter.  It  has  been 
reported  and  believed  that  letters  or  papers,  supposed  to  have 
passed  between  them,  or  to  relate  to  their  intercourse  with 
each  other  at  subsequent  dates,  were  secretly  withdrawn  from 
the  archives  of  Mount  Vernon  after  the  death  of  the  former. 
Concerning  this  fact,  no  positive  testimony  remains,  either  for 
or  against  it,  among  Washington's  papers  as  they  came  into 
my  hands. — Sparks. 


358  George  Washington 

with  unfounded  alarms ;  to  arraign  every  act  of  the 
administration;  to  set  the  people  at  variance  with 
their  government;  and  to  embarrass  all  its  meas- 
ures. Equally  useless  would  it  be  to  predict  what 
must  be  the  inevitable  consequences  of  such  policy, 
if  it  cannot  be  arrested. 

Unfortunately,  and  extremely  do  I  regret  it, 
the  State  of  Virginia  has  taken  the  lead  in  this 
opposition.  I  have  said  the  State,  because  the 
conduct  of  its  legislature  in  the  eyes  of  the  world 
will  authorize  the  expression,  because  it  is  an  in- 
controvertible fact,  that  the  principal  leaders  of  the 
opposition  dwell  in  it,  and  because  no  doubt  is  en- 
tertained I  believe,  that,  with  the  help  of  the  chiefs 
in  other  States,  all  the  plans  are  arranged  and  sys- 
tematically pursued  by  their  followers  in  other 
parts  of  the  Union,  though  in  no  State  except  Ken- 
tucky, that  I  have  heard  of,  has  legislative  coun- 
tenance been  obtained  beyond  Virginia.1 

It  has  been  said  that  the  great  mass  of  the 
citizens  of  this  State  are  well- affected,  notwith- 
standing, to  the  general  government  and  the 
Union;  and  I  am  willing  to  believe  it,  nay,  do  be- 
lieve it;  but  how  is  this  to  be  reconciled  with  their 
suffrages  at  the  elections  of  representatives,  both 
to  Congress  and  their  State  legislature,  who  are 

1  Allusion  is  here  made  to  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Reso- 
lutions, which  were  adopted  in  opposition  to  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws,  and  which  asserted  the  right  of  the  States  to 
determine  whether  or  not  an  act  of  Congress  was  constitutional. 
They  were  submitted  to  the  other  States  with  an  invitation 
to  join  in  the  protest,  but  the  response  was  in  every  case  un- 
favorable. The  replies  of  the  States  may  be  found  in  Ames, 
State  Documents  on  Federal  Relations,  16-26. 


Patrick  Henry  359 

men  opposed  to  the  first,  and  by  the  tendency  of 
their  measures  would  destroy  the  latter?  Some 
among  us  have  endeavored  to  account  for  this  in- 
consistency, and,  though  convinced  themselves  of 
its  truth,  they  are  unable  to  convince  others,  who 
are  unacquainted  with  the  internal  policy  of  the 
State. 

One  of  the  reasons  assigned  is,  that  the  most  re- 
spectable and  best  qualified  characters  amongst  us 
will  not  come  forward.  Easy  and  happy  in  their 
circumstances  at  home,  and  believing  themselves 
secure  in  their  liberties  and  property,  [they]  will 
not  forsake  their  occupations,  and  engage  in  the 
turmoil  of  public  business,  or  expose  themselves  to 
the  calumnies  of  their  opponents,  whose  weapons 
are  detraction. 

But,  at  such  a  crisis  as  this,  when  every  thing 
dear  and  valuable  to  us  is  assailed ;  when  this  party 
hangs  upon  the  wheels  of  government  as  a  dead 
weight,  opposing  every  measure  that  is  calculated, 
for  defence  and  self-preservation,  abetting  the 
nefarious  views  of  another  nation  upon  our  rights, 
preferring,  as  long  as  they  durst  contend  openly 
against  the  spirit  and  resentment  of  the  people, 
the  interest  of  France  to  the  welfare  of  their  own 
country,  justifying  the  first  at  the  expense  of  the 
latter;  when  every  act  of  their  own  government  is 
tortured,  by  constructions  they  will  not  bear,  into 
attempts  to  trample  and  infringe  upon  the  con- 
stitution with  a  view  to  introduce  monarchy;  when 
the  most  unceasing  and  the  purest  exertions,  which 
were  making  to  maintain  a  neutrality,  proclaimed 


360  George  Washington 

by  the  executive,  approved  unequivocally  by  Con- 
gress, by  the  State  legislatures,  nay,  by  the  people 
themselves  in  various  meetings,  and  to  preserve  the 
country  in  peace,  are  charged  as  a  measure  calcu- 
lated to  favor  Great  Britain  at  the  expense  of 
France,  and  all  those,  who  had  any  agency  in  it 
are  accused  of  being  under  the  influence  of  the 
former  and  her  pensioners;  when  measures  are  sys- 
tematically and  pertinaciously  pursued,  which  must 
eventually  dissolve  the  Union  or  produce  coercion; 
I  say,  when  these  things  are  become  so  obvious, 
ought  characters  who  are  best  able  to  rescue  their 
country  from  the  pending  evil  to  remain  at  home? 
Rather  ought  they  not  to  come  forward,  and  by 
their  talents  and  influence  stand  in  the  breach, 
which  such  conduct  has  made  on  the  peace  and  hap- 
piness of  this  country,  and  oppose  the  widening 
of  it? 

Vain  will  it  be  to  look  for  peace  and  happiness, 
or  for  the  security  of  liberty  or  property,  if  civil  dis- 
cord should  ensue.  And  what  else  can  result  from 
the  policy  of  those  among  us,  who,  by  all  the  meas- 
ures in  their  power,  are  driving  matters  to  extrem- 
ity, if  they  cannot  be  counteracted  effectually? 
The  views  of  men  can  only  be  known,  or  guessed 
at,  by  their  words  or  actions.  Can  those  of  the 
leaders  of  opposition  be  mistaken,  then,  if  judged 
by  this  rule?  That  they  are  followed  by  numbers, 
who  are  unacquainted  with  their  designs,  and  sus- 
pect as  little  the  tendency  of  their  principles,  I  am 
fully  persuaded.  But,  if  their  conduct  is  viewed 
with  indifference,  if  there  is  activity  and  misrepre- 


Patrick  Henry  361 

sentation  on  one  side,  and  supineness  on  the  other, 
their  numbers  accumulated  by  intriguing  and  dis- 
contented foreigners  under  proscription,  who  were 
at  war  with  their  own  governments,  and  the  greater 
part  of  them  with  all  governments,  they  will  in- 
crease, and  nothing  short  of  Omniscience  can  fore- 
tell the  consequences. 

I  come  now,  my  good  Sir,  to  the  object  of  my 
letter,  which  is,  to  express  a  hope  and  an  earnest 
wish,  that  you  will  come  forward  at  the  ensuing 
elections  (if  not  for  Congress,  which  you  may  think 
would  take  you  too  long  from  home),  as  a  candi- 
date for  representative  in  the  General  Assembly  of 
this  commonwealth. 

There  are,  I  have  no  doubt,  very  many  sensible 
men,  who  oppose  themselves  to  the  torrent,  that 
carries  away  others  who  had  rather  swim  with  than 
stem  it  without  an  able  pilot  to  conduct  them;  but 
these  are  neither  old  in  legislation,  nor  well  known 
in  the  community.  Your  weight  of  character  and 
influence  in  the  House  of  Representatives  would 
be  a  bulwark  against  such  dangerous  sentiments, 
as  are  delivered  there  at  present.  It  would  be  a 
rallying-point  for  the  timid,  and  an  attraction  of 
the  wavering.  In  a  word,  I  conceive  it  of  immense 
importance  at  this  crisis,  that  you  should  be  there; 
and  I  would  fain  hope,  that  all  minor  considera- 
tions will  be  made  to  yield  to  the  measure. 

If  I  have  erroneously  supposed  that  your  senti- 
ments on  these  subjects  are  in  unison  with  mine,  or 
if  I  have  assumed  a  liberty,  which  the  occasion  does 
not  warrant,  I  must  conclude  as  I  began,  with  pray- 


362 


George  Washington 


ing  that  my  motives  may  be  received  as  an  apology, 
and  that  my  fear,  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  Union, 
and  of  this  State  in  particular,  is  hastening  to  an 
awful  crisis,  has  extorted  them  from  me. 

With  great  and  very  sincere  regard  and  respect, 
I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient,  &c. 


Policies  and  Opinions 

Washington  stands  alone  and  unap- 
proachable, like  a  snow-peak  rising 
above  its  fellows  into  the  clear  air  of 
morning,  with  a  dignity,  constancy, 
and  purity  which  have  made  him  the 
ideal  type  of  civic  virtue  to  succeeding 
generations.  No  greater  benefit  could 
have  befallen  the  Republic  than  to  have 
such  a  type  set  from  the  first  before 
the  eye  and  mind  of  the  people. 

JAMES  BRYCB. 


363 


Policies  and  Opinions 


1.  RELATIONS  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN 


TO   GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  13  October,  1789. 

SIR, 

It  being  important  to  both  countries,  that  the 
treaty  of  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the' 
United  States  should  be  observed  and  performed 
with  perfect  and  mutual  good  faith,  and  that  a 
treaty  of  commerce  should  be  concluded  by  them, 
on  principles  of  reciprocal  advantage  to  both,  I 
wish  to  be  ascertained  of  the  sentiments  and  inten- 
tions of  the  court  of  London  on  these  interesting 
subjects. 

It  appears  to  me  most  expedient  to  have  these 
inquiries  made  informally,  by  a  private  agent ;  and, 
understanding  that  you  will  soon  be  in  London,  I 
desire  you  in  that  capacity,  and  on  the  authority 
and  credit  of  this  letter,  to  converse  with  his  Bri- 
tannic Majesty's  ministers  on  these  points,  namely, 
whether  there  be  any  and  what  objections  to  per- 

365 


366  George  Washington 

forming  those  articles  in  the  treaty,  which  remain 
to  be  performed  on  his  part;  and  whether  they  in- 
cline to  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  the  United  States 
on  any  and  what  terms. 

This  communication  ought  regularly  to  be  made 
to  you  by  the  Secretary  of  State ;  but,  that  office  not 
being  at  present  filled,  my  desire  of  avoiding  de- 
lays induces  me  to  make  it  under  my  own  hand. 
It  is  my  wish  to  promote  harmony  and  mutual  sat- 
isfaction between  the  two  countries;  and  it  would 
give  me  great  pleasure  to  find  that  the  result  of 
your  agency,  in  the  business  now  committed  to  you, 
will  conduce  to  that  end.  I  am,  Sir,  yours,  &c. 


TO   GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS 

NEW  YORK,  13  October,  1789. 

SIR, 

My  letter  to  you,  herewith  enclosed,  will  give 
you  the  credence  necessary  to  enable  you  to  do 
the  business,  which  it  commits  to  your  manage- 
ment, and  which  I  am  persuaded  you  will  read- 
ily undertake. 

Your  inquiries  will  commence  by  observing,  that, 
as  the  present  constitution  of  government,  and  of 
the  courts  established  in  pursuance  of  it,  removes 
the  objections  heretofore  made  to  putting  the 
United  States  in  possession  of  their  frontier  posts, 
it  is  natural  to  expect  from  the  assurances  of  his 
Majesty  and  the  national  good  faith,  that  no  un- 
necessary delays  will  take  place.  Proceed  then  to 


Gouverneur  Morris  367 

press  a  speedy  performance  of  the  treaty  respect- 
ing that  object. 

Remind  them  of  the  article  by  which  it  was 
agreed,  that  negroes  belonging  to  our  citizens 
should  not  be  carried  away,  and  of  the  reasonable- 
ness of  making  compensation  for  them.  Learn 
with  precision,  if  possible,  what  they  mean  to  do  on 
this  head. 

The  commerce  between  the  two  countries  you 
well  understand.  You  are  apprized  of  the  senti- 
ments and  feelings  of  the  United  States  on  the 
present  state  of  it;  and  you  doubtless  have  heard, 
that,  in  the  late  session  of  Congress,  a  very  re- 
spectable number  of  both  houses  were  inclined  to 
a  discrimination  of  duties  unfavorable  to  Britain, 
and  that  it  would  have  taken  place  but  for 
conciliatory  considerations,  and  the  probability 
that  the  late  change  in  our  government  and 
circumstances  would  lead  to  more  satisfactory 
arrangements. 

Request  to  be  informed,  therefore,  whether  they 
contemplate  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  the  United 
States,  and  on  what  principles  or  terms  in  general. 
In  treating  this  subject,  let  it  be  strongly  im- 
pressed on  your  mind,  that  the  privilege  of  carrying 
our  productions  in  our  vessels  to  their  Islands,  and 
of  bringing  in  return  the  productions  of  those 
Islands  to  our  own  ports  and  markets,  is  regarded 
here  as  of  the  highest  importance;  and  you  will  be 
careful  not  to  countenance  any  idea  of  our  dis- 
pensing with  it  in  a  treaty.  Ascertain,  if  possible, 
their  views  on  this  point ;  for  it  would  not  be  expedi- 


368  George  Washington 

ent  to  commence  negotiations  without  previously 
having  good  reasons  to  expect  a  satisfactory  ter- 
mination of  them. 

It  may  also  be  well  for  you  to  take  a  proper 
occasion  of  remarking,  that  their  omitting  to  send 
a  minister  here,  when  the  United  States  sent  one  to 
London,  did  not  make  an  agreeable  impression  on 
this  country;  and  request  to  know  what  would  be 
their  future  conduct  on  similar  occasions. 

It  is  in  my  opinion  very  important,  that  we  avoid 
errors  in  our  system  of  policy  respecting  Great 
Britain;  and  this  can  only  be  done  by  forming  a 
right  judgment  of  their  disposition  and  views. 
Hence  you  will  perceive  how  interesting  it  is,  that 
you  obtain  the  information  in  question,  and  that 
the  business  be  so  managed,  as  that  it  may  receive 
every  advantage,  which  abilities,  address,  and  deli- 
cacy can  promise  and  afford.  I  am,  Sir,  yours, 
&c. 


TO   JOHN   JAY 

PHILADELPHIA,  30  August,  1794. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  23d  of  June  from  London, 
and  the  duplicate,  have  both  been  received;  and 
your  safe  arrival  after  so  short  a  passage  gave 
sincere  pleasure,  as  well  on  private  as  on  public 
account,  to  all  your  friends  in  this  country;  and  to 
none  in  a  greater  degree,  I  can  venture  to  assure 
you,  than  it  did  to  myself.1 

1  The  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United 
States  and   Great  Britain   did  not  leave  the  two  countries  on 


John  Jay  369 

As  you  will  receive  letters  from  the  Secretary  of 
State's  office,  giving  an  official  account  of  the  pub- 
lic occurrences  as  they  have  arisen  and  progressed, 
it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  retouch  any  of  them; 
and  yet  I  cannot  restrain  myself  from  making 
some  observations  on  the  most  recent  of  them,  the 
communication  of  which  was  received  this  moaning 

cordial  terms.  The  treaty  itself  was  notoriously  violated  by 
both  parties  to  it,  and  Great  Britain  refused  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  her  late  enemy.  The  United  States 
had  despatched  John  Adams  to  London  as  its  minister  in  1785, 
but  Great  Britain  did  not  accredit  a  minister  to  the  United 
States  until  1791,  and  even  when  he  arrived  it  was  found  that 
he  had  no  authority  to  negotiate  a  treaty.  In  1793  war  broke 
out  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  American  com- 
merce suffered  at  the  hands  of  both  countries.  In  June,  1793, 
British  war  vessels  were  directed  to  stop  all  vessels  bound  for 
France  with  grain  and  compel  them  to  proceed  to  a  British 
port.  In  the  following  November,  this  order  was  supplemented 
by  another  directing  that  all  such  vessels  should  be  seized  and 
sent  to  a  British  prize  court.  These  orders  were  especially 
injurious  to  American  commerce,  and  with  other  grievances 
threatened  to  precipitate  a  second  war  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. In  this  situation,  Washington  determined  to  make  an- 
other effort  to  obtain  redress.  "  But,"  he  said  in  a  message  to 
the  Senate,  "  as  peace  ought  to  be  pursued  with  unremit- 
ting zeal,  before  the  last  resource,  which  has  so  often  been 
the  scourge  of  nations,  and  cannot  fail  to  check  the  advanced 
prosperity  of  the  United  States,  I  have  thought  proper  to 
nominate,  and  do  hereby  nominate,  John  Jay  as  Envoy 
Extraordinary  of  the  United  States  to  His  Britannic  Majesty. 
My  confidence  in  our  minister  plenipotentiary  in  London 
[Thomas  Pinckney]  continues  undiminished.  But  a  mission 
like  this,  while  it  corresponds  with  the  solemnity  of  the  oc- 
casion, will  announce  to  the  world  a  solicitude  for  the  friendly 
adjustment  of  our  complaints,  and  a  reluctance  to  hostility. 
Going  immediately  from  the  United  States,  such  an  envoy  will 
carry  with  him  a  full  knowledge  of  the  existing  temper  and 
sensibility  of  our  country;  and  will  thus  be  taught  to  vindicate 
our  rights  with  firmness,  and  to  cultivate  peace  with  sincerity." 
• — Richardson,  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  i.,  153. 

24 


37°  George  Washington 

only.  I  mean  the  protest  of  the  governor  of  Upper 
Canada,  delivered  by  Lieutenant  Sheaffe,  against 
our  occupying  lands  far  from  any  of  the  posts, 
which  long  ago  they  ought  to  have  surrendered,  and 
far  within  the  known  and  until  now  the  acknowl- 
edged limits  of  the  United  States. 

On  this  irregular  and  high-handed  proceeding 
of  Mr.  Simcoe,  which  is  no  longer  masked,  I  would 
rather  hear  what  the  ministry  of  Great  Britain  will 
say,  than  pronounce  my  own  sentiments  thereon. 
OBut  can  that  government  or  will  it  attempt,  af- 
ter this  official  act  of  one  of  their  governors,  to 
hold  out  ideas  of  friendly  intentions  towards  the 
United  States,  and  suffer  such  conduct  to  pass 
with  impunity? 

This  may  be  considered  as  the  most  open  and 
daring  act  of  the  British  agents  in  America, 
though  it  is  not  the  most  hostile  or  cruel ;  for  there 
does  not  remain  a  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  well- 
informed  person  in  this  country,  not  shut  against 
conviction,  that  all  the  difficulties  we  encounter 
with  the  Indians,  their  hostilities,  the  murders  of 
helpless  women  and  innocent  children  along  our 
frontiers,  result  from  the  conduct  of  the  agents  of 
Great  Britain  in  this  country.  In  vain  is  it  then 
for  its  administration  in  Britain  to  disavow  having 
given  orders,  which  will  warrant  such  conduct, 
whilst  their  agents  go  unpunished;  whilst  we  have 
a  thousand  corroborating  circumstances,  and  in- 
deed almost  as  many  evidences,  some  of  which  can- 
not be  brought  forward,  to  prove,  that  they  are 
seducing  from  our  alliance,  and  endeavoring  to 


John  Jay  371 

remove  over  the  line,  tribes  that  have  hitherto  been 
kept  in  peace  and  friendship  with  us  at  a  heavy 
expense,  and  who  have  no  causes  of  complaint,  ex- 
cept pretended  ones  of  their  creating;  whilst  they 
keep  in  a  state  of  irritation  the  tribes,  who  are  hos- 
tile to  us,  and  are  instigating  those,  who  know 
little  of  us  or  we  of  them,  to  unite  in  the  war  against 
us;  and  whilst  it  is  an  undeniable  fact,  that  they 
are  furnishing  the  whole  with  arms,  ammunition, 
clothing,  and  even  provisions,  to  carry  on  the  war; 
I  might  go  further,  and,  if  they  are  not  much 
belied,  add  men  also  in  disguise. 

Can  it  be  expected,  I  ask,  so  long  as  these  things 
are  known  in  the  United  States,  or  at  least  firmly 
believed,  and  suffered  with  impunity  by  Great 
Britain,  that  there  ever  will  or  can  be  any  cordiality 
between  the  two  countries?  I  answer,  No.  And 
I  will  undertake,  without  the  gift  of  prophecy,  to 
predict,  that  it  will  be  impossible  to  keep  this  coun- 
try in  a  state  of  amity  with  Great  Britain  long,  if 
the  posts  are  not  surrendered.  A  knowledge  of 
these  being  my  sentiments  would  have  little  weight, 
I  am  persuaded,  with  the  British  administration, 
nor  perhaps  with  the  nation,  in  effecting  the  meas- 
ure; but  both  may  rest  satisfied,  that,  if  they  want 
to  be  in  peace  with  this  country,  and  to  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  its  trade,  to  give  up  the  posts  is  the 
only  road  to  it.  Withholding  them,  and  the  conse- 
quences we  feel  at  present  continuing,  war  will  be 
inevitable. 

This  letter  is  written  to  you  in  extreme  haste, 
whilst  the  papers  respecting  this  subject  I  am  writ- 


372  George  Washington 

ing  on  are  copying  at  the  Secretary  of  State's 
office,  to  go  by  express  to  New  York,  for  a  vessel 
which  we  have  just  heard  sails  to-morrow.  You 
will  readily  perceive,  therefore,  I  had  no  time  for 
digesting,  and  as  little  for  correcting  it.  I  shall 
only  add,  that  you  may  be  assured  always  of  the 
sincere  friendship  and  affection  of  yours,  &c. 


TO    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON 

[PRIVATE  AND  PERFECTLY  CONFIDENTIAL] 

PHILADELPHIA,  3  July,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

The  treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce  and  Navigation, 
which  has  lately  been  before  the  Senate,  has,  as 
you  will  perceive,  made  its  public  entry  into  the 
Gazettes  of  this  City. — Of  course  the  merits, 
and  demerits  of  it  will  (especially  in  its  unfinished 
state) ,  be  freely  discussed.1 

1  The  treaty  which  Jay  negotiated  and  which  is  known  by  his 
name  arrived  in  Philadelphia  March  7,  1795.  Its  contents  seem 
to  have  been  made  known  only  to  Washington  and  his  Secretary 
of  State,  Edmund  Randolph.  On  June  8,  the  Senate  met  in 
special  session  and  the  treaty  was  submitted  for  its  approval. 
Soon  afterward  a  senator  from  Virginia,  in  violation  of  the 
injunction  of  secrecy  by  which  all  the  senators  were  bound, 
made  the  treaty  public.  Everywhere  it  excited  the  most  bitter 
opposition.  It  failed  in  so  many  respects  to  satisfy  the  popular 
expectations  that  its  merits  were  quite  overlooked.  Public  meet- 
ings were  held  in  which  it  was  denounced  as  a  wanton  sacrifice 
of  American  rights  and  interests,  and  the  President  was  urged 
to  refuse  to  ratify  it.  Boston,  a  Federalist  stronghold,  led  the 
outbreak  with  a  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall  at  which  a  protest  was 
adopted  to  which  Washington  returned  a  dignified  but  decisive 
reply.  (See  page  375.)  Jay  was  burned  in  effigy  and  every 
form  of  vicarious  insult  was  heaped  upon  him.  Hamilton,  when 
he  attempted  to  defend  the  treaty  at  a  public  meeting  in  New 


Alexander  Hamilton  373 

It  is  not  the  opinion  of  those  who  were  deter- 
mined (before  it  was  promulgated)  to  support  or 
oppose  it,  that  I  am  sollicitous  to  obtain;  for  these 
I  well  know  rarely  do  more  than  examine  the  side 
to  which  they  lean;  without  giving  the  reverse  the 
consideration  it  deserves; — possibly  without  a  wish 
to  be  apprised  of  the  reasons  on  which  the  objec- 
tions are  founded. — My  desire  is  to  learn  from 
dispassionate  men,  who  have  a  knowledge  of  the 
subject,  and  abilities  to  judge  of  it,  the  genuine 
opinion  they  entertain  of  each  article  of  the  in- 
strument ;  and  the  result  of  it  in  the  aggregate.  In 
a  word,  placed  on  the  footing  the  matter  now 
stands,  it  is,  more  than  ever,  an  incumbent  duty  on 

York,  was  stoned,  and  was  compelled  to  leave  the  platform  with 
blood  streaming  from  his  face.  A  mob  burned  a  copy  of  the 
document  in  front  of  the'  residence  of  the  British  minister.  On 
June  24,  however,  the  Senate  ratified  the  treaty  with  certain 
amendments  by  precisely  the  vote  required  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. In  spite  of  the  bitter  denunciation  of  it,  the  treaty  was 
not  altogether  bad.  If  it  did  nothing  more,  it  preserved  peace 
at  a  time  when  war  would  have  been  most  disastrous  to  the 
United  States.  Furthermore,  as  Jay  himself  said,  there  was 
"  no  reason  to  believe  or  conjecture  that  one  more  favorable  to 
us  was  attainable."  This  was  Washington's  view  also.  "  My 
opinion  respecting  the  treaty,"  he  wrote,  "  is  the  same  now  that 
it  was,  namely,  not  favorable  to  it,  but  that  it  is  better  to  ratify 
it  in  the  manner  the  Senate  have  advised,  and  with  the  reserva- 
tion already  mentioned,  than  to  suffer  matters  to  remain  as  they 
are,  unsettled." — Washington  to  Edmund  Randolph,  22  July, 
1795.  This  is  the  opinion  that  has  finally  come  to .  prevail. 
"  The  treaty  as  a  whole  was  not  a  very  brilliant  one  for  the 
United  States,  but  its  treatment  was  far  worse  than  its  deserts. 
*  *  *  No  body,  not  even  its  supporters,  liked  it,  and  yet  it  may 
be  doubted  whether  anything  materially  better  was  possible  at 
the  time.  *  *  *  The  treaty,  in  reality,  was  by  no  means  bad; 
on  the  contrary,  it  had  many  good  points." — Lodge,  George 
Washington,  ii.,  180. 


374  George  Washington 

me  to  do  what  propriety,  and  the  true  interest  of 
this  country  shall  appear  to  require  at  my  hands, 
on  so  important  a  subject,  under  such  delicate 
circumstances. 

You  will  be  at  no  loss  to  perceive  from  what  I 
have  already  said,  that  my  wishes  are  to  have  the 
favorable  and  unfavorable  side  of  each  article 
stated  and  compared  together;  that  I  may  see  the 
bearing  and  tendency  of  them; — and  ultimately, 
on  which  side  the  balance  is  to  be  found. 

This  treaty  has,  I  am  sensible,  many  relations, 
which,  in  deciding  thereon  ought  to  be  attended 
to; — some  of  them  too  are  of  an  important  nature. 
— I  know  also,  that  to  judge  with  precision  of  its 
commercial  arrangements,  there  ought  likewise  to 
be  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  various 
branches  of  commerce  between  this  country  and 
Great  Britain  as  it  now  stands ; — as  it  will  be  placed 
by  the  treaty, — and  as  it  may  affect  our  present,  or 
restrain  our  future  treaties  with  other  nations. — All 
these  things  I  am  persuaded  you  have  given  as 
much  attention  to  as  most  men;  and  I  believe  that 
your  late  employment  under  the  General  govern- 
ment afforded  you  more  opportunities  of  deriving 
knowledge  therein,  than  most  of  them  who  have  not 
studied  and  practiced  it  scientifically,  upon  a  large 
and  comprehensive  scale. 

I  do  not  know  how  you  may  be  occupied  at  pres- 
ent ; — or  how  incompatible  this  request  of  mine  may 
be  to  the  business  you  have  in  hand.  All  I  can  say 
is,  that  however  desirous  I  may  be  of  availing  my- 
self of  your  sentiments  on  the  points  I  have  enu- 


Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston      375 

merated,  and  such  others  as  are  involved  in  the 
treaty,  and  the  resolution  of  the  Senate;  (both 
of  which  I  send  you,  lest  they  should  not  be  at 
hand)  it  is  not  my  intention  to  interrupt  you  in 
that  business;  or,  if  you  are  disinclined  to  go  into 
the  investigation  I  have  requested,  to  press  the  mat- 
ter upon  you:  for  of  this  you  may  be  assured,  that 
with  the  most  unfeigned  regard — and  with  every 
good  wish  for  your  health  and  prosperity 

I  am,  Your  Affectc.  friend  &c 

P.  S.  Admitting  that  his  B :  Majesty  will  con- 
sent to  the  suspension  of  the  12th  Article  of  the 
treaty,  is  it  necessary  that  the  treaty  should  again 
go  to  the  Senate?  or  is  the  President  authorized  by 
the  resolution  of  that  body  to  ratify  it  without.1 


TO  EZEKIEL  PRICE,  THOMAS  WALLEY,  WILLIAM 
BOARDMAN,  EBENEZER  SEAVER,  THOMAS  CRAFTS, 
THOMAS  EDWARDS,  WILLIAM  LITTLE,  WILLIAM 
SCOLLAY,  AND  JESSE  PUTNAM,  SELECTMEN  OF 
THE  TOWN  OF  BOSTON  2 

UNITED  STATES,  28  July,  1795. 

GENTLEMEN, 

In  every  act  of  my  administration,  I  have  sought 

1  For  Hamilton's  reply,  see  his  Works   (Lodge's  edition),  iv., 
322. 

2  The  resolutions  to  which  this  letter  is  a  reply  are  one  of 
the  most  complete  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  temperate  state- 
ments of  the  objections  to  the  Jay  treaty.     Their  full  text  is 
as  follows: 

Resolved,  As  the  sense  of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Town,  that 
the  aforesaid  Instrument,  if  Ratified,  will  be  highly  Injurious  to 


376  George  Washington 

the  happiness  of  my  fellow  citizens.  My  system 
for  the  attainment  of  this  object  has  uniformly  been 
to  overlook  all  personal,  local,  and  partial  consid- 
erations; to  contemplate  the  United  States  as  one 
great  whole;  to  confide,  that  sudden  impressions, 

the  commercial  interests  of  the  United  States,  derogatory  to 
their  National  Honour,  and  Independence,  and  may  be  dan- 
gerous to  the  Peace  &  Happiness  of  their  Citizens.  The  rea- 
sons which  have  induced  this  opinion  are  as  follows,  vizt: 

1st.  Because,  This  Compact  professes  to  have  no  referrence 
to  the  Merits  of  the  Complaints  and  pretensions  of  the  con- 
tracting parties;  but  in  reality  the  complaints  and  pretensions 
of  Great  Britain  are  fully  provided  for,  while  a  part  only  of 
those  of  the  United  States  have  been  brought  into  Considera- 
tion.— 

2dly.  Because,  in  the  stipulation  which  restores  our  Posts 
on  the  Western  Frontier,  no  provision  is  made  to  indemnify 
the  United  states  for  the  Commercial,  and  other  Losses  they 
have  sustained,  and  the  heavy  expences  to  which  they  have 
been  subjected  in  consequence  of  being  kept  out  of  possession, 
for  twelve  Years,  in  direct  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace. — 

3dly.  Because,  no  indemnification  is  to  be  made  to  the  Citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  for  property  taken  from  them  at  the 
close  of  the  War,  the  restitution  of  which  is  provided  for  in  the 
same  Treaty. 

4thly.  Because,  the  Capture  of  Vessels  and  property  of 
Citizens  of  the  United  States  during  the  present  War,  made 
under  the  Authority  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  is  a 
National  Concern,  and  claims  arising  from  such  Captures  ought 
not  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  decision  of  their  admiralty 
Courts  as  the  United  States  are  thereby  precluded  from  having 
a  voice  in  the  final  determination  of  such  cases. — Because,  the 
Indemnification  proposed,  is  to  be  sought  by  a  Process  tedious 
and  expensive,  in  which  justice  may  be  delayed  to  an  unreason- 
able time,  and  eventually  lost  to  many  of  the  sufferers  from 
their  inability  to  pursue  it;  and  because  this  mode  of  Indemni- 
fication bears  no  proportion  to  the  summary  method  adopted  for 
the  satisfaction  of  British  claims. 

5thly.  Because,  this  compact  admits  British  subjects  to  an 
equal  participation  with  our  own  citizens  of  the  interior  traffic 
of  the  United  States  with  the  neighbouring  Indians,  thro'  our 
whole  territorial  dominions;  while  the  advantages  ostensibly  re- 


Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston     377 

when  erroneous,  would  yield  to  candid  reflection; 
and  to  consult  only  the  substantial  and  permanent 
interests  of  our  country. 

Nor  have  I  departed  from  this  line  of  conduct, 
on  the  occasion  which  has  produced  the  resolutions 
contained  in  your  letter  of  the  13th  instant. 

ciprocated  to  our  citizens  are  limited  both  in  their  nature  and 
extent. 

6thly.  Because,  the  alien  duty  upon  merchandize  imported 
into  the  United  States  by  British  subjects  in  their  own  Bot- 
toms is,  if  not  wholly  suspended,  at  least  contracted,  not  to  be 
increased. — 

7thly.  Because,  the  Commerce  the  United  States  have  hith- 
erto enjoyed  in  India,  in  common  with  other  Nations,  is  so  re- 
stricted that  in  future  it  will  be  of  little,  or  no  substantial  bene- 
fit to  our  own  Citizens. — • 

Sthly.  Because,  in  every  stipulation  respecting  our  inter- 
course with  the  Colonial  possessions  of  Great  Britain,  the  whole 
commerce  of  the  United  States  in  such  intercourse,  is  colonized 
in  return. — 

9thly.  Because,  the  clause  by  which  the  British  Govern- 
ment reserves  to  itself  the  right  of  imposing  on  American  Ves- 
sels, entering  British  ports  in  Europe,  a  Duty  which  shall 
countervail  the  difference  of  the  Duty  payable  on  the  importa- 
tion of  European  and  Asiatic  goods  into  the  United  States  in 
British  or  American  bottoms,  places  it  in  the  power  of  that 
Government  to  enable  British  subjects  to  become  the  importers 
of  Asiatic  and  European  Goods  into  the  United  states  to  the 
exclusion  of  our  own  Citizens. 

lOthly.  Because,  altho'  the  terms  of  said  Treaty  purport  to 
be  reciprocal  in  many  instances,  yet  from  the  local  situa- 
tion and  existing  circumstances  of  the  United  states,  and  the 
Pacific  system  of  policy  they  have  adopted,  the  reciprocity  is 
merely  nominal  and  delusive. 

llthly.  Because,  it  prevents  the  United  States  from  impos- 
ing any  further  restrictions  on  the  British  trade  alone,  and 
because  it  is  stipulated  that  neither  the  debts  due  from  Indi- 
viduals of  the  one  Nation  to  Individuals  of  the  other,  nor 
shares,  nor  monies  which  they  may  have  in  the  public  funds, 
or  in  any  public  or  private  Banks,  shall  ever  in  any  event  of 
war,  or  national  difference,  be  sequestered  or  confiscated, — as  it 


378  George  Washington 

Without  a  predilection  for  my  own  judgment,  I 
have  weighed  with  attention  every  argument,  which 
has  at  any  time  been  brought  into  view.  But  the 
constitution  is  the  guide,  which  I  never  can  aban- 
don. It  has  assigned  to  the  President  the  power 
of  making  treaties,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 

is  far  from  being  impossible  that  the  exercise  of  this  right  may 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Legislature  of  the  United  states,  contrib- 
ute to  preserve  the  peace  of  our  Country,  and  protect  the  rights 
and  property  of  the  citizens  from  violation,  we  therefore  esteem 
it  highly  impolitic  that  the  public  faith  should  be  pledged  that 
it  shall  never  be  exercised  under  any  circumstances  whatever. — 

12thly.  Because,  it  concedes  a  Right  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment, to  search  and  detain  our  Vessels  in  time  of  war  between 
them  and  other  Nations,  under  frivolous  and  vexatious  pretexts. 

ISthly.  Because,  it  provides  that  Ship  timber,  Tar,  Hemp, 
Sails,  and  Copper,  shall  be  considered  contraband  of  War,  which 
articles  are  expressly  stipulated  to  be  free  by  the  Treaties  al- 
ready subsisting  between  the  United  States  and  all  other  Na- 
tions with  whom  they  are  in  compact. 

14thly.  Because,  it  surrenders  all  or  most  of  the  Benefits 
of  a  Commercial  nature  which  we  had  a  right  to  expect  from 
our  Neutrality  in  the  present  European  War. 

ISthly.  Because,  it  precludes  the  hope  of  receiving  any 
advantage  from  the  modern  Law  of  nations  referred  to  in 
the  PRESIDENTS  Proclamation  of  Neutrality;  adopted  by  most 
of  the  Nations  of  Europe  in  the  last  War,  and  to  which  we 
then  acceded,  and  have  secured  in  our  Treaties  with  all  other 
Nations. 

16thly.  Because,  it  not  only  surrenders  the  right  of  carry- 
ing the  property  of  any  Nation  at  War  with  Great  Britain  in 
our  Vessels  freely,  but  abandons  all  pretensions  even  to  the 
freight. 

17thly.  Because,  it  permits  the  British  nation  to  convert 
provisions  destined  to  other  Nations  at  War  with  them,  to 
their  own  use,  on  payment  of  what  they  may  deem  reasonable 
profit;  a  measure,  not  only  injurious  to  the  interest  of  the 
American  Merchant,  but  which  will  prevent  our  citizens  from 
carrying  American  productions  to  other  Countries,  which,  by 
the  Laws  of  Nature  and  Nations  they  have  a  right  to  do  with- 
out molestation. 

ISthly.     Because,  it  limits  the  Power  of  Congress  delegated 


Selectmen  of  the  Town  of  Boston      379 

the  Senate.  It  was  doubtless  supposed  that  these 
two  branches  of  government  would  combine,  with- 
out passion,  and  with  the  best  means  of  informa- 
tion, those  facts  and  principles  upon  which  the 
success  of  our  foreign  relations  will  always  depend ; 
that  they  ought  not  to  substitute  for  their  own 
conviction  the  opinions  of  others,  or  to  seek  truth 
through  any  channel  but  that  of  a  temperate  and 
well-informed  investigation. 

Under  this  persuasion,  I  have  resolved  on  the 
manner  of  executing  the  duty  before  me.  To  the 
high  responsibility  attached  to  it,  I  freely  submit; 
and  you,  Gentlemen,  are  at  liberty  to  make  these 
sentiments  known  as  the  grounds  of  my  procedure. 
While  I  feel  the  most  lively  gratitude  for  the  many 

to  them  by  the  Constitution, — "  to  regulate  our  Commerce  with 
foreign  Nations," — by  prescribing  conditions,  and  creating  im- 
pediments to  the  exercise  of  that  Power. 

19thly.  Because,  it  exposes  the  United  States  and  their  Com- 
merce to  similiar  embarrassments  from  other  Commercial  na- 
tions, all  of  whom  [will]  probably  regulate  our  trade  by  this 
partial  standard. — and  Lastly, — Because,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  this  town,  the  Nature  and  Extent  of  the  Exports 
of  the  United  States  are  such,  that  in  all  their  stipulations  with 
foreign  Nations,  they  have  it  in  their  power  to  secure  a  perfect 
reciprocity  of  intercourse  not  only  with  the  home  Dominions 
of  such  Nations,  but  with  all  their  colonial  dependencies. — 

It  is  further  Resolved,  that  a  Copy  of  the  foregoing  Pro- 
ceedings, attested  by  the  Town  Clerk,  be  immediately  trans- 
mitted to  the  PRESIDENT  of  the  United  States,  that  they 
may  be  respectfully  submitted  to  his  consideration. — And  we 
earnestly  hope,  and  confidently  rely,  that  his  Prudence,  For- 
titude and  Wisdom  which  have  more  than  once  been  emi- 
nestly  instrumental  in  the  salvation  of  his  Country,  will  be 
equally  conspicuous  on  the  present  occasion,  and  that  the  Rea- 
sons we  have  assigned,  will  have  their  influence  to  induce  him 
to  withhold  his  signature  from  the  Ratification  of  this  alarm- 
ing Instrument. — Boston  Records,  xxxi.,  407-410. 


380  George  Washington 

instances  of  approbation  from  my  country,  I  can  no 
otherwise  deserve  it,  than  by  obeying  the  dictates  of 
my  conscience.  With  due  respect,  I  am,  Gentle- 
men, &c. 


TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 

[PRIVATE] 

MOUNT  VERNON,  29  July,  1795. 
MY  DEAB  SlK, 

Your  letters  of  the  20th  and  21st  Instt.  found 
me  at  this  place,  after  a  hot  and  disagreeable  ride. 

As  the  measures  of  the  government  respecting 
the  treaty  were  taken  before  I  left  Philadelphia, 
something  more  imperious  than  has  yet  appeared, 
must  turn  up  to  occasion  a  change. — Still,  it  is  very 
desirable  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  after  the  par- 
oxysm of  the  fever  is  a  little  abated,  what  the  real 
temper  of  the  people  is,  concerning  it;  for  at  pres- 
ent the  cry  against  the  Treaty  is  like  that  against 
a  mad-dog;  and  every  one,  in  a  manner,  seems  en- 
gaged in  running  it  down. — 

That  it  has  received  the  most  tortured  inter- 
pretation, and  that  the  writings  against  it  (which 
are  very  industriously  circulated)  are  pregnant  of 
the  most  abominable  mis-representations,  admits  of 
no  doubt; — yet,  there  are  to  be  found,  so  far  as  my 
information  extends,  many  well  disposed  men  who 
conceive,  that  in  the  settlement  of  old  disputes,  a 
proper  regard  to  reciprocal  justice  does  not  appear 
in  the  Treaty;  whilst  others,  also  well  enough 
affected  to  the  government,  are  of  opinion  that  to 


Alexander  Hamilton '  381 

have  had  no  commercial  treaty  would  have  been 
better,  for  this  country  than  the  restricted  one, 
agreed  to;  in  as  much,  say  they,  the  nature  of  our 
Exports  and  imports  (without  any  extra,  or 
violent  measures)  would  have  forced  or  led  to  a 
more  adequate  intercourse  between  the  two  nations 
without  any  of  those  shackles  which  the  treaty  has 
imposed.  In  a  word,  that  as  our  exports  consist 
chiefly  of  provisions  and  raw  materials,  which  to 
the  manufacturers  in  G.  Britain,  and  to  their 
Islands  in  the  West  Indies,  affords  employment 
and  food;  they  must  have  had  them  on  our  terms, 
if  they  were  not  to  be  obtained  on  their  own;  whilst 
the  imports  of  this  country,  offers  the  best  mart  for 
their  fabrics;  and  of  course,  is  the  principal  sup- 
port of  their  manufacturers;  but  the  string  which 
is  most  played  on,  because  it  strikes  with  most  force 
the  popular  ear,  is  the  violation,  as  they  term  it, 
of  our  engagements  with  France ;  or  in  other  words 
the  predilection  shown  by  that  instrument  to  G. 
Britain  at  the  expence  of  the  French  nation. 

The  consequences  of  which  are  more  to  be  ap- 
prehended than  any,  which  are  likely  to  flow  from 
other  causes,  as  ground  of  opposition;  because, 
whether  the  fact  is,  in  any  degree  true  or  not,  it 
is  the  interest  of  the  French  (whilst  the  animosity, 
or  jealousies  between  the  two  nations  exist)  to 
avail  themselves  of  such  a  spirit  to  keep  us  and 
G.  Britain  at  variance ;  and  they  will  in  my  opinion 
accordingly  do  it. — To  what  length  their  policy 
may  induce  them  to  carry  matters,  is  too  much  in 
embryo  at  this  moment  to  decide: — but  I  predict 


382  George  Washington 

much  embarrassment  to  the  government  therefrom 
— and  in  my  opinion,  too  much  pains  cannot  be 
taken  by  those  who  speak,  or  write,  in  favor  of  the 
treaty,  to  place  this  matter  in  its  true  light. — 

I  have  seen  with  pleasure,  that  a  writer  in  one 
of  the  New  York  papers  under  the  signature  of 
Camillus,  has  promised  to  answer, — or  rather  to 
defend  the  treaty — which  has  been  made  with  G. 
Britain.1 — To  judge  of  this  work  from  the  first 
number,  which  I  have  seen,  I  auger  well  of  the  per- 
formance and  shall  expect  to  see  the  subject  handled 
in  a  clear,  distinct  and  satisfactory  manner: — but 
if  measures  are  not  adopted  for  its  dissemination 
a  few  only  will  derive  lights  from  the  knowledge  or 
labor  of  the  author;  whilst  the  opposition  pieces 
will  spread  their  poison  in  all  directions;  and  Con- 
gress, more  than  probable,  will  assemble  with  the 
unfavorable  impressions  of  their  constituents.  The 
difference  of  conduct  between  the  friends  and  foes 
of  order  and  good  government,  is  in  nothing  more 
striking  than  that  the  latter  are  always  working 
like  bees,  to  distil  their  poison;  whilst  the  former, 
depending  often  times  too  much  and  too  long  upon 
the  sense  and  good  dispositions  of  the  people  to 
work  conviction,  neglect  the  means  of  effecting  it. 
With  sincere  esteem  &  regard 

I  am,  your  Affecte. 

1  Camillus  was  Hamilton  himself.  His  papers  under  this  sig- 
nature may  be  found  in  his  Works  (Lodge's  edition),  volumes 
iv.  and  v. 


Edmund  Randolph  383 

TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE 
[PRIVATE] 

MOUNT  VERNON,  29  July,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  I  view  the  opposition,  which  the  treaty 
is  receiving  from  the  meetings  in  different  parts  of 
the  Union,  in  a  very  serious  light ;  not  because  there 
is  more  weight  in  any  of  the  objections,  which  are 
made  to  it,  than  was  foreseen  at  first,  for  there  are 
none  in  some  of  them,  and  gross  misrepresenta- 
tions in  others;  nor  as  it  respects  myself  per- 
sonally, for  this  shall  have  no  influence  on  my 
conduct,  plainly  perceiving,  and  I  am  accordingly 
preparing  my  mind  for  it,  the  obloquy  which  dis- 
appointment and  malice  are  collecting  to  heap 
upon  me.  But  I  am  alarmed  on  account  of  the 
effect  it  may  have  on,  and  the  advantage  the 
French  government  may  be  disposed  to  make 
of,  the  spirit  which  is  at  work  to  cherish  a. 
belief  in  them,  that  the  treaty  is  calculated  to 
favor  Great  Britain  at  their  expense.  Whether 
they  believe  or  disbelieve  these  tales,  the  effect 
it  will  have  upon  the  nation  will  be  nearly  the 
same;  for,  whilst  they  are  at  war  with  that  power, 
or  so  long  as  the  animosity  between  the  two  na- 
tions exists,  it  will,  no  matter  at  whose  expense,  be 
their  policy,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  will  be  their 
conduct  to  prevent  us  from  being  on  good  terms 
with  Great  Britain,  or  from  her  deriving  any  ad- 
vantages from  our  trade,  which  they  can  hinder, 
however  much  we  may  be  benefited  thereby  our- 


384  George  Washington 

selves.  To  what  length  this  policy  and  interest 
may  carry  them  is  problematical;  but,  when  they 
see  the  people  of  this  country  divided,  and  such  a 
violent  opposition  given  to  the  measures  of  their 
own  government  pretendedly  in  their  favor,  it  may 
be  extremely  embarrassing,  to  say  no  more  of  it. 

To  sum  the  whole  up  in  a  few  words,  I  have 
never,  since  I  have  been  in  the  administration  of 
the  government,  seen  a  crisis,  which  in  my  judg- 
ment has  been  so  pregnant  of  interesting  events, 
nor  one  from  which  more  is  to  be  apprehended, 
whether  viewed  on  one  side  or  the  other.  From 
New  York  there  is,  and  I  am  told  will  further  be, 
a  counter  current;  but  how  formidable  it  may  ap- 
pear, I  know  not.  If  the  same  does  not  take  place 
at  Boston  and  other  towns,  it  will  afford  but  too 
strong  evidence,  that  the  opposition  is  in  a  man- 
ner universal,  and  would  make  the  ratification  a 
very  serious  business  indeed.  But,  as  it  respects 
the  French,  counter  resolutions,  even  would,  for 
the  reasons  I  have  already  mentioned,  do  little  more 
than  weaken,  in  a  small  degree,  the  effect  the  other 
side  would  have.  *  *  * 


TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE 
[PRIVATE] 

MOUNT  VERNON,  31  July,  1795. 
MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  To  be  wise  and  temperate,  as  well  as 
firm,  the  present  crisis  most  eminently  calls  for. 
There  is  too  much  reason  to  believe,  from  the  pains 


Edmund  Randolph  385 

which  have  been  taken  before,  at,  and  since  the  ad- 
vice of  the  Senate  respecting  the  treaty,  that  the 
prejudices  against  it  are  more  extensive  than  is 
generally  imagined.  This  I  have  lately  understood 
to  be  the  case  in  this  quarter,  from  men,  who  are  of 
no  party,  but  well-disposed  to  the  present  admin- 
istration. How  should  it  be  otherwise,  when  no 
stone  has  been  left  unturned,  that  could  impress  on 
the  minds  of  the  people  the  most  arrant  misrepre- 
sentation of  facts;  that  their  rights  have  not  only 
been  neglected,  but  absolutely  sold;  that  there  are 
no  reciprocal  advantages  in  the  treaty;  that  the 
benefits  are  all  on  the  side  of  Great  Britain;  and, 
what  seems  to  have  had  more  weight  with  them 
than  all  the  rest,  and  most  pressed,  that  the  treaty 
is  made  with  the  design  to  oppress  the  French,  in 
open  violation  of  our  treaty  with  that  nation,  and 
contrary,  too,  to  every  principle  of  gratitude  and 
sound  policy?  In  time,  when  passion  shall  have 
yielded  to  sober  reason,  the  current  may  possibly 
turn;  but,  in  the  mean  while,  this  government  in 
relation  to  France  and  England  may  be  compared 
to  a  ship  between  the  rocks  of  Scylla  and  Charyb- 
dis.  If  the  treaty  is  ratified,  the  partisans  of  the 
French,  (or  rather  of  war  and  confusion,)  will 
excite  them  to  hostile  measures,  or  at  least  to  un- 
friendly sentiments ;  if  it  is  not,  there  is  no  foresee- 
ing all  the  consequences,  which  may  follow,  as  it 
respects  Great  Britain. 

It  is  not  to  be  inferred  from  hence,  that  I  am  or 
shall  be  disposed  to  quit  the  ground  I  have  taken, 
unless  circumstances  more  imperious  than  have  yet 


386  George  Washington 

come  to  my  knowledge  should  compel  it;  for  there 
is  but  one  straight  course,  and  that  is  to  seek  truth 
and  pursue  it  steadily.  But  these  things  are  men- 
tioned to  show,  that  a  close  investigation  of  the 
subject  is  more  than  ever  necessary,  and  that  they 
are  strong  evidences  of  the  necessity  of  the  most 
circumspect  conduct  in  carrying  the  determination 
of  government  into  effect,  with  prudence  as  it  re- 
spects our  own  people,  and  with  every  exertion  to 
produce  a  change  for  the  better  from  Great 
Britain.  *  *  * 


TO  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS 

PHILADELPHIA,  22  December,  1795. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  am  become  so  unprofitable  a  correspondent, 
and  so  remiss  in  my  correspondencies,  that  nothing 
but  the  kindness  of  my  friends,  in  overlooking  these 
deficiencies,  could  induce  them  to  favor  me  with  a 
continuance  of  their  letters;  which  to  me  are  at 
once  pleasing,  interesting,  and  useful.  To  a  man 
immersed  in  debt,  and  seeing  no  prospect  of  ex- 
trication but  by  an  act  of  insolvency  (perhaps 
absolvency  would  be  a  better  word),  I  compare 
myself;  and  like  him,  too,  afraid  to  examine  the 
items  of  the  account,  I  will  at  once  make  a  lump- 
ing acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  many  in- 
teresting private  letters  from  you,  previous  to  your 

1  This  letter  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French  Directory,  to 
whom,  according  to  the  American  minister  in  Paris,  James 
Monroe,  it  gave  offence.  For  Washington's  reply  to  Monroe, 
see,  post,  page  421. 


Gouverneur  Morris  387 

last  arrival  in  England,  and  will  begin  with  those 
subsequent  thereto  of  the  3d  of  July  and  22d  of 
August. 

As  the  British  government  has  repealed  the 
order  for  seizing  our  provision  vessels,  little  more 
need  be  said  on  that  head,  than  that  it  was  the 
principle,  which  constituted  the  most  obnoxious 
and  exceptionable  part  thereof,  and  the  predica- 
ment in  which  this  country  was  thereby  placed 
in  her,  relations  with  France.  Admitting,  there- 
fore, that  the  compensation  to  some  individuals 
was  adequate  to  what  it  might  have  been  in  an- 
other quarter,  yet  the  exceptions  to  it  on  these 
grounds  remained  the  same. 

I  do  not  think  Colonel  Innes's  report  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Kentucky  was  entirely  free  from  excep- 
tions. But  let  the  report  be  accompanied  with  the 
following  remarks.  1,  that  the  one,  which  Lord 
Grenville  might  have  seen  published,  was  dis- 
claimed by  Colonel  Innes,  as  soon  as  it  appeared 
in  the  public  gazettes,  on  account  of  its  incorrect- 
ness. 2,  an  irritable  spirit  at  that  time  pervaded  all 
our  people  at  the  westward,  arising  from  a  com- 
bination of  causes  (but  from  none  more  powerful, 
than  the  analogous  proceedings  of  Great  Britain 
in  the  north,  with  those  of  Spain  in  the  south,  tow- 
ards the  United  States  and  their  Indian  border- 
ers), which  spirit  required  some  management  and 
soothing.  But,  3d  and  principally,  Lord  Gren- 
ville if  he  had  adverted  to  the  many  remonstrances,, 
which  have  gone  from  this  country  against  the  con- 
duct of  his  own,  which  I  will  take  the  liberty  to 


388 


George  Washington 


say  has  been  as  impolitic  for  their  nation,  (if  peace 
and  a  good  understanding  with  this  was  its  object,) 
as  it  has  been  irritating  to  us.  And,  that  it  may 
not  be  conceived  I  am  speaking  at  random,  let  his 
Lordship  be  asked,  if  we  have  not  complained, — 
That  some  of  their  naval  officers  have  insulted  and 
menaced  us  in  our  own  ports?  That  they  have 
violated  our  national  rights,  by  searching  vessels 
and  impressing  seamen  within  our  acknowledged 
jurisdiction,  and  in  an  outrageous  manner  have 
seized  the  latter  by  entire  crews  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  done  the  like,  but  not  so  extensively,  in  all 
parts  of  the  world?  That  the  Bermudian  priva- 
teers, or  to  speak  more  correctly,  pirates,  and  the 
admiralty  court  of  that  island,  have  committed  the 
most  atrocious  depredations  and  violences  on  our 
commerce,  in  capturing,  and  in  their  adjudications 
afterwards,  as  were  never  tolerated  in  any  well- 
organized  or  efficient  government?  That  their 
governor  of  Upper  Canada  has  ordered  in  an 
official  and  formal  manner  settlers  within  our  own 
territory,  (and  far  removed  from  the  posts  they 
have  withheld  from  us,)  to  withdraw,  and  forbid 
others  to  settle  on  the  same?  That  the  persons,  to 
whom  their  Indian  affairs  are  intrusted,  have  taken 
unwearied  pains  and  practised  every  deception  to 
keep  those  people  in  a  state  of  irritation  and  dis- 
quietude with  us ;  and,  to  the  latest  moment,  exerted 
every  nerve  to  prevent  the  treaty,  which  has  lately 
been  concluded  between  the  United  States  and 
them  from  taking  effect? 

These  complaints  were  not  founded  in  vague 


Gouverneur  Morris  389 

and  idle  reports,  but  on  indubitable  facts;  facts, 
not  only  known  to  the  government,  but  so  notori- 
ous as  to  be  known  to  the  people  also,  who  charge 
to  the  last  item  of  the  above  enumeration  the  ex- 
penditure of  a  million  or  more  of  dollars  annually 
for  the  purpose  of  self-defence  against  Indian 
tribes  thus  stimulated,  and  for  chastising  them  for 
the  ravages  and  cruel  murders,  which  they  had 
committed  on  our  frontier  inhabitants.  Our  min- 
ister at  the  court  of  London  has  been  directed  to 
remonstrate  against  these  things  with  force  and 
energy.  The  answer,  it  is  true,  has  been  (par- 
ticularly with  respect  to  the  interferences  with 
the  Indians)  a  disavowal.  Why  then  are  not  the 
agents  of  such  unauthorized,  offensive,  and  inju- 
rious measures  made  examples  of?  For  wherein, 
let  me  ask,  consists  the  difference  to  us  between 
their  being  the  acts  of  government,  or  the  acts  of 
unauthorized  officers  or  agents  of  the  government, 
if  we  are  to  sustain  all  the  evils,  which  flow  from 
such  measures? 

To  this  catalogue  may  be  added  the  indifference, 
nay,  more  than  indifference,  with  which  the  govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain  received  the  advances  of  this 
country  towards  a  friendly  intercourse  with  it,  even 
after  the  adoption  of  the  present  constitution,  and 
since  the  operation  of  the  government ;  and,  also,  the 
ungracious  and  obnoxious  characters,  (rancorous 
refugees,  as  if  done  with  design  to  insult  the  coun- 
try,) which  they  have  sent  among  us  as  their 
agents,  who,  retaining  all  their  former  enmity, 
could  see  nothing  through  a  proper  medium,  and 


George  Washington 

becoming  the  earwigs  of  their  minister  (who,  by 
the  by,  does  not  possess  a  mind  capacious  enough, 
or  a  temper  sufficiently  conciliatory,  to  view  things 
and  act  upon  a  great  and  liberal  scale),  were  al- 
ways laboring  under  some  unfavorable  information 
and  impression,  and  probably  not  communicating 
them  in  a  less  exceptionable  manner  than  they  re- 
ceived or  conceived  them  themselves. 

I  give  you  these  details  (and,  if  you  should  again 
converse  with  Lord  Grenville  on  the  subject  you 
are  at  liberty,  unofficially  to  mention  them,  or  any 
of  them,  according  to  circumstances),  as  evidences 
of  the  impolitic  conduct  (for  so  it  strikes  me)  of 
the  British  government  towards  these  United 
States ;  that  it  may  be  seen  how  difficult  it  has  been 
for  the  executive,  under  such  an  accumulation  of 
irritating  circumstances,  to  maintain  the  ground 
of  neutrality,  which  had  been  taken;  at  a  time 
when  the  remembrance  of  the  aid  we  had  received 
from  France  in  the  revolution  was  fresh  in  every 
mind,  and  when  the  partisans  of  that  country  were 
continually  contrasting  the  affections  of  that  peo- 
ple with  the  unfriendly  disposition  of  the  British 
government.  And  that,  too,  as  I  have  observed 
before,  while  the  recollection  of  their  own  suffer- 
ings during  the  war  with  the  latter  had  not  been 
forgotten. 

It  is  well  known,  that  peace  (to  borrow  a  mod- 
ern phrase)  has  been  the  order  of  the  day  with  me 
since  the  disturbances  in  Europe  first  commenced. 
My  policy  has  been,  and  will  continue  to  be,  while 
I  have  the  honor  to  remain  in  the  administration  of 


Gouverneur  Morris  391 

the  government,  to  be  upon  friendly  terms  with, 
but  independent  of,  all  the  nations  of  the  earth;  to 
share  in  the  broils  of  none;  to  fulfil  our  own  en- 
gagements; to  supply  the  wants  and  be  carrier  for 
them  all;  being  thoroughly  convinced,  that  it  is 
our  policy  and  interest  to  do  so.  Nothing  short  of 
self-respect,  and  that  justice  which  is  essential  to  a 
national  character,  ought  to  involve  us  in  war;  for 
sure  I  am,  if  this  country  is  preserved  in  tranquil- 
lity twenty  years  longer,  it  may  bid  defiance  in  a 
just  cause  to  any  power  whatever;  such  in  that 
time  will  be  its  population,  wealth,  and  resources. 

If  Lord  Grenville  conceives,  that  the  United 
States  are  not  well  disposed  towards  Great  Brit- 
ain, his  candor,  I  am  persuaded,  will  seek  for  the 
causes,  and  his  researches  will  fix  them,  as  I  have 
done.  If  this  should  be  the  case,  his  policy  will  I 
am  persuaded  be  opposed  to  the  continuance  or  re- 
newal of  the  irritating  measures,  which  I  have  enu- 
merated; for  he  may  be  assured,  (though  the  assur- 
ance will  not,  it  is  probable,  carry  conviction  with 
it  from  me  to  a  member  of  the  British  administra- 
tion,) that  a  liberal  policy  will  be  one  of  the  most 
effectual  means  of  deriving  advantages  to  their 
trade  and  manufactures  from  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  will  contribute,  more  than  any 
thing  else,  to  obliterate  the  impressions,  which  have 
been  made  by  their  late  conduct  towards  us. 

In  a  government  as  free  as  ours,  where  the  peo- 
ple are  at  liberty,  and  will  express  their  sentiments 
oftentimes  imprudently,  and,  for  want  of  informa- 
tion, sometimes  unjustly,  allowances  must  be  made 


392  George  Washington 

for  occasional  effervescences ;  but,  after  the  declara- 
tion which  I  have  here  made  of  my  political  creed, 
you  can  run  no  hazard  in  asserting,  that  the  execu- 
tive branch  of  this  government  never  has,  or  will 
suffer,  while  I  preside,  any  improper  conduct  of 
its  officers  to  escape  with  impunity,  or  will  give 
its  sanctions  to  any  disorderly  proceedings  of  its 
citizens. 

By  a  firm  adherence  to  these  principles,  and  to 
the  neutral  policy  which  has  been  adopted,  I  have 
brought  on  myself  a  torrent  of  abuse  in  the  factious 
papers  in  this  country,  and  from  the  enmity  of  the 
discontented  of  all  descriptions  therein.  But,  hav- 
ing no  sinister  objects  in  view,  I  shall  not  be  di- 
verted from  my  course  by  these,  nor  any  attempts 
which  are,  or  shall  be  made  to  withdraw  the  con- 
fidence of  my  constituents  from  me.  I  have  no- 
thing to  ask;  and,  discharging  my  duty,  I  have 
nothing  to  fear  from  invective.  The  acts  of  my 
administration  will  appear  when  I  am  no  more, 
and  the  intelligent  and  candid  part  of  mankind 
will  not  condemn  my  conduct  without  recurring 
to  them. 

The  treaty  entered  into  with  Great  Britain  has, 
as  you  have  been  informed,  undergone  much  and 
severe  animadversion;  and,  though  a  more  favor- 
able one  were  to  have  been  wished,  which  the  policy 
perhaps  of  Great  Britain  might  have  granted,  yet 
the  demerits  thereof  are  not  to  be  estimated  by  the 
opposition  it  has  received;  nor  is  the  opposition 
sanctioned  by  the  great  body  of  the  yeomanry  in 
these  States.  For  they,  whatever  their  opinions  of 


Secretaries  of  State,  War,  etc.         393 

it  may  be,  are  disposed  to  leave  the  decision  where 
the  constitution  has  placed  it.  But  an  occasion  was 
wanting,  and  the  instrument,  by  those  who  re- 
quired it,  was  deemed  well  calculated,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  working  upon  the  affections  of  the  people 
of  this  country  towards  those  of  France,  whose  in- 
terests and  rights  under  our  treaty  with  them  they 
represented  as  being  violated;  and,  with  the  aid  of 
the  provision  order,  and  other  irritating  conduct  of 
the  British  ships  of  war  and  agents,  as  mentioned 
before,  the  means  were  furnished,  and  more  pains 
taken,  than  upon  any  former  occasion,  to  raise 
a  general  ferment  with  a  view  to  defeat  the  treaty. 
But  knowing  that  you  have  other  correspon- 
dents, who  have  more  leisure,  and  equally  capable 
of  detailing  these  matters,  I  will  leave  you  to  them 
and  the  gazettes  for  fuller  information  there  and  a 
more  minute  account  of  the  prevailing  politics. 
And  thanking  you  for  the  interesting  intelligence 
and  opinions  contained  in  your  letter  of  the  22d  of 
August,  I  shall  only  add,  that,  with  sincere  esteem 
and  regard,  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  affectionate 
friend.  *  *  * 


2.  THE  TREATY-MAKING  POWEE 


TO  THE  SECRETARIES  OF  STATE,  THE  TREASURY,  WAR, 
AND   THE    ATTORNEY-GENERAL 

PHILADELPHIA,  25  March,  1796. 
SlB, 

The  resolution  moved  in  the  House  of  Represen- 


394  George  Washington 

tatives,  for  the  papers  relative  to  the  negotiation 
of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  having  passed  in 
the  affirmative,  I  request  your  opinion, 

1.  Whether  that  branch  of  Congress  has  or  has 
not  a  right,  by  the  constitution,  to  call  for  those 
papers  ? 

2.  Whether  (if  it  does  not  possess  the  right,  it 
would  be  expedient  under  the  circumstances  of  this 
particular  case  to  furnish  them? 

3.  And,  in  either  case,  in  what  terms  would  it 
be  most  proper  to  comply  with,  or  to  refuse,  the  re- 
quest of  the  House? 

These  opinions  in  writing,  and  your  attendance, 
will  be  expected  at  ten  o'clock  to-morrow.     I  am, 

&C.1 

1  For  the  execution  of  the  treaty  negotiated  by  John  Jay 
with  Great  Britain,  certain  appropriations,  which  could  be  made 
only  by  both  Houses  of  Congress,  were  necessary.  After  the 
treaty  had  been  ratified  by  the  Senate,  Washington,  without 
awaiting  the  action  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  promul- 
gated it  as  a  part  of  the  law  of  the  land.  The  House,  incensed 
by  this,  then  adopted,  by  a  vote  of  sixty-two  to  thirty-seven, 
the  following  resolution: 

"Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  re- 
quested to  lay  before  this  House  a  copy  of  the  instructions  to 
the  Minister  of  the  United  States,  who  negotiated  the  Treaty 
with  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  communicated  by  his  Message 
of  the  first  of  March,  together  with  the  correspondence  and 
other  documents  relative  to  the  said  Treaty;  excepting  such  of 
said  papers  as  any  existing  negotiation  may  render  improper 
to  be  disclosed." — Annals  of  Congress,  kth  Congress,  1st  Ses- 
sion, 759. 

Washington  then  asked  the  members  of  his  cabinet  for  their 
advice,  and  they  were  unanimously  of  the  opinion  that  the  re- 
quest of  the  House  should  be  refused. 


House  of  Representatives  395 

MESSAGE   TO   THE    HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES 

March   30th,   1796. 
GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES: 

With  the  utmost  attention  I  have  considered  your 
resolution  of  the  24th  instant,  requesting  me  to  lay 
before  your  House  a  copy  of  the  instructions  to  the 
minister  of  the  United  States,  who  negotiated  the 
treaty  with  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  together 
with  the  correspondence  and  other  documents  rela- 
tive to  that  treaty,  excepting  such  of  the  said  pa- 
pers as  any  existing  negotiation  may  render 
improper  to  be  disclosed. 

In  deliberating  upon  this  subject,  it  was  im- 
possible for  me  to  lose  sight  of  the  principle,  which 
some  have  avowed  in  its  discussion,  or  to  avoid 
extending  my  views  to  the  consequences,  which 
must  flow  from  the  admission  of  that  principle. 

I  trust  that  no  part  of  my  conduct  has  ever  in- 
dicated a  disposition  to  withhold  any  information 
which  the  constitution  has  enjoined  upon  the  Presi- 
dent as  a  duty  to  give,  or  which  could  be  required 
of  him  by  either  House  of  Congress  as  a  right ;  and 
with  truth  I  affirm,  that  it  has  been,  as  it  will  con- 
tinue to  be  while  I  have  the  honor  to  preside  in  the 
government,  my  constant  endeavor  to  harmonize 
with  the  other  branches  thereof,  so  far  as  the  trust 
delegated  to  me  by  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  my  sense  of  the  obligation  it  imposes  to  "  pre- 
serve, protect,  and  defend  the  constitution,"  will 
permit. 

The    nature    of    foreign    negotiations    requires 


396  George  Washington 

caution,  and  their  success  must  often  depend  on 
secrecy;  and,  even  when  brought  to  a  conclusion, 
a  full  disclosure  of  all  the  measures,  demands,  or 
eventual  concessions  which  may  have  been  proposed 
or  contemplated,  would  be  extremely  impolitic; 
for  this  might  have  a  pernicious  influence  on  fu- 
ture negotiations,  or  produce  immediate  inconven- 
iences, perhaps  danger  and  mischief,  in  relation  to 
other  powers.  The  necessity  of  such  caution  and 
secrecy  was  one  cogent  reason  for  vesting  the 
power  of  making  treaties  in  the  President,  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate ;  the  principle 
on  which  that  body  was  formed  confining  it  to  a 
small  number  of  members.  To  admit,  then,  a 
right  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  demand, 
and  to  have,  as  a  matter  of  course,  all  the  papers 
respecting  a  negotiation  with  a  foreign  power, 
would  be  to  establish  a  dangerous  precedent. 

It  does  not  occur,  that  the  inspection  of  the 
papers  asked  for  can  be  relative  to  any  purpose 
under  the  cognizance  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, except  that  of  an  impeachment,  which  the 
resolution  has  not  expressed.  I  repeat,  that  I  have 
no  disposition  to  withhold  any  information  which 
the  duty  of  my  station  will  permit,  or  the  public 
good  shall  require,  to  be  disclosed;  and,  in  fact,  all 
the  papers  affecting  the  negotiation  with  Great 
Britain,  were  laid  before  the  Senate,  when  the 
treaty  itself  was  communicated  for  their  considera- 
tion and  advice. 

The  course,  which  the  debate  has  taken  on  the 
resolution  of  the  House,  leads  to  some  observations 


House  of  Representatives  397 

on  the  mode  of  making  treaties  under  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

Having  been  a  member  of  the  general  conven- 
tion, and  knowing  the  principles  on  which  the 
constitution  was  formed,  I  have  ever  entertained 
but  one  opinion  on  this  subject;  and,  from  the  first 
establishment  of  the  government  to  this  moment, 
my  conduct  has  exemplified  that  opinion,  that  the 
power  of  making  treaties  is  exclusively  vested  in 
the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Senators 
present  concur ;  and  that  every  treaty,  so  made  and 
promulgated,  thenceforward  became  the  law  of  the 
land.  It  is  thus  that  the  treaty-making  power  has 
been  understood  by  foreign  nations;  and,  in  all  the 
treaties  made  with  them,  we  have  declared,  and 
they  have  believed,  that,  when  ratified  by  the  Presi- 
dent, with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
they  became  obligatory.  In  this  construction  of 
the  constitution,  every  House  of  Representatives 
has  heretofore  acquiesced;  and,  until  the  present 
time,  not  a  doubt  or  suspicion  has  appeared,  to 
my  knowledge,  that  this  construction  was  not  the 
true  one.  Nay,  they  have  more  than  acquiesced; 
for  till  now,  without  controverting  the  obligation 
of  such  treaties,  they  have  made  all  the  requisite 
provisions  for  carrying  them  into  effect. 

There  is  also  reason  to  believe  that  this  construc- 
tion agrees  with  the  opinions  entertained  by  the 
State  conventions,  when  they  were  deliberating  on 
the  constitution;  especially  by  those  who  objected 
to  it,  because  there  was  not  required,  in  commercial 


398  George  Washington 

treaties,  the  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole 
number  of  the  members  of  the  Senate,  instead  of 
two  thirds  of  the  Senators  present;  and  because, 
in  treaties  respecting  territorial  and  certain  other 
rights  and  claims,  the  concurrence  of  three  fourths 
of  the  whole  number  of  both  Houses  respectively 
was  not  made  necessary. 

It  is  a  fact  declared  by  the  general  convention, 
and  universally  understood,  that  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States  was  the  result  of  a  spirit  of 
amity  and  mutual  concession.  And  it  is  well 
known,  that,  under  this  influence,  the  smaller  States 
were  admitted  to  an  equal  representation  in  the 
Senate  with  the  larger  States,  and  that  this  branch 
of  the  government  was  invested  with  great  powers ; 
for  on  the  equal  participation  of  those  powers  the 
sovereignty  and  political  safety  of  the  smaller 
States  were  deemed  essentially  to  depend. 

If  other  proofs  than  these,  and  the  plain  letter  of 
the  constitution  itself,  be  necessary  to  ascertain  the 
point  under  consideration,  they  may  be  found  in 
the  journals  of  the  general  convention,  which  I  have 
deposited  in  the  office  of  the  Department  of  State. 
In  those  journals  it  will  appear,  that  a  proposi- 
tion was  made,  "  that  no  treaty  should  be  binding 
on  the  United  States,  which  was  not  ratified  by 
a  law " ;  and  that  the  proposition  was  explicitly 
rejected. 

As,  therefore,  it  is  perfectly  clear  to  my  under- 
standing, that  the  assent  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives is  not  necessary  to  the  validity  of  a 
treaty;  as  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  exhibits,  in 


House  of  Representatives  399 

itself,  all  the  objects  requiring  legislative  provis- 
ion, and  on  these  the  papers  called  for  can  throw  no 
light;  and  as  it  is  essential  to  the  due  administra- 
tion of  the  government,  that  the  boundaries,  fixed 
by  the  constitution  between  the  different  depart- 
ments, should  be  preserved;  a  just  regard  to  the 
constitution  and  to  the  duty  of  my  office,  under  all 
the  circumstances  of  this  case,  forbids  a  compli- 
ance with  your  request.1 

1  Washington's  message  occasioned  a  long  discussion  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  which  resulted  in  the  adoption  of 
the  following  resolutions: 

"Resolved,  That  it  being  declared  by  the  second  section  of 
the  second  article  of  the  Constitution,  '  that  the  President  shall 
have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  [and  consent]  of  the  Senate 
to  make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  [Senators] 
present  concur,'  the  House  of  Representatives  do  not  claim  any 
agency  in  making  Treaties;  but,  that  when  a  Treaty  stipulates 
regulations  on  any  of  the  subjects  submitted  by  the  Constitution 
to  the  power  of  Congress,  it  must  depend,  for  its  execution,  as 
to  such  stipulations,  on  a  law  or  laws  to  be  passed  by  Congress, 
and  it  is  the  Constitutional  right  and  duty  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  in  all  such  cases,  to  deliberate  on  the  ex- 
pediency or  inexpediency  of  carrying  such  Treaty  into  effect 
and  to  determine  and  act  thereon,  as,  in  their  judgment, 
may  be  most  conducive  to  the  public  good. 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  not  necessary  to  the  propriety  of  any 
application  from  this  House  to  the  Executive,  for  information 
desired  by  them,  and  which  may  relate  to  any  Constitutional 
functions  of  the  House,  that  the  purpose  for  which  such  in- 
formation may  be  wanted,  or  to  which  the  same  may  be  ap- 
plied, should  be  stated  in  the  application." — Annals  of  Congress, 
4th  Congress,  1st  Session,  771. 

After  the  adoption  of  these  resolutions,  a  long  debate  ensued 
as  to  whether  the  House  would  give  its  consent  to  the  legislation 
necessary  for  carrying  the  treaty  into  effect.  Finally,  on  April 
30,  1796,  by  a  vote  of  51  to  48,  the  House  ordered  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  necessary  measures.  Since  that  time  a  number  of 
treaties  have  been  negotiated  by  the  President  and  ratified  by 
the  Senate  which  could  not  be  put  into  effect  until  supplemen- 


400  George  Washington 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 
[PRIVATE] 

PHILADELPHIA,  31  March,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  do  not  know  how  to  thank  you  sufficiently,  for 
the  trouble  you  have  taken  to  dilate  on  the  request 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  for  the  papers 
relative  to  the  British  Treaty,1  or  how  to  apologize 
for  the  trouble,  (much  greater  than  I  had  any  idea 


tary  legislation  had  received  the  sanction  of  the  House.  There 
is  no  instance  of  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  House  to  consent  to 
the  necessary  measures,  but  it  has  frequently  asserted  its  right 
to  refuse.  The  whole  subject  was  fully  discussed  in  connection 
with  the  bill  making  an  appropriation  for  carrying  out  the 
treaty  for  the  annexation  of  Alaska.  See  particularly  the 
speeches  of  N.  P.  Banks,  C.  C.  Washburn,  B.  F.  Butler,  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  and  G.  S.  Orth,  in  The  Congressional  Globe,  40th 
Congress,  2nd  Session,  Appendix,  pp.  385,  393,  400,  421,  429. 
The  relation  of  the  House  to  the  treaty-making  power  is  still 
a  subject  of  controversy,  and  no  more  conclusive  statement  con- 
cerning it  can  be  made  than  that  of  the  eminent  jurist,  Chief 
Justice  Cooley: 

"  The  full  treaty-making  power  is  in  the  President  and 
Senate;  but  the  House  of  Representatives  has  a  restraining 
power  upon  it  in  that  it  may  in  its  discretion  at  any  time  refuse 
to  give  assent  to  legislation  necessary  to  give  a  treaty  effect. 
Many  treaties  need  no  such  legislation;  but  when  moneys  are 
to  be  paid  by  the  United  States,  they  can  be  appropriated  by 
Congress  alone;  and  in  some  other  cases  laws  are  needful.  An 
unconstitutional  or  manifestly  unwise  treaty  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives may  possibly  refuse  to  aid;  and  this,  when  legis- 
lation is  needful,  would  be  equivalent  to  a  refusal  of  the 
government,  through  one  of  its  branches,  to  carry  the  treaty 
into  effect.  This  would  be  an  extreme  measure,  but  it  is  con- 
ceivable that  a  case  might  arise  in  which  a  resort  to  it  would  be 
justified." — Cooley,  Principles  of  Constitutional  Law,  175. 

1  For  Hamilton's  draft  of  a  message  to  Congress  refusing  to 
comply  with  the  request  of  the  House  for  the  papers  relating  to 
the  Jay  Treaty,  see  his  Works  (Lodge's  edition),  vii.,  118. 


Alexander  Hamilton  401 

of  giving,)  which  you  have  taken  to  show  the  im- 
propriety of  that  request. 

From  the  first  moment,  and  from  the  fullest  con- 
viction in  my  own  mind,  I  had  resolved  to  resist  the 
principle,,  which  was  evidently  intended  to  be  estab- 
lished by_the  call  of  the  Ho.  of  Representatives; 
and  only  deliberated  on  the  manner  in  which  this 
could  be  done  with  the  least  bad  consequences. 

To  effect  this,  three  modes  presented  themselves 
to  me.  1st,  a  denial  of  the  Papers  in  toto,  assign- 
ing concise  but  cogent  reasons  for  that  denial;  2d, 
to  grant  them  in  whole;  or,  3d,  in  part;  accom- 
panied with  a  pointed  protest  against  the  right  of 
the  House  to  controul  treaties,  or  to  call  for  Papers 
without  specifying  their  object,  and  against  the 
compliance  being  drawn  into  precedent. 

I  had  as  little  hesitation  in  deciding,  that  the  first 
was  the  most  tenable  ground;  but,  from  the  pecul- 
iar circumstances  of  this  case.,  it  merited  considera- 
tion, if  the  principle  could  be  saved,  whether 
facility  in  the  provisions  might  not  result  from  a 
compliance.  An  attentive  examination,  however, 
of  the  Papers  and  the  subject,  soon  convinced  me 
that  to  furnish  all  the  Papers  would  be  highly 
improper,  and  that  a  partial  delivery  of  them  would 
leave  the  door  open  for  as  much  calumny  as  the 
entire  refusal — perhaps  more  so — as  it  might,  and 
I  have  no  doubt  would  be  said,  that  all  such  as 
were  essential  to  the  purpose  of  the  House  were 
withheld. 

Under  these  Impressions  I  proceeded,  with  the 
Heads  of  Departments  and  the  Attorney-Gen,  to 
26 


402  George  Washington 

collect  materials  and  to  prepare  an  answer,  sub- 
ject however,  to  alteration  and  revision,  according 
to  circumstances.  This  answer  was  ready  on 
Monday,  and  proposed  to  be  sent  in  on  Tuesday; 
but  it  was  delayed  until  I  should  receive  what  was 
expected;  not  doing  it  definitely  on  that  day,  the 
delivery  of  my  answer  was  further  postponed  till 
the  next,  notwithstanding  the  anxious  solicitude, 
which  was  visible  in  all  quarters  to  learn  the  result 
of  Executive  decision. 

Finding  that  the  draft,  I  had  prepared,  embraced 
most  if  not  all  the  principles,  which  were  detailed 
in  the  paper  I  received  yesterday,  though  not  the 
reasonings;  that  it  would  take  considerable  time  to 
copy  the  latter;  and,  above  all,  having  understood, 
that,  if  the  papers  were  refused,  a  fresh  demand 
with  strictures  might  be  expected,  I  sent  in  the 
answer  which  was  ready,  reserving  the  other  as  a 
source  for  reasoning,  if  my  information  proves 
true. 

I  could  not  be  satisfied  without  giving  you  this 
concise  account  of  the  business,  to  express  again 
my  sincere  thanks  for  the  pains  you  have  been  at 
to  investigate  the  subject,  and  to  assure  you,  over 
and  over,  of  the  warmth  of  my  friendship,  and  of 
the  affectionate  regard,  with  which  I  am,  &c. 


TO  EDWARD  CARRINGTON 

[PRIVATE] 

PHILADELPHIA,  1  May,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    Whatever  my  own  opinion  may  be  on 


Edward  Carrington  403 

this  or  any  other  subject  interesting  to  the  com- 
munity at  large,  it  always  has  been  and  will  con- 
tinue to  be  my  earnest  desire  to  learn,  and,  as  far 
as  is  consistent,  to  comply  with,  the  public  senti- 
ment; but  it  is  on  great  occasions  only,  and  after 
time  has  been  given  for  cool  and  deliberate  reflec- 
tion, that  the  real  voice  of  the  people  can  be  known. 
The  present,  however,  is  one  of  those  great 
occasions,  than  which  none  more  important  has 
occurred,  or  probably  may  occur  again  to  call  forth 
their  decision ;  and  to  them  the  appeal  is  now  made. 
For  no  candid  man  in  the  least  degree  acquainted 
with  the  progress  of  this  business  will  believe  for  a 
moment,  that  the  ostensible  dispute  was  about  pa- 
pers, or  whether  the  British  treaty  was  a  good  one 
or  a  bad  one,  but  whether  there  should  be  a  treaty 
at  all  without  the  concurrence  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  which  was  striking  at  once,  and 
that  boldly,  too,  at  the  fundamental  principles  of 
the  constitution;  and,  if  it  were  established,  would 
render  the  treaty-making  power,  not  only  a  nul- 
lity, but  such  an  absolute  absurdity  as  to  reflect 
disgrace  on  the  framers  of  it.  For  will  any  one 
suppose,  that  they  who  framed,  or  those  who 
adopted,  that  instrument  ever  intended  to  give  the 
power  to  the  President  and  Senate  to  make  trea- 
ties, and,  declaring  that  when  made  and  ratified 
they  should  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  would 
in  the  same  breath  place  it  in  the  powers  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  fix  their  vote  on  them ; 
unless  apparent  marks  of  fraud  or  corruption 
(which  in  equity  would  set  aside  any  contract)  ac- 


404 


George  Washington 


companied  the  measure,  or  such  striking  evidence 
of  national  injury  attended  their  adoption,  as  to 
make  a  war  or  any  other  evil  preferable?  Every 
unbiassed  mind  will  answer  in  the  negative.  *  *  * 


3.  NEUTRALITY 


TO   THOMAS   JEFFERSON,    SECRETARY   OF    STATE. 
MOUNT  VERNON,  12  April,  1793. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  7th  was  brought  to  me  by  the 
last  post.  War  having  actually  commenced  be- 
tween France  and  Great  Britain,  it  behooves  the 
government  of  this  country  to  use  every  means  in 
its  power  to  prevent  the  citizens  thereof  from 
embroiling  us  with  either  of  those  powers,  by  en- 
deavoring to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality.  I 
therefore  require,  that  you  will  give  the  subject 
mature  consideration,  that  such  measures  as  shall 
be  deemed  most  likely  to  effect  this  desirable  pur- 
pose may  be  adopted  without  delay;  for  I  have 
understood,  that  vessels  are  already  designated 
privateers,  and  are  preparing  accordingly. 

Such  other  measures  as  may  be  necessary  for  us 
to  pursue  against  events,  which  it  may  not  be  in 
our  power  to  avoid  or  control,  you  will  also  think 
of,  and  lay  them  before  me  at  my  arrival  in  Phila- 
delphia; for  which  place  I  shall  set  out  to-morrow, 
but  will  leave  it  to  the  advices,  which  I  may  receive 
to-night  by  the  post,  to  determine  whether  it  is  to 
be  by  the  most  direct  route,  or  by  the  one  I  pro- 


Secretaries  and  Attorney-General      405 

posed  to  have  come,  that  is,  by  Reading,  the  canals 
between  the  rivers  of  Pennsylvania,  Harrisburg, 
Carlisle,  &c.,  &c.  With  very  great  esteem  and  re- 
gard, I  am,  &C.1 


TO  THE  SECRETARIES  AND   ATTORNEY-GENERAL 
[CIRCULAR] 

PHILADELPHIA,  18  April,  1793. 

The  posture  of  affairs  in  Europe,  particularly 
between  France  and  Great  Britain,  places  the 
United  States  in  a  delicate  situation,  and  requires 
much  consideration,  of  the  measures  which  will  be 
proper  for  them  to  observe  in  the  war  between  those 
powers.  With  a  view  to  forming  a  general  plan 
of  conduct  for  the  executive,  I  have  stated  and  en- 
closed sundry  questions,  to  be  considered  prepara- 
tory to  a  meeting  at  my  house  to-morrow,  where  I 
shall  expect  to  see  you  at  9  o'clock,  and  to  receive 
the  result  of  your  reflections  thereon.  I  am,  &c. 


QUESTIONS    SUBMITTED    BY    THE    PRESIDENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  18  April,  1793. 

I.  Shall  a  proclamation  issue  for  the  purpose 
of  preventing  interferences  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  in  the  war  between  France  and 

1  The  outbreak  of  war  between  Great  Britain  and  France  on 
February  3,  1793,  raised  at  once  the  question  as  to  what  the 
relations  of  the  United  States  should  be  to  the  belligerent  pow- 
ers. France  claimed  that  by  the  treaty  of  alliance  made  with 
her  in  1778  the  United  States  was  bound  to  assist  her.  Many 
Americans  admitted  this  claim,  and  many  others,  entirely  apart 
from  treaty  stipulations,  were  ready  to  aid  the  French  out  of 
gratitude  for  the  aid  received  from  them  in  the  Revolution.  At 


406  George  Washington 

Great  Britain,  &c.?  Shall  it  contain  a  declaration 
of  neutrality  or  not?  What  shall  it  contain? 

II.  Shall    a   minister   from   the    Republic    of 
France  be  received? 

III.  If  received,  shall  it  be  absolutely  or  with 
qualifications;  and,  if  with  qualifications,  of  what 
kind? 

IV.  Are  the  United  States  obliged  by  good 
faith  to  consider  the  treaties  heretofore  made  with 
France  as  applying  to  the  present  situation  of  the 
parties?     May  they  either  renounce  them,  or  hold 
them  suspended  till  the  government  of  France  shall 
be  established? 

V.  If  they  have  the  right,  is  it  expedient  to  do 
either,  and  which? 

VI.  If  they  have  an  option,   would  it  be   a 
breach  of  neutrality  to  consider  the  treaties  still 
in  operation? 

VII.  If  the  treaties  are  to  be  considered  as  now 
in  operation,  is  the  guarantee  in  the  treaty  of  alli- 
ance applicable  to  a  defensive  war  only,  or  to  war 
either  offensive  or  defensive? 

VIII.  Does  the  war  in  which  France  is  engaged 
appear  to  be  offensive  or  defensive  on  her  part? 
Or  of  a  mixed  and  equivocal  character? 

IX.  If  of  a  mixed  and  equivocal  character, 
does  the  guarantee  in  any  event  apply  to  such  a 
war? 

X.  What  is  the  effect  of  a  guarantee  such  as 

that  time  the  motives  of  French  policy  in  1778  were  not  gen- 
erally understood,  and  how  little  claim  France  had  upon  the 
gratitude  of  America  was  not  realized. 


Questions  Submitted  to  the  Cabinet  407 

that  to  be  found  in  the  treaty  of  alliance  between 
the  United  States  and  France? 

XI.  Does  any  article  in  either  of  the  treaties 
prevent  ships  of  war,  other  than  privateers,  of  the 
powers  opposed  to  France  from  coming  into  the 
ports  of  the  United  States  to  act  as  convoys  to 
their  own  merchantmen?     Or  does  it  lay  any  other 
restraint  upon  them  more  than  would  apply  to  the 
ships  of  war  of  France? 

XII.  Should  the  future  regent  of  France  send 
a  minister  to  the  United  States,  ought  he  to  be 
received? 

XIII.  Is  it  necessary  or  advisable  to  call  to- 
gether the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  with  a  view 
to  the  present  posture  of  European  affairs?     If  it 
is,  what  should  be  the  particular  object  of  such  a 
call?1 

1  The  opinion  of  the  cabinet  was  thus  expressed  in  a  memo- 
randum drawn  up  by  Jefferson: 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  heads  of  departments  and  the  attorney- 
general  at  the  President's,  April  19th,  1793,  to  consider  the 
foregoing  questions  proposed  by  the  President,  it  was  deter- 
mined by  all,  on  the  first  question,  that  a  proclamation  shall 
issue  forbidding  our  citizens  to  take  part  in  any  hostilities  on 
the  seas,  with  or  against  any  of  the  belligerent  powers;  and 
warning  them  against  carrying  to  any  such  powers  any  of 
those  articles  deemed  contraband,  according  to  the  modern 
usage  of  nations;  and  enjoining  them  from  all  acts  and  pro- 
ceedings inconsistent  with  the  duties  of  a  friendly  nation  tow- 
ards those  at  war. 

"  On  the  second  question,  *  Shall  a  minister  from  the  Re- 
public of  France  be  received?  '  it  was  unanimously  agreed,  that 
he  shall  be  received. 

"  The  remaining  questions  were  postponed  for  further  con- 
sideration."— Ford. 

On  the  third  question,  Jefferson  and  Randolph  were  of  opin- 
ion, that  the  minister  should  be  received  absolutely  and  without 


4°8  George  Washington 

PROCLAMATION    OF   NEUTRALITY 

WHEREAS  it  appears,  that  a  state  of  war  exists 
between  Austria,  Prussia,  Sardinia,  Great  Britain, 
and  the  United  Netherlands,  on  the  one  part,  and 
France  on  the  other;  and  the  duty  and  interest  of 
the  United  States  require,  that  they  should  with 
sincerity  and  good  faith  adopt  and  pursue  a  con- 
duct friendly  and  impartial  towards  the  belligerent 
powers ; 

I  have  therefore  thought  fit  by  these  presents  to 
declare  the  disposition  of  the  United  States  to  ob- 

qualificatiohs.  Hamilton  and  Knox  deemed  it  "  advisable,  that 
the  reception  of  the  minister  expected  from  the  Republic  of 
France  should  be  qualified  substantially  to  this  effect: 

"  That  the  government  of  the  United  States,  uniformly  enter- 
taining cordial  wishes  for  the  happiness  of  the  French  nation, 
and  disposed  to  maintain  with  it  an  amicable  communica- 
tion and  intercourse,  uninterrupted  by  political  vicissitudes, 
does  not  hesitate  to  receive  him  in  the  character,  which  his 
credentials  import;  yet,  considering  the  origin,  course,  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  relations  continued  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, and  the  existing  position  of  the  affairs  of  France,  it  is 
deemed  advisable  and  proper  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
to  reserve  to  future  consideration  and  discussion  the  question, 
whether  the  operation  of  the  treaties,  by  which  those  relations 
were  formed,  ought  not  to  be  deemed  temporarily  and  provis- 
ionally suspended;  and  under  this  impression  it  is  thought  due 
to  a  spirit  of  candid  and  friendly  procedure,  to  apprize  him 
beforehand  of  the  intention  to  reserve  that  question,  lest 
silence  on  the  point  should  occasion  misconstruction." 

The  other  questions  were  elaborately  discussed  by  each  mem- 
ber of  the  cabinet  in  writing,  and  the  relations  between  France 
and  the  United  States,  as  then  existing,  were  largely  examined. 
— Sparks. 

The  separate  opinions  submitted  by  Hamilton  and  Jefferson 
to  the  President  may  be  found  in  Hamilton,  Works  (Lodge's 
edition),  iv.,  74,  and  in  Jefferson,  Writings  (Ford's  edition), 
vi.,  217. 


Rules  of  Neutrality  409 

serve  the  conduct  aforesaid  towards  those  powers 
respectively,  and  to  exhort  and  warn  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States  carefully  to  avoid  all  acts  and 
proceedings  whatsoever,  which  may  in  any  manner 
tend  to  contravene  such  disposition. 

And  I  do  hereby  also  make  known,  that  whoso- 
ever of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall  render 
himself  liable  to  punishment  or  forfeiture  under  the 
law  of  nations,  by  committing,  aiding,  or  abetting 
hostilities  against  any  of  the  said  powers,  or  by 
carrying  to  any  of  them  those  articles,  which  are 
deemed  contraband  by  the  modern  usage  of  na- 
tions, will  not  receive  the  protection  of  the  United 
States  against  such  punishment  or  forfeiture;  and 
further,  that  I  have  given  instructions  to  those  of- 
ficers, to  whom  it  belongs,  to  cause  prosecutions  to 
be  instituted  against  all  persons,  who  shall  within 
the  cognizance  of  the  courts  of  the  United  States 
violate  the  law  of  nations  with  respect  to  the  powers 
at  war,  or  any  of  them. 

In  testimony  whereof  I  have  caused  the  seal  of 
the  United  States  of  America  to  be  affixed  to  these 
presents,  and  signed  the  same  with  my  hand.  Done 
at  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  the  22d  day  of  April, 
1793,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
of  America  the  seventeenth. 


RULES    ADOPTED    BY    THE    UNITED    STATES    FOR   THE 
PRESERVATION  OF  ITS  NEUTRALITY  1 

4  August,  1793. 

1.  The  original  arming  and  equipping  of  ves- 

1 "  If  the  heads  of  departments  and  the  attorney-general,  who 


410  George  Washington 

sels  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States  by  any  of  the 
belligerent  parties  for  military  service  offensive  or 
defensive  is  deemed  unlawful. 

2.  Equipments  of  merchant  vessels  by  either  of 
the  belligerent  parties,  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
States,  purely  for  the  accommodation  of  them  as 
such,  is  deemed  lawful. 

3.  Equipments,    in    the    ports    of    the    United 
States,  of  vessels  of  war  in  the  immediate  service 
of  the  government  of  any  of  the  belligerent  parties, 
which,  if  done  to  other  vessels,  would  be  of  a  doubt- 
ful nature,  as  being  applicable  either  to  commerce 
or  war,  are  deemed  lawful ;  except  those  which  shall 
have  made  prize  of  the  subjects,  people,  or  prop- 
erty of  France,  coming  with  their  prizes  into  the 
ports  of  the  United  States,  pursuant  to  the  seven- 
teenth article  of  our  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce 
with  France. 

4.  Equipments  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States, 
by  any  of  the  parties  at  war  with  France,  of  vessels 
fitted  for  merchandise  and  war,  whether  with  or 
without  commissions,  which  are  doubtful  in  their 
nature,  as  being  applicable  either  to  commerce  or 
war,  are  deemed  lawful,  except  those  which  shall 
be  made  prize,  &c. 

5.  Equipments  of  any  of  the  vessels  of  France 

have  prepared  the  eight  rules,  which  you  handed  to  me  yester- 
day, are  well  satisfied  that  they  are  not  repugnant  to  treaties, 
or  to  the  laws  of  nations,  and  moreover  are  the  best  we  can 
adopt  to  maintain  neutrality,  I  not  only  give  them  my  approba- 
tion, but  desire  they  may  be  made  known  without  delay  for  the 
information  of  all  concerned." — Washington  to  Jefferson,  4 
August,  1793.  Ford's  text  of  these  rules  (xii.,  315)  contains 
serious  errors. 


Speech  to  Congress  411 

in  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  which  are  doubt- 
ful in  their  nature,  as  being  applicable  to  com- 
merce or  war,  are  deemed  lawful. 

6.  Equipments  of  every  kind,  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States,  of  privateers  of  the  powers  at  war 
with  France,  are  deemed  unlawful. 

7.  Equipments  of  vessels  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States,  which  are  of  a  nature  solely  adapted 
to  war,  are  deemed  unlawful ;  except  those  stranded 
or  wrecked,  as  mentioned  in  the  eighteenth  article 
of  our  treaty  with  France,  the  sixteenth  of  our 
treaty  with  the  United  Netherlands,  the  ninth  of 
our  treaty  with  Prussia;  and  except  those  men- 
tioned in  the  nineteenth  article  of  our  treaty  with 
France,   the   seventeenth  of  our  treaty  with  the 
United  Netherlands,  the  eighteenth  of  our  treaty 
with  Prussia. 

8.  Vessels  of  either  of  the  parties  not  armed,  or 
armed  previous  to  their  coming  into  the  ports  of 
the  United  States,  which  shall  not  have  infringed 
any  of  the  foregoing  rules,  may  lawfully  engage 
or  enlist  their  own  subjects  or  citizens,  not  being 
inhabitants  of  the  United  States ;  except  privateers 
of  the  powers  at  war  with  France,  and  except  those 
vessels  which  shall  have  made  prize,  &c. 


SPEECH  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS, 
DECEMBER   3,    1793 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OP  REPRESENTA- 
TIVES: 

£   *    *    As  soon  as  the  war  in  Europe  had  em- 


412  George  Washington 

braced  those  powers,  with  whom  the  United  States 
have  the  most  extensive  relations,  there  was  reason 
to  apprehend,  that  our  intercourse  with  them  might 
be  interrupted,  and  our  disposition  for  peace  drawn 
into  question,  by  the  suspicions  too  often  enter- 
tained by  belligerent  nations.  It  seemed,  there- 
fore, to  be  my  duty  to  admonish  our  citizens  of  the 
consequences  of  a  contraband  trade,  and  of  hostile 
acts  to  any  of  the  parties;  and  to  obtain,  by  a  de- 
claration of  the  existing  legal  state  of  things,  an 
easier  admission  of  our  right  to  the  immunities  be- 
longing to  our  situation.  Under  these  impres- 
sions, the  Proclamation,  which  will  be  laid  before 
you,  was  issued. 

In  this  posture  of  affairs,  both  new  and  delicate, 
I  resolved  to  adopt  general  rules,  which  should 
conform  to  the  treaties  and  assert  the  privileges  of 
the  United  States.  These  were  reduced  into  a 
system,  which  will  be  communicated  to  you.  Al- 
though I  have  not  thought  myself  at  liberty  to 
forbid  the  sale  of  the  prizes,  permitted  by  our 
treaty  of  commerce  with  France  to  be  brought  into 
our  ports,  I  have  not  refused  to  cause  them  to  be 
restored,  when  they  were  taken  within  the  protec- 
tion of  our  territory,  or  by  vessels  commissioned 
or  equipped  in  a  warlike  form  within  the  limits  of 
the  United  States. 

It  rests  with  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  correct, 
improve,  or  enforce  this  plan  of  procedure;  and  it 
will  probably  be  found  expedient  to  extend  the 
legal  code,  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  the 
United  States,  to  many  cases,  which,  though  de- 


Speech  to  Congress  413 

pendent  on  principles  already  recognised,  demand 
some  further  provisions. 

Where  individuals  shall  within  the  United  States 
array  themselves  in  hostility  against  any  of  the 
powers  at  war;  or  enter  upon  military  expeditions 
or  enterprises  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States;  or  usurp  and  exercise  judicial  authority 
within  the  United  States ;  or  where  the  penalties  on 
violations  of  the  law  of  nations  may  have  been 
indistinctly  marked,  or  are  inadequate;  these  of- 
fences cannot  receive  too  early  and  close  an  atten- 
tion, and  require  prompt  and  decisive  remedies. 

Whatsoever  those  remedies  may  be,  they  will  be 
well  administered  by  the  judiciary,  who  possess  a 
long-established  course  of  investigation,  effectual 
process,  and  officers  in  the  habit  of  executing  it. 
In  like  manner,  as  several  of  the  courts  have 
doubted,  under  particular  circumstances,  their 
power  to  liberate  the  vessels  of  a  nation  at  peace, 
and  even  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  although 
seized  under  a  false  color  of  being  hostile  property; 
and  have  denied  their  power  to  liberate  certain  cap- 
tures within  the  protection  of  our  territory;  it 
would  seem  proper  to  regulate  their  jurisdiction 
in  these  points.  But  if  the  executive  is  to  be  the 
resort  in  either  of  the  two  last-mentioned  cases,  it 
is  hoped,  that  he  will  be  authorized  by  law  to  have 
facts  ascertained  by  the  courts,  when,  for  his  own 
information,  he  shall  request  it. 

I  cannot  recommend  to  your  notice  measures  for 
the  fulfilment  of  our  duties  to  the  rest  of  the  world, 
without  again  pressing  upon  you  the  necessity  of 


414  George  Washington 

placing  ourselves  in  a  condition  of  complete  de- 
fence, and  of  exacting  from  them  the  fulfilment 
of  their  duties  towards  us.  The  United  States 
ought  not  to  indulge  a  persuasion,  that,  contrary 
to  the  order  of  human  events,  they  will  for  ever 
keep  at  a  distance  those  painful  appeals  to  arms, 
with  which  the  history  of  every  other  nation 
abounds.  There  is  a  rank  due  to  the  United  States 
among  nations,  which  will  be  withheld,  if  not  ab- 
solutely lost,  by  the  reputation  of  weakness.  If 
we  desire  to  avoid  insult,  we  must  be  able  to  repel 
it;  if  we  desire  to  secure  peace,  one  of  the  most  pow- 
erful instruments  of  our  rising  prosperity,  it  must 
be  known,  that  we  are  at  all  times  ready  for 
war.1  *  *  * 


MESSAGE   TO    CONGRESS 

UNITED  STATES,  5  December,  1793. 

GENTLEMEN  OP  THE  SENATE  AND  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTA- 
TIVES: 

As  the  present  situation  of  the  several  nations 
of  Europe,  and  especially  of  those  with  which  the 
United  States  have  important  relations,  cannot  but 
render  the  state  of  things  between  them  and  us 

1 "  If  I  wished  for  a  guide  in  a  system  of  neutrality,  I  should 
take  that  laid  down  by  America  in  the  days  of  the  presidency 
of  Washington,  and  the  secretaryship  of  Jefferson." — George 
Canning  in  the  House  of  Commons,  16  April,  1823.  Hansard, 
Parliamentary  Debates  (N.  S.) ,  viii.,  1056. 

One  of  the  latest  English  writers  on  international  law  says: 
"  The  policy  of  the  United  States  in  1793  constitutes  an  epoch 
in  the  development  of  the  usages  of  neutrality.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  it  was  intended  and  believed  to  give  effect  to  the 
obligations  then  incumbent  upon  neutrals.  But  it  represented 


Message  to  Congress  415 

matter  of  interesting  inquiry  to  the  legislature, 
and  may  indeed  give  rise  to  deliberations,  to  which 
they  alone  are  competent,  I  have  thought  it  my 
duty  to  communicate  to  them  certain  correspond- 
ences which  have  taken  place. 

The  representative  and  executive  bodies  of 
France  have  manifested  generally  a  friendly  at- 
tachment to  this  country,  have  given  advantages  to 
our  commerce  and  navigation,  and  have  made  over- 
tures for  placing  these  advantages  on  permanent 
ground;  a  decree,  however,  of  the  National  As- 
sembly, subjecting  vessels  laden  with  provisions  to 
be  carried  into  their  ports,  and  making  enemy 
goods  lawful  prize  in  the  vessel  of  a  friend,  con- 
trary to  our  treaty,  though  revoked  at  one  time  as 
to  the  United  Sates,  has  been  since  extended  to 
their  vessels  also,  as  has  been  recently  stated  to  us. 
Representations  on  the  subject  will  be  immediately 

by  far  the  most  advanced  existing  opinions  as  to  what  these 
obligations  were,  and  in  some  points  it  even  went  further  than 
authoritative  international  custom  has  up  to  the  present  time 
advanced.  In  the  main,  however,  it  is  identical  with  the  stand- 
ard of  conduct  which  is  now  adopted  by  the  community  of  na- 
tions."— Hall,  A  Treatise  on  International  Law,  594. 

An  American  Secretary  of  State  has  written :  "  It  is  now 
plain  that  the  neutrality  proclamation  of  the  President  was  a 
most  wise  and  necessary  act — one  of  the  most  important  in  the 
history  of  the  country,  as  it  was  the  inauguration  of  a  principle 
of  international  law  and  governmental  practice  which  has  won 
for  us  the  respect  of  the  world  and  contributed  very  materially 
to  our  national  prosperity.  But  it  was  adopted  against  the 
advice  of  many  of  the  most  prominent  and  able  of  our  public 
men,  and  subjected  the  President  to  bitter  abuse  and  calumny." 
— Foster,  A  Century  of  American  Diplomacy,  157. 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  Washington  is  the  father  of 
the  modern  law  of  neutrality. 


4i6 


George  Washington 


given  in  charge  to  our  minister  there,  and  the  re- 
sult shall  be  communicated  to  the  legislature. 

It  is  with  extreme  concern  I  have  to  inform  you, 
that  the  proceedings  of  the  person,  whom  they 
have  unfortunately  appointed  their  minister  pleni- 
potentiary here,  have  breathed  nothing  of  the 
friendly  spirit  of  the  nation,  which  sent  him;  their 
tendency,  on  the  contrary,  has  been  to  involve  us 
in  war  abroad,  and  discord  and  anarchy  at  home. 
So  far  as  his  acts,  or  those  of  his  agents,  have 
threatened  our  immediate  commitment  in  the  war, 
or  flagrant  insult  to  the  authority  of  the  laws,  their 
effect  has  been  counteracted  by  the  ordinary  cogni- 
zance of  the  laws,  and  by  an  exertion  of  the  powers 
confided  to  me.  Where  their  danger  was  not  im- 
minent, they  have  been  borne  with,  from  senti- 
ments of  regard  to  his  nation ;  from  a  sense  of  their 
friendship  towards  us;  from  a  conviction,  that  they 
would  not  suffer  us  to  remain  long  exposed  to  the 
action  of  a  person,  who  has  so  little  respected  our 
mutual  dispositions;  and,  I  will  add,  from  a  reli- 
ance on  the  firmness  of  my  fellow-citizens  in  their 
principles  of  peace  and  order. 

In  the  mean  time,  I  have  respected  and  pursued 
the  stipulations  of  our  treaties,  according  to  what 
I  judged  their  true  sense;  and  have  withheld  no 
act  of  friendship,  which  their  affairs  have  called  for 
from  us,  and  which  justice  to  others  left  us  free  to 
perform.  I  have  gone  further;  rather  than  em- 
ploy force  for  the  restitution  of  certain  vessels, 
which  I  deemed  the  United  States  bound  to  re- 
store, I  thought  it  more  advisable  to  satisfy  the 


Message  to  Congress  417 

parties,  by  avowing  it  to  be  my  opinion,  that,  if 
restitution  were  not  made,  it  would  be  incumbent 
on  the  United  States  to  make  compensation.  The 
papers,  now  communicated,  will  more  particularly 
apprize  you  of  these  transactions. 

The  vexations  and  spoliation,  understood  to  have 
been  committed  on  our  vessels  and  commerce  by 
the  cruisers  and  officers  of  some  of  the  belligerent 
powers,  appeared  to  require  attention.  The  proofs 
of  these,  however,  not  having  been  brought  for- 
ward, the  description  of  citizens  supposed  to  have 
suffered  were  notified,  that,  on  furnishing  them  to 
the  executive,  due  measures  would  be  taken  to  ob- 
tain redress  of  the  past,  and  more  effectual  pro- 
visions against  the  future.  Should  such  documents 
be  furnished,  proper  representations  will  be  made 
thereon,  with  a  just  reliance  on  a  redress  propor- 
tioned to  the  exigency  of  the  case. 

The  British  government  having  undertaken,  by 
orders  to  the  commanders  of  their  armed  vessels,  to 
restrain,  generally,  our  commerce  in  corn  and  other 
provisions  to  their  own  ports  and  those  of  their 
friends,  the  instructions  now  communicated  were 
immediately  forwarded  to  our  minister  at  that 
court.  In  the  mean  time,  some  discussions  on  the 
subject  took  place  between  him  and  them.  These 
are  also  laid  before  you ;  and  I  may  expect  to  learn 
the  result  of  his  special  instructions,  in  time  to  make 
it  known  to  the  legislature,  during  their  present 
session. 

Very  early  after  the  arrival  of  a  British  minister 
here,  mutual  explanations  on  the  inexecution  of  the 
27 


418  George  Washington 

treaty  of  peace  were  entered  into  with  that  minis- 
ter; these  are  now  laid  before  you  for  your 
information. 

On  the  subjects  of  mutual  interest  between  this 
country  and  Spain,  negotiations  and  conferences 
are  now  depending.  The  public  good  requiring 
that  the  present  state  of  these  should  be  made 
known  to  the  legislature  in  confidence  only^  they 
shall  be  the  subject  of  a  separate  and  subsequent 
communication. 


TO  PATRICK  HENRY 

MOUNT  VERNON,  9  October,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Whatever  may  be  the  reception  of  this  letter, 
truth  and  candor  shall  mark  its  steps.  You  doubt- 
less know,  that  the  office  of  State  is  vacant ;  and  no 
one  can  be  more  sensible,  than  yourself,  of  the  im- 
portance of  filling  it  with  a  person  of  abilities,  and 
one  in  whom  the  public  would  have  confidence. 

It  would  be  uncandid  not  to  inform  you,  that 
this  office  has  been  offered  to  others;  but  it  is  as 
true,  that  it  was  from  a  conviction  in  my  own  mind, 
that  you  would  not  accept  it,  (until  Tuesday  last, 
in  a  conversation  with  General,  late  Governor,  Lee, 
he  dropped  sentiments  which  made  it  less  doubt- 
ful,) that  it  was  not  offered  first  to  you. 

I  need  scarcely  add,  that  if  this  appointment 
could  be  made  to  comport  with  your  own  inclina- 
tion, it  would  be  as  pleasing  to  me,  as  I  believe  it 
would  be  acceptable  to  the  public.  With  this  as- 
surance, and  with  this  belief,  I  make  you  the  offer 


Patrick  Henry  419 

of  it.  My  first  wish  is,  that  you  would  accept  it; 
the  next  is,  that  you  would  be  so  good  as  to  give  me 
an  answer  as  soon  as  you  conveniently  can,  as  the 
public  business  in  that  department  is  now  suffering 
for  want  of  a  Secretary. 

I  persuade  myself,  Sir,  it  has  not  escaped  your 
observation,  that  a  crisis  is  approaching,  that  must, 
if  it  cannot  be  arrested,  soon  decide  whether  order 
and  good  government  shall  be  preserved,  or  anarchy 
and  confusion  ensue.  I  can  most  religiously  aver 
I  have  no  wish,  that  is  incompatible  with  the  dig- 
nity, happiness,  and  true  interest  of  the  people  of 
this  country.  My  ardent  desire  is,  and  my  aim  has 
been,  (as  far  as  depended  upon  the  executive  de- 
partment,) to  comply  strictly  with  all  our  engage- 
ments, foreign  and  domestic;  but  to  keep  the 
United  States  free  from  political  connexions  with 
every  other  country,  to  see  them  independent  of  all 
and  under  the  influence  of  none.  In  a  word,  I 
want  an  American  character,  that  the  powers  of 
Europe  may  be  convinced  we  act  for  ourselves,  and 
not  for  others.  This,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  only 
way  to  be  respected  abroad  and  happy  at  home; 
and  not,  by  becoming  the  partisans  of  Great  Brit- 
ain or  France,  create  dissensions,  disturb  the  pub- 
lic tranquillity,  and  destroy,  perhaps  for  ever,  the 
cement  which  binds  the  union. 

I  am  satisfied  these  sentiments  cannot  be  other- 
wise than  congenial  to  your  own.  Your  aid  there- 
fore in  carrying  them  into  effect  would  be  flattering 
and  pleasing  to,  dear  Sir,  &C.1 

1  The  offer  of  the  post  of  Secretary  of  State  was  declined. 
How  the  offer  was  regarded  by  Washington's  critics  may  be 


420  George  Washington 

TO   TIMOTHY   PICKERING,    SECRETAEY    OF   STATE 
[PRIVATE] 

MOUNT  VERNON,  25  July,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  I  am  glad  to  find,  that  more  smoke  than 
fire  is  likely  to  result  from  the  representation  of 
French  discontent  on  account  of  our  treaty  with 
Great  Britain.  Had  the  case  been  otherwise,  there 
would  have  been  no  difficulty  in  tracing  the  effect 
to  the  cause;  and  it  is  far  from  being  impossible, 
that  the  whole  may  have  originated  in  a  contrivance 
of  the  opposers  of  the  government,  to  see  what  effect 
such  threats  would  work;  and  finding  none  that 
could  answer  their  purpose,  and  no  safe  ground  to 
stand  on,  if  they  pushed  matters  to  extremity,  the 
matter  may  terminate  in  gasconade.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  the  executive  has  a  plain  road  to  pursue, 
namely,  to  fulfil  all  the  engagements,  which  his 
duty  requires ;  be  influenced  beyond  this  by  none  of 
the  contending  parties ;  maintain  a  strict  neutrality, 
unless  obliged  by  imperious  circumstances  to  de- 
part from  it;  do  justice  to  all,  and  never  forget  that 
we  are  Americans,  the  remembrance  of  which  will 
convince  us  that  we  ought  not  to  be  French  or  Eng- 
lish. With  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am,  &C.1 

inferred  from  Madison's  writing  to  Jefferson :  "  The  offer  of  the 
Secretaryship  of  State  to  P.  Henry  is  a  circumstance  which  I 
should  not  have  believed,  without  the  most  unquestionable  tes- 
timony. Col.  Coles  tells  me  Mr.  Henry  read  the  letter  to  him 
on  that  subject." 

1  For  other  strong  expressions  regarding  his  neutrality  policy 
and  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  it,  see  Washington  to  Gouver- 
neur  Morris,  22  December,  1795,  ante,  page  386. 


TO  JAMES   MONROE 

PHILADELPHIA,  25  August,  1796. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  24th  of  March,  written  in  ci- 
pher, never  got  to  my  hands  until  the  10th  instant 
at  Mount  Vernon;  nor  were  the  contents  of  it 
known  to  me  until  my  arrival  in  this  city  on  the 
21st.  For  the  information  contained  in  it,  and 
your  attention  thereto,  I  offer  you  my  best  thanks. 

Having  no  clew  by  which  to  discover  the  fact,  I 
am  very  much  at  a  loss  to  conjecture  by  what 
means  a  private  letter  of  mine,  written  to  a  friend 
and  sent  by  an  American  vessel,  should  have  got 
into  the  hands  of  the  French  Directory.  I  shall 
readily  acknowledge,  however,  that  the  one  you 
allude  to,  directed  to  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  was 
a  long  and  confidential  one  * ;  but  I  deny  that  there 
is  any  thing  contained  in  it,  that  the  French  gov- 
ernment could  take  exception  to,  unless  the  ex- 
pression of  an  ardent  wish,  that  the  United  States 
might  remain  in  peace  with  all  the  world,  taking 
no  part  in  the  disputes  of  any  part  of  it,  should 
have  produced  this  effect,  giving  it  as  my  further 
opinion,  that  the  sentiments  of  the  mass  of  citizens 
in  this  country  were  in  unison  with  mine. 

Confidential  as  this  letter  was  expected  to  be,  I 
have  no  objection  to  its  being  seen  by  anybody;  and 
there  is  certainly  some  mistake  in  saying  I  had  no 
copy  thereof,  when  there  is  a  press  one  now  before 
me,  in  which  I  discover  no  expression,  that  in 

1  For   Washington's   letter  to    Gouverneur   Morris,   see   page 
386. 


422  George  Washington 

the  eye  of  liberality  and  candor  would  be  deemed 
objectionable. 

To  understand  the  scope  and  design  of  my  let- 
ter properly,  and  to  give  it  a  fair  interpretation, 
it  is  necessary  to  observe,  that  it  was  written,  (as 
will  appear  by  the  contents  of  it,)  in  answer  to  very 
long  ones  from  the  gentleman  to  whom  it  was  ad- 
dressed, which  contained  much  political  information 
of  the  state  of  things  in  different  parts  of  Europe, 
and  related  among  others  the  substance  of  a  con- 
versation, in  which  he  and  Lord  Grenville,  as 
private  gentlemen,  had  just  been  engaged,  and  in 
which  it  was  observed  by  the  latter,  that,  if  they 
were  to  judge  from  the  publications  in  this  coun- 
try, the  disposition  of  it  was  unfriendly  to  Great 
Britain;  but  in  free  countries  he  could  readily  ac- 
count for  such  publications;  however,  that  there 
was  one,  which  wore  a  more  serious  aspect,  as  in- 
dicative of  the  sense  of  the  government,  and  he 
alluded  to  Colonel  Innes's  report  of  his  proceed- 
ings in  Kentucky. 

In  my  noticing  this  part  of  Mr.  Morris's  com- 
munication, I  tell  him,  that,  with  respect  to  the 
publication  of  that  report,  it  was  an  unauthorized 
act,  and  declared  by  that  gentleman,  as  soon  as  he 
saw  it  in  the  gazettes,  to  have  been  done  incor- 
rectly; and  that,  with  relation  to  the  temper  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  as  it  respected  Great 
Britain,  his  Lordship  ought  not  to  be  surprised,  if 
it  appeared  disturbed  and  irritated,  after  the  sense 
of  the  government  had  been  so  often  expressed  in 
strong  remonstrances  against  the  conduct  of  the 


James  Monroe  423 

Indian  agents,  privateersmen,  impressment  of  our 
seamen,  insults  of  their  ships  of  war,  &c.,  &c. ;  add- 
ing that  it  afforded  us  very  little  satisfaction,  that 
they  disclaimed  these  as  unauthorized  acts  (which 
the  British  administration  had  done  in  some  in- 
stances), while  the  actors  were  suffered  to  go  un- 
punished. I  dwelt  chiefly  and  fully  on  this  part  of 
his  letter,  and  reminded  him  of  the  indifference  with 
which  the  advances  of  the  United  States  to  form  a 
commercial  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  as  well  since 
as  before  the  establishment  of  the  present  govern- 
ment, had  been  received;  and  concluded  by  saying, 
that  a  liberal  policy  towards  us  (though  I  did  not 
suppose  sentiments  of  that  sort  from  me  to  a  mem- 
ber of  the  British  administration  would  have  much 
weight)  was  the  only  road  to  a  perfect  reconcilia- 
tion; and  that,  if  he  should  again  converse  with 
Lord  Grenville  on  this  subject,  he  was  at  liberty 
unofficially  to  express  these  as  my  sentiments. 

Thus,  Sir,  you  have  the  substance,  candidly  re- 
lated, of  a  letter,  which,  you  say  you  have  been  told 
by  a  person,  "  who  has  read  it,  has  produced  an  ill 
effect,"  when  in  my  opinion  the  contrary  (viewing 
it  in  the  light  of  an  unreserved  and  confidential 
communication)  ought  to  have  been  produced. 
For,  I  repeat  it  again,  that  unless  my  pacific  dis- 
position was  displeasing,  nothing  else  could  have 
given  umbrage  by  the  most  rigid  construction  of 
the  letter,  or  that  will  show  in  the  remotest  degree 
any  disposition  on  my  part  to  favor  the  British 
interests  in  their  dispute  with  France. 

My  conduct  in  public  and  private  life,  as  it  re- 


424  George  Washington 

ktes  to  the  important  struggle  in  which  the  latter 
nation  is  engaged,  has  been  uniform  from  the  com- 
mencement of  it,  and  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few 
words;  that  I  have  always  wished  well  to  the 
French  revolution;  that  I  have  always  given  it  as 
my  decided  opinion,  that  no  nation  had  a  right 
to  intermeddle  in  the  internal  concerns  of  another; 
that  every  one  had  a  right  to  form  and  adopt  what- 
ever government  they  liked  best  to  live  under  them- 
selves; and  that,  if  this  country  could,  consistently 
with  its  engagements,  maintain  a  strict  neutrality 
and  thereby  preserve  peace,  it  was  bound  to  do  so 
by  motives  of  policy,  interest,  and  every  other  con- 
sideration, that  ought  to  actuate  a  people  situated 
and  circumstanced  as  we  are,  already  deeply  in 
debt,  and  in  a  convalescent  state  from  the  struggle 
we  have  been  engaged  in  ourselves. 

On  these  principles  I  have  steadily  and  uniformly 
proceeded,  bidding  defiance  to  calumnies  calcu- 
lated to  sow  the  seeds  of  distrust  in  the  French 
nation,  and  to  excite  their  belief  of  an  influence  pos- 
sessed by  Great  Britain  in  the  councils  of  this 
country,  than  which  nothing  is  more  unfounded 
and  injurious,  the  object  of  its  pacific  conduct  be- 
ing truly  delineated  above.  I  am,  &c. 


TO  DAVID  STUART 

PHILADELPHIA,  8  January,  1797. 


DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    What  effect  M.  Adet's  conduct  has  had 
or  will  have  on  the  public  mind,  you  can  form  a 


David  Stuart  425 

better  opinion  than  me.  One  of  the  objects,  which 
he  had  in  view,  (in  timing  the  publication,) 1  is  too 
apparent  to  require  explanation.  Some  of  his  own 
zealots  do  not  scruple  to  confess,  that  he  has  been 
too  precipitate,  and  thereby  injured  the  cause  he 
meant  to  espouse;  which  is  to  establish  such  an  in- 
fluence in  this  country,  as  to  sway  the  government 
and  control  its  measures.  Evidences  of  this  de- 
sign are  abundant,  and  new  proofs  are  exhibiting 
themselves  every  day  to  illustrate  the  fact ;  and  yet, 
lamentable  thought!  a  large  party,  under  real  or 
pretended  fears  of  British  influence,  are  moving 
Heaven  and  earth  to  aid  him  in  these  designs.  It 
is  a  fact  well  known,  for  history  proves  it,  that, 
from  the  restless  temper  of  the  French  and  the  pol- 
icy of  that  nation,  they  attempt  openly  or  covertly, 
by  threats  or  soothing  professions,  to  influence  the 
conduct  of  most  governments.  That  they  have  at- 
tempted it  with  us,  a  little  time  will  show.  But, 
finding  a  neutral  conduct  had  been  adopted,  and 
would  not  be  relinquished  by  those  who  adminis- 
tered the  government,  the  next  step  was  to  try  the 
people;  and,  to  work  upon  them,  several  presses 
and  many  scribblers  have  been  employed,  to  em- 
blazon the  improper  acts  of  the  British  govern- 
ment and  its  officers,  and  to  place  them  in  all  the 
most  exaggerated  and  odious  points  of  view  they 

1  Probably  the  pamphlet,  which  had  just  been  issued  in  Phila- 
delphia, entitled  "  Notes  adressees  par  le  Citoyen  Adet,  Min- 
istre  Plenipotentiare  de  la  Republique  Francaise  pres  les  Etats- 
Unis  d'Amerique,  au  Secretaire  d'Etat  des  Etats-Unis."  This 
pamphlet  was  printed  in  French,  with  a  translation  facing  each 
page,  the  whole  extending  to  ninety-five  pages. — Sparks. 


426 


George  Washington 


were  susceptible;  to  complain,  that  there  was  not 
only  a  deficiency  of  friendship,  but  a  want  of  jus- 
tice also,  in  the  executive  towards  France,  the  cause 
of  which,  say  they,  is  to  be  found  in  a  predilection 
for  Great  Britain.  This  not  working  as  well  as 
was  expected,  from  a  supposition  that  there  was 
too  much  confidence,  and  perhaps  personal  regard 
for,  the  present  chief  magistrate  and  his  politics, 
the  batteries  latterly  have  been  levelled  at  him  par- 
ticularly and  personally.  Although  he  is  soon  to 
become  a  private  citizen,  his  opinions  are  to  be 
knocked  down,  and  his  character  reduced  as  low  as 
they  are  capable  of  sinking  it,  even  by  resorting  to 
absolute  falsehoods.  As  an  evidence  whereof,  and 
of  the  plan  they  are  pursuing,  I  send  you  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Paine  to  me,  printed  in  this  city,  and 
disseminated  with  great  industry.1  Others  of  a 
similar  nature  are  also  in  circulation. 

To  what  lengths  the  French  Directory  will  ulti- 
mately go,  is  difficult  to  say;  but,  that  they  have 

1  Thomas  Paine,  whose  ability  as  a  writer  contributed  so 
much  to  the  success  of  the  War  for  Independence,  later  became 
a  resident  of  France  and  a  member  of  its  National  Convention, 
where  he  played  a  conspicuous  part.  Upon  the  rise  of  Robes- 
pierre he  lost  favor  and  was  imprisoned.  In  this  state  he 
remained  until  the  downfall  of  Robespierre,  when  he  was  re- 
leased and  went  to  live  with  Monroe.  Filled  with  resentment 
against  Washington  because  the  President  had  refused  to  make 
demand  on  the  French  government  for  his  liberation,  Paine 
now  addressed  to  him  a  bitter  and  intemperate  letter,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  said,  "  As  to  you,  sir,  treacherous  in  private 
friendship  (for  so  you  have  been  to  me,  and  that  in  the  day 
of  danger)  and  a  hypocrite  in  public  life,  the  world  will  be 
puzzled  to  decide,  whether  you  are  an  apostate  or  an  impostor; 
whether  you  have  abandoned  good  principles,  or  whether  you 
ever  had  any." 


David  Stuart  427 

been  led  to  the  present  point  by  our  own  people,  I 
have  no  doubt.  Whether  some,  who  have  done 
this,  would  choose  to  accompany  them  any  farther 
or  not,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  decide.  But  I  shall 
be  mistaken,  if  the  candid  part  of  my  countrymen, 
(although  they  may  be  under  a  French  influence,) 
do  not  see  and  acknowledge,  that  they  have  imbibed 
erroneous  impressions  of  the  conduct  of  this  gov- 
ernment towards  France,  when  the  communication, 
which  I  promised  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  and 
which  will  be  ready  in  a  few  days,  comes  before  the 
public.  It  will  be  seen,  if  I  mistake  not,  also,  that 
that  country  has  not  such  a  claim  upon  our  grati- 
tude, as  has  been  generally  supposed,  and  that  this 
country  has  violated  no  engagement  with  it,  been 
guilty  of  no  act  of  injustice  towards  it,  nor  been 
wanting  in  friendship,  where  it  could  be  rendered 
without  departing  from  that  neutral  station  we  had 
taken  and  resolved  to  maintain.1  *  *  * 

1 "  I  hope,  as  you  do,  that,  notwithstanding  our  political  hori- 
zon is  much  overcast,  the  wisdom,  temper,  and  firmness  of  the 
government,  supported  by  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  will 
dispel  the  threatening  clouds,  and  that  all  will  end  without  any 
shedding  of  blood.  To  me  this  is  so  demonstrable,  that  not  a 
particle  of  doubt  would  dwell  on  my  mind  relative  thereto,  if 
our  citizens  would  advocate  their  own  cause,  instead  of  that 
of  any  other  nation  under  the  sun;  that  is,  if,  instead  of  being 
Frenchmen  or  Englishmen  in  politics,  they  would  be  Ameri- 
cans, indignant  at  every  attempt  of  either,  or  any  other  power, 
to  establish  an  influence  in  our  councils,  or  presume  to  sow 
the  seeds  of  discord  or  disunion  among  us.  No  policy,  in  my 
opinion,  can  be  more  clearly  demonstrated,  than  that  we  should 
do  justice  to  all,  and  have  no  political  connexion  with  any  of  the 
European  powers  beyond  those,  which  result  from  and  serve 
to  regulate  our  commerce  with  them.  Our  own  experience,  if 
it  has  not  already  had  this  effect,  will  soon  convince  us,  that  the 


428 


George  Washington 


TO  JOHN  ADAMS,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

MOUNT  VERNON,  4  July,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Not  being  in  the  habit,  since  my  return  to  pri- 
vate life,  of  sending  regularly  to  the  post-office, 
(nine  miles  from  hence,)  every  post-day,  it  often 
happens  that  letters  addressed  to  me  lye  longer 
there  on  that  account,  than  they  otherwise  would  do. 

I  have  delayed  no  time  unnecessarily  since  I  had 
the  honor  of  receiving  your  very  obliging  favor  of 
the  22d  ultimo,  to  thank  you  for  the  polite  and 
flattering  sentiments  you  have  been  pleased  to 
express  relatively  to  me,  and  to  assure  you, 
that,  as  far  as  it  is  in  my  power  to  support  your 
administration,  and  to  render  it  easy,  happy, 
and  honorable,  you  may  command  me  without 
reserve. 

At  the  epoch  of  my  retirement,  an  Invasion  of 
these  States  by  an  European  Power,  or  even  the 
probability  of  such  an  event  happening  in  my 
days,  was  so  far  from  being  contemplated  by  me, 
that  I  had  no  conception  that  that  or  any  other 
occurrence  would  arise  in  so  short  a  period,  which 
could  turn  my  eyes  from  the  shades  of  Mount 
Vernon.  But  this  seems  to  be  the  age  of  wonders ; 
and  reserved  for  intoxicated  and  lawless  France 
(for  purposes  of  Providence  far  beyond  the  reach 

idea  of  disinterested  favors  or  friendship  from  any  nation 
whatever  is  too  novel  to  be  calculated  on,  and  there  will  always 
be  found  a  wide  difference  between  the  words  and  actions  of 
any  of  them." — Washington  to  William  Heath,  20  May,  1797. 


John  Adams  429 

of  human  ken)  to  slaughter  its  own  citizens,  and  to 
disturb  the  repose  of  all  the  world  besides.1 

From  a  view  of  the  past,  from  the  prospect  pres- 
ent— and  of  that  which  seems  to  be  expected,  it  is 
not  easy  for  me  to  decide  satisfactorily  on  the  part 
it  might  best  become  me  to  act.  In  case  of  actual 
Invasion  by  a  formidable  force,  I  certainly  should 
not  Intrench  myself  under  the  cover  of  age  and  re- 
tirement, if  my  services  should  be  required  by  my 
Country  to  assist  in  repelling  it.  And  if  there  be 
good  cause,  which  must  be  better  known  to  the 
Government  than  to  private  citizens,  to  expect  such 
an  event,  delay  in  preparing  for  it  might  be  dan- 
gerous, improper,  and  not  to  be  justified  by  pru- 
dence. The  uncertainty,  however,  of  the  latter,  in 
my  mind,  creates  my  embarrassment;  for  I  cannot 
fairly  bring  it  to  believe,  disregardful  as  the  French 
are  of  treaties  and  of  the  laws  of  nations,  and  ca- 
pable as  I  conceive  them  to  be  of  any  species  of 
Despotism  and  Injustice,  that  they  will  attempt  to 
invade  this  country,  after  such  a  uniform  and 
unequivocal  expression  of  the  sense  of  the  People 
in  all  parts  to  oppose  them  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes. 

That  they  have  been  led  to  believe,  by  their 

1  In  1798  the  relations  between  France  and  the  United  States 
assumed  so  threatening  an  aspect  that  Congress,  on  May  28, 
authorized  the  President  to  raise  and  organize  a  Provisional 
Army  of  ten  thousand  men.  On  July  2,  without  waiting  to 
learn  his  wishes,  President  Adams  nominated  to  the  Senate 
"  George  Washington,  of  Mount  Vernon,  to  be  lieutenant-gen- 
eral and  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  armies  raised  and  to 
be  raised  in  the  United  States."  The  nomination  was  unanjt 
mously  confirmed. 


43°  George  Washington 

agents  and  Partisans  amongst  us,  that  we  are  a 
divided  people,  that  the  latter  are  opposed  to  their 
own  Government,  and  that  a  show  of  a  small  force 
would  occasion  a  revolt,  I  have  no  doubt;  and  how 
far  these  men,  (grown  desperate,)  will  further  at- 
tempt to  deceive,  and  may  succeed  in  keeping  up 
the  deception,  is  problematical.  Without  this,  the 
folly  of  the  Directory  in  such  an  attempt  would, 
I  conceive,  be  more  conspicuous,  if  possible,  than 
their  wickedness. 

Having  with  candor  made  this  disclosure  of  the 
state  of  my  mind,  it  remains  only  that  I  should 
add,  that  to  those  who  know  me  best  it  is  best 
known,  that,  if  imperious  circumstances  should  in- 
duce me  to  renounce  the  smooth  paths  of  Retire- 
ment for  the  thorny  ways  of  Public  life,  at  a  period 
too  when  repose  is  most  congenial  to  nature,  and  a 
calm  indispensable  to  contemplation,  that  it  would 
be  productive  of  sensations,  which  can  be  more 
easily  conceived  than  expressed. 

The  difficulty  in  which  you  expect  to  be  involved, 
in  the  choice  of  general  officers,  when  you  come  to 
form  the  army,  is  certainly  a  serious  one ;  and,  in  a 
Government  like  ours,  where  there  are  so  many 
considerations  to  be  attended  to  and  to  combine,  it 
will  be  found  not  a  little  perplexing.  But,  as  the 
mode  of  carrying  on  the  War  against  the  Foe  that 
threatens  must  differ  widely  from  that  practised 
in  the  contest  for  Independence,  it  will  not  be  an 
easy  matter,  I  conceive,  to  find,  among  the  old  set 
of  Generals,  men  of  sufficient  activity,  energy,  and 
health,  and  of  sound  politics,  to  train  troops  to  the 


John  Adams  431 

"  quick  step,"  long  marches,  and  severe  conflicts 
they  may  have  to  encounter;  and,  therefore,  that 
recourse  must  be  had,  (for  the  greater  part  at 
least,)  to  the  well-known,  most  experienced,  best 
proved  and  intelligent  officers  of  the  late  army 
without  respect  to  Grade. 

I  speak  with  diffidence,  however,  on  this  head, 
having  no  list  by  me  from  which  my  memory  could 
be  refreshed.  There  is  one  thing  though,  on  which 
I  can  give  a  decided  opinion;  and,  as  it  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  the  Public,  to  the  army,  and 
to  the  officer  commanding  it,  be  him  whom  he  will, 
I  will  take  the  liberty  of  suggesting  it  now.  It  is, 
that  the  greatest  circumspection  be  used  in  ap- 
pointing the  General  staff.  If  this  corps  is  not 
composed  of  respectable  characters,  [with]  know- 
ledge of  the  duties  of  their  respective  Departments, 
able,  active,  and  firm,  and  of  incorruptible  integrity 
and  prudence,  and  withal  such  as  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  can  place  entire  confidence  in,  his  plans 
and  movements,  if  not  defeated  altogether,  may  be 
so  embarrassed  and  retarded,  as  to  amount  nearly 
to  the  same  thing;  and  this  almost  with  impunity 
on  their  part.  *  *  * 

The  opening  given  me  in  your  letter  is  such,  as 
hath  prompted  me  to  express  these  sentiments  with 
freedom;  and  persuading  myself,  that  you  will 
ascribe  them  to  pure  motives,  although  they  may 
differ  from  your  own  ideas,  I  have  no  doubt  of  their 
being  well  received.  With  the  greatest  respect 
and  consideration  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  dear 
Sir,  &c. 


43 2  George  Washington 

TO  JOHN  ADAMS,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

MOUNT  VERNON,  13  July,  1798. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  had  the  honor,  on  the  evening  of  the  llth  in- 
stant, to  receive  from  the  hands  of  the  Secretary 
of  War  your  favor  of  the  7th,  announcing  that  you 
had,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
appointed  me  Lieutenant-General  and  Com- 
mander-in- Chief  of  all  the  armies  raised  or  to  be 
raised  for  the  service  of  the  United  States. 

I  cannot  express  how  greatly  affected  I  am  at 
this  new  proof  of  public  confidence,  and  the  highly 
flattering  manner  in  which  you  have  been  pleased 
to  make  the  communication;  at  the  same  time 
I  must  not  conceal  from  you  my  earnest  wish,  that 
the  choice  had  fallen  on  a  man  less  declined  in 
years,  and  better  qualified  to  encounter  the  usual 
vicissitudes  of  war. 

You  know,  Sir,  what  calculations  I  had  made 
relative  to  the  probable  course  of  events  on  my  re- 
tiring from  office,  and  the  determination  I  had 
consoled  myself  with,  of  closing  the  remnant  of  my 
days  in  my  present  peaceful  abode.  You  will, 
therefore,  be  at  no  loss  to  conceive  and  appreciate 
the  sensations  I  must  have  experienced,  to  bring 
my  mind  to  any  conclusion  that  would  pledge  me, 
at  so  late  a  period  of  life,  to  leave  Scenes  I 
sincerely  love,  to  enter  upon  the  boundless  field 
of  public  action,  incessant  trouble,  and  high 
responsibility. 

It  was  not  possible  for  me  to  remain  ignorant 


John  Adams  433 

of,  or  indifferent  to,  recent  transactions.  The 
conduct  of  the  Directory  of  France  towards  our 
Country,  their  insidious  hostility  to  its  government, 
their  various  practices  to  withdraw  the  affections 
of  the  People  from  it,  the  evident  tendency  of  their 
arts  and  those  of  their  agents  to  countenance  and 
invigorate  opposition,  their  disregard  of  solemn 
treaties  and  the  laws  of  nations,  their  war  upon  our 
defenceless  commerce,  their  treatment  of  our  min- 
ister of  peace,  and  their  demands  amounting  to 
tribute,  could  not  fail  to  excite  in  me  correspond- 
ing sentiments  with  those  my  countrymen  have  so 
generally  expressed  in  their  affectionate  addresses 
to  you.  Believe  me,  Sir,  no  one  can  more  cordially 
approve  of  the  wise  and  prudent  measures  of  your 
administration.  They  ought  to  inspire  universal 
confidence,  and  will  no  doubt,  combined  with  the 
state  of  things,  call  from  Congress  such  laws  and 
means,  as  will  enable  you  to  meet  the  full  force  and 
extent  of  the  crisis. 

Satisfied,  therefore,  that  you  have  sincerely 
wished  and  endeavored  to  avert  war,  and  exhausted 
to  the  last  drop  the  cup  of  reconciliation,  we  can 
with  pure  hearts  appeal  to  Heaven  for  the  justice 
of  our  cause,  and  may  confidently  trust  the  final 
result  to  that  kind  Providence,  who  has  heretofore 
and  so  often  signally  favored  the  people  of  these 
United  States. 

Thinking,  in  this  manner,  and  feeling  how  in- 
cumbent it  is  upon  every  person  of  every  descrip- 
tion to  contribute  at  all  times  to  his  country's 
welfare,  and  especially  in  a  moment  like  the  pres- 

28 


434  George  Washington 

ent,  when  every  thing  we  hold  dear  is  so  seriously 
threatened,  I  have  finally  determined  to  accept  the 
Commission  of  Commander-in- Chief  of  the  armies 
of  the  United  States;  with  the  reserve  only,  that  I 
shall  not  be  called  into  the  field  until  the  army  is  in 
a  situation  to  require  my  presence,  or  it  becomes  in- 
dispensable by  the  urgency  of  circumstances. 

In  making  this  reservation  I  beg  it  to  be  under- 
stood, that  I  do  not  mean  to  withhold  any  assist- 
ance to  arrange  and  organize  the  army,  which  you 
may  think  I  can  afford.  I  take  the  liberty  also  to 
mention,  that  I  must  decline  having  my  acceptance 
considered  as  drawing  after  it  any  immediate 
charge  upon  the  public,  and  that  I  cannot  receive 
any  emoluments  annexed  to  the  appointment,  be- 
fore entering  into  a  Situation  to  incur  expense. 

The  Secretary  of  War  being  anxious  to  return 
to  the  seat  of  Government,  I  have  detained  him  no 
longer  than  was  necessary  to  a  full  communication 
upon  the  several  points  he  had  in  charge.  With 
very  great  respect  and  consideration,  I  have  the 
honor  to  be,  &c. 


TO  JAMES  ANDERSON 

MOUNT  VERNON,  25  July,  1798. 

ESTEEMED  SIR, 

*  *  *  I  little  imagined,  when  I  took  my  last 
leave  of  the  walks  of  public  life,  that  any  event 
could  bring  me  again  on  a  public  theatre.  But 
the  unjust  conduct  of  France  towards  these  United 
States  has  been  and  continues  to  be  such,  that  it 


James  Anderson  435 

must  be  opposed  by  a  firm  and  manly  resistance, 
or  we  shall  not  only  hazard  the  subjugation  of  our 
government,  but  the  independence  of  our  nation 
also;  both  being  evidently  struck  at  by  a  lawless, 
domineering  power,  which  respects  no  rights,  and 
is  restrained  by  no  treaties,  when  it  is  found  in- 
convenient to  observe  them. 

While  we  are  thus  situated,  sustaining  daily  in- 
juries, even  indignities,  with  a  patient  forbearance, 
from  a  sincere  desire  to  live  in  peace  and  harmony 
with  all  the  world;  the  French  Directory,  mistak- 
ing the  American  character,  and  supposing  that  the 
people  of  this  country  were  divided,  and  would  give 
countenance  to  their  nefarious  measures,  have  pro- 
ceeded to  exact  loans  (or  in  other  words  contribu- 
tions) ,  and  to  threaten  us,  in  case  of  non-compliance 
with  their  wild,  unfounded,  and  inconsistent  com- 
plaints, that  we  should  share  the  fate  of  Venice  and 
other  Italian  states. 

This  has  roused  the  people  from  their  slumbers, 
and  filled  them  with  indignation  from  one  ex- 
tremity to  the  other  of  the  Union;  and  I  trust,  if 
they  should  attempt  to  carry  their  threats  into 
effect,  and  invade  our  territorial,  as  they  have  done 
our  commercial  rights,  they  will  meet  a  spirit,  that 
will  give  them  more  trouble  than  they  are  aware 
of,  in  the  citizens  of  these  States. 

When  every  thing  sacred  and  dear  to  freemen  is 
thus  threatened,  I  could  not,  consistently  with  the 
principles  which  have  actuated  me  through  life,  re- 
main an  idle  spectator,  and  refuse  to  obey  the  call 
of  my  country  to  lead  its  armies  for  defence,  and 


43 6  George  Washington 

therefore  have  pledged  myself  to  come  forward 
whensoever  the  exigency  shall  require  it. 

With  what  sensations,  at  my  time  of  life,  now 
turned  of  sixty-six,  without  ambition  or  interest  to 
stimulate  me  thereto,  I  shall  relinquish  the  peaceful 
walk  to  which  I  had  retired,  and  in  the  shades  of 
which  I  had  fondly  hoped  to  spend  the  remnant  of 
a  life,  worn  down  with  cares,  in  contemplation  of 
the  past,  and  in  scenes  present  and  to  come  of  rural 
enjoyment,  let  others,  and  especially  those  who  are 
best  acquainted  with  the  construction  of  my  mind, 
decide;  while  I,  believing  that  man  was  not  de- 
signed by  the  all-wise  Creator  to  live  for  him- 
self alone,  prepare  for  the  worst  that  can 
happen.  *  *  * 


TO  GENERAL  LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VEBNON,  25  December,  1798. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  To  give  you  a  complete  view  of  the 
politics  and  situation  of  things  in  this  country 
would  far  exceed  the  limits  of  a  letter,  and  to 
trace  effects  to  their  causes  would  be  a  work  of 
time.  But  the  sum  of  them  may  be  given  in  a  few 
words,  and  amounts  to  this.  That  a  party  exists 
in  the  United  States,  formed  by  a  combination  of 
causes,  which  oppose  the  government  in  all  its  meas- 
ures, and  are  determined  (as  all  their  conduct 
evinces)  by  clogging  its  wheels  indirectly  to  change 
the  nature  of  it,  and  to  subvert  the  constitution. 


General  Lafayette  437 

To  effect  this,  no  means  which  have  a  tendency  to 
accomplish  their  purposes  are  left  unessayed. 
The  friends  of  government,  who  are  anxious  to 
maintain  its  neutrality,  and  to  preserve  the  coun- 
try in  peace,  and  adopt  measures  to  secure  these 
are  charged  by  them  as  being  monarchists,  aristo- 
crats, and  infractors  of  the  constitution,  which,  ac- 
cording to  their  interpretation  of  it,  would  be  a 
mere  cipher.  While  they  arrogated  to  themselves 
(until  the  eyes  of  the  people  began  to  discover  how 
outrageously  they  had  been  treated  in  their  com- 
mercial concerns  by  the  Directory  of  France,  and 
that  that  was  a  ground  on  which  they  could  no 
longer  tread)  the  sole  merit  of  being  the  friends  of 
France,  when  in  fact  they  had  no  more  regard  for 
that  nation  than  for  the  Grand  Turk,  further  than 
their  own  views  were  promoted  by  it;  denouncing 
those  who  differed  in  opinion,  (whose  principles 
are  purely  American,  and  whose  sole  view  was  to 
observe  a  strict  neutrality)  with  acting  under 
British  influence,  and  being  directed  by  her  coun- 
sels, now  with  being  her  pensioners. 

This  is  but  a  short  sketch  of  what  requires  much 
time  to  illustrate;  and  is  given  with  no  other  view, 
than  to  show  you  what  would  be  your  situation 
here  at  this  crisis  under  such  circumstances  as  it 
unfolds. 

You  have  expressed  a  wish,  worthy  of  the  be- 
nevolence of  your  heart,  that  I  would  exert  all  my 
endeavors  to  avert  the  calamitous  effects  of  a  rup- 
ture between  our  countries.  Believe  me,  my  dear 
friend,  that  no  man  can  deprecate  an  event  of  this 


438  George  Washington 

sort  with  more  horror  than  I  should,  and  that  no 
one,  during  the  whole  of  my  administration,  labored 
more  incessantly,  and  with  more  sincerity  and  zeal, 
than  I  did,  to  avoid  this,  and  to  render  every  jus- 
tice, nay  favor,  to  France,  consistent  with  the 
neutrality,  which  had  been  proclaimed,  sanctioned 
by  Congress,  approved  by  the  State  legislatures, 
and  the  people  at  large  in  their  town  and  county 
meetings.  But  neutrality  was  not  the  point  at 
which  France  was  aiming;  for,  whilst  it  was  cry- 
ing Peace,  Peace,  and  pretending  that  they  did 
not  wish  us  to  be  embroiled  in  their  quarrel  with 
Great  Britain,  they  were  pursuing  measures  in  this 
country  so  repugnant  to  its  sovereignty,  and  so  in- 
compatible with  every  principle  of  neutrality,  as 
must  inevitably  have  produced  a  war  with  the  lat- 
ter. And  when  they  found,  that  the  government 
here  was  resolved  to  adhere  steadily  to  its  plan  of 
neutrality,  their  next  step  was  to  destroy  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people  in  and  to  separate  them  from 
it:  for  which  purpose  their  diplomatic  agents  were 
specially  instructed,  and  in  the  attempt  were  aided 
by  inimical  characters  among  ourselves,  not,  as  I 
observed  before,  because  they  loved  France  more 
than  any  other  nation,  but  because  it  was  an  instru- 
ment to  facilitate  the  destruction  of  their  own 
government. 

Hence  proceeded  those  charges,  which  I  have  al- 
ready enumerated,  against  the  friends  to  peace  and 
order.  No  doubt  remains  on  this  side  of  the  wa- 
ter, that  to  the  representations  of,  and  encourage- 
ment given  by,  these  people  is  to  be  ascribed,  in  a 


General  Lafayette  439 

great  measure,  the  infractions  of  our  treaty  with 
France;  her  violation  of  the  laws  of  nations,  dis- 
regard of  justice,  and  even  of  sound  policy.  But 
herein  they  have  not  only  deceived  France,  but 
were  deceived  themselves,  as  the  event  has  proved; 
for,  no  sooner  did  the  yeomanry  of  this  country 
come  to  a  right  understanding  of  the  nature  of  the 
dispute,  than  they  rose  as  one  man  with  a  tender 
of  their  services,  their  lives,  and  their  fortunes  to 
support  the  government  of  their  choice,  and  to  de- 
fend their  country.  This  has  produced  a  declara- 
tion from  them  (how  sincere  let  others  judge), 
that,  if  the  French  should  attempt  to  invade  this 
country,  they  themselves  would  be  amongst  the 
foremost  to  repel  the  attack. 

You  add  in  another  place,  that  the  Executive 
Directory  are  disposed  to  accommodation  of  all 
differences.  If  they  are  sincere  in  this  declaration, 
let  them  evidence  it  by  actions ;  for  words  unaccom- 
panied therewith  will  not  be  much  regarded  now. 
I  would  pledge  myself,  that  the  government  and 
people  of  the  United  States  will  meet  them  heart 
and  hand  at  fair  negotiation;  having  no  wish  more 
ardent,  than  to  live  in  peace  with  all  the  world,  pro- 
vided they  are  suffered  to  remain  undisturbed  in 
their  just  rights.  Of  this,  their  patience,  for- 
bearance, and  repeated  solicitations  under  accumu- 
lated injuries  and  insults,  are  incontestable  proofs; 
but  it  is  not  to  be  inferred  from  hence,  that  they 
suffer  any  nation  under  the  sun,  (while  they  retain 
a  proper  sense  of  virtue  and  independence,)  to 
trample  upon  their  rights  with  impunity,  or  to 


440  George  Washington 

direct  or  influence  the  internal  concerns  of  their 
country. 

It  has  been  the  policy  of  France,  and  that  of  the 
opposition  party  among  ourselves,  to  inculcate  a 
belief  that  all  those,  who  have  exerted  themselves 
to  keep  this  country  in  peace,  did  it  from  an  over- 
weening attachment  to  Great  Britain.  But  it  is 
a  solemn  truth,  and  you  may  count  upon  it,  that  it 
is  void  of  foundation,  and  propagated  for  no  other 
purpose,  than  to  excite  popular  clamor  against 
those,  whose  aim  was  peace,  and  whom  they  wished 
out  of  the  way. 

That  there  are  many  among  us,  who  wish  to  see 
this  country  embroiled  on  the  side  of  Great  Britain, 
and  others,  who  are  anxious  that  we  should  take 
part  with  France  against  her,  admits  of  no  doubt. 
But  it  is  a  fact,  on  which  you  may  entirely  and  ab- 
solutely rely,  that  the  governing  powers  of  the 
country  and  a  large  part  of  the  people  are  truly 
Americans  in  principle,  attached  to  the  interest  of 
it,  and  unwilling  under  any  circumstances  whatso- 
ever to  participate  in  the  politics  or  contests  of 
Europe;  much  less,  since  they  have  found  that 
France,  having  forsaken  the  ground  she  first  took, 
is  interfering  in  the  internal  concerns  of  all  nations, 
neutral  as  well  as  belligerent,  and  setting  the  world 
in  an  uproar. 

After  my  Valedictory  Address  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  you  would  no  doubt  be  some- 
what surprised  to  hear,  that  I  had  again  consented 
to  gird  on  the  sword.  But,  having  struggled  eight 
or  nine  years  against  the  invasion  of  our  rights  by 


Bryan,  Lord  Fairfax  44 T 

one  power,  and  to  establish  our  independence  of 
it,  I  could  not  remain  an  unconcerned  spectator  of 
the  attempt  of  another  power  to  accomplish  the 
same  object,  though  in  a  different  way,  with  less 
pretensions;  indeed,  without  any  at  all. 

On  the  politics  of  Europe  I  shall  express  no 
opinion,  nor  make  any  inquiry  who  is  right  or 
who  is  wrong.  I  wish  well  to  all  nations  and  to 
all  men.  My  politics  are  plain  and  simple.  I 
think  every  nation  has  a  right  to  establish  that  form 
of  government,  under  which  it  conceives  it  shall 
live  most  happy;  provided  it  infracts  no  right,  or 
is  not  dangerous  to  others;  and  that  no  govern- 
ments ought  to  interfere  with  the  internal  concerns 
of  another,  except  for  the  security  of  what  is  due 
to  themselves.  *  *  * 


TO   BRYAN,   LORD  FAIRFAX 

MOUNT  VERNON,  20th  Jany.,  1799. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  When  I  presented  my  Valedictory  ad- 
dress to  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1796,  I  little  thought  that  any  event  would 
occur  in  my  day,  that  could  again  withdraw  me  from 
the  Retirement  after  which  I  had  been  so  long 
panting ; — but  we  know  little  of  ourselves,  and  still 
less  of  the  ways  of  Providence. — The  injurious 
treatment  this  Country  had  received  from  France, 
in  an  open  violation  of  the  Treaty  between  the  two 
Countries,  and  the  laws  of  Nations. — The  Insults 
&  Indignities  with  which  all  our  overtures  for  an 


442  George  Washington 

amicable  adjustment  of  the  disputes  were  treated. 
— The  increasing  depredations  on  our  commerce, 
accompanied  with  outrage  &  threats,  if  we  did  not 
comply  with  their  demands,  leaving  no  hope  of  ob- 
taining restitution  for  the  past,  or  preserving  the 
little  that  remained,  or  the  Country  from  Invasion, 
but  by  the  adoption  of  vigorous  measures  for  self 
defence,  having  come  fully  to  the  view  of  the  Peo- 
ple, their  resentments  have  been  roused,  and  with 
one  voice  as  it  were,  have  made  a  tender  of  their 
lives  and  fortunes  to  repel  any  attempts  which  may 
be  made  on  the  Constitution  or  Government  of 
their  Country — In  consequence  of  which,  and  to 
be  prepared  for  the  dernier  ressort,  if  unhappily 
we  shall  be  driven  to  it — Troops  are  to  be  raised, 
and  the  United  States  placed  in  a  posture  of  de- 
fence— Under  these  circumstances,  and  it  appear- 
ing to  be  the  wish  of  my  Countrymen,  and  the 
request  of  the  governing  Powers  that  I  should  take 
charge  of  their  Armies,  I  am  embarked  so  far  in 
the  business  as  will  appear  by  my  letter  to  the 
President  of  the  13th  of  July  last — which,  as  it  has 
run  through  all  the  news-papers  here,  and  Pub- 
lished in  many  of  the  Foreign  Gazettes,  you  prob- 
ably may  have  seen;  and  though  still  at  home, 
where  indeed  I  hope  to  remain,  under  a  persuasion 
that  the  French  will  discover  the  injustice  and  ab- 
surdity of  their  conduct; — I  hold  myself  in  readi- 
ness to  gird  on  the  sword,  if  the  immergency  shall 
require  it. 

Notwithstanding,  the  Spirit  of  the  People  is  so 
animated,  that  party  among  us  who  have  been  uni- 


Bryan,  Lord  Fairfax  443 

form  in  their  opposition  to  all  the  measures  of  Gov- 
ernment ;  in  short  to  every  Act,  either  of  Executive 
or  Legislative  Authority,  which  seemed  to  be  cal- 
culated to  defeat  French  usurpations  and  to 
lessen  the  influence  of  that  Nation  in  our  Country, 

•f  9 

hang  upon  &  clog  its  wheels  as  much  as  in  them 
lye — and  with  a  rancor  &  virulence  which  is  scarcely 
to  be  conceived; — Torturing  every  act,  by  un- 
natural construction,  into  a  design  to  violate  the 
Constitution — Introduce  Monarchy — &  to  estab- 
lish an  aristocracy — And  what  is  more  to  be  re- 
gretted, the  same  Spirit  seems  to  have  laid  hold  of 
the  major  J>art  of  the  Legislature  of  this  State, 
while  all  the  other  States  in  the  Union  (Kentucky 
the  child  of  Virginia,  excepted)  are  coming  for- 
ward with  the  most  unequivocal  evidences  of  their 
approbation  of  the  measures  which  have  been 
adopted  by  both,  for  self  preservation. —  In  what 
such  a  spirit,  and  such  proceedings  will  issue,  is 
beyond  the  reach  of  short  sighted  men  to  predict, 
with  any  degree  of  certainty. — I  hope  well — be- 
cause I  have  always  believed  and  trusted,  that  that 
Providence  which  has  carried  us  through  a  long 
and  painful  War  with  one  of  the  most  powerful 
nations  in  Europe,  will  not  suffer  the  discontented 
among  ourselves  to  produce  more  than  a  tempo- 
rary interruption  to  the  permanent  Peace  and  hap- 
piness of  this  rising  Empire — That  they  have  been 
the  cause  of  our  present  disquietudes,  and  the 
means  of  stimulating  (by  mis-representing  the 
sentiments  of  the  mass  of  citizens  of  this  Country) 
the  Directory  of  France  to  their  unwarrantable 


444 


George  Washington 


Acts — not  from  more  real  affection  to  the  nation 
than  others  possess,  but  to  facilitate  the  design  of 
subverting  their  own  government — I  have  no  more 
doubt  than  that  I  am  now  in  the  act  of  writing  you 
this  letter —  *  *  * 


4.  THE  WHISKEY  INSURRECTION 


TO    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON,    SECRETARY    OF    THE 
TREASURY 

MOUNT  VERNON,  7  September,  1792. 

SIR, 

The  last  post  brought  me  your  letter  of  the  1st 
instant,  with  the  enclosures  respecting  the  dis- 
orderly conduct  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  western 
survey  of  the  district  of  Pennsylvania,  in  opposing 
the  execution  of  what  is  called  the  excise  law;  and 
of  the  insults  which  have  been  offered  by  some  of 
them  to  the  officers,  who  have  been  appointed  to 
collect  the  duties  on  distilled  spirits  agreeably 
thereto.1 

Such  conduct  in  any  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 

1  Among  Hamilton's  financial  measures  enacted  in  1791  was 
the  excise  law  levying  a  tax  of  twenty-five  cents  a  gallon  on 
whiskey.  The  tax  excited  great  opposition,  partly  because  it 
was  one  to  which  the  people  were  not  accustomed  and  partly 
because  it  bore  with  considerable  hardship  on  the  people  of 
western  Pennsylvania,  who  were  far  removed  from  the  ordinary 
channels  of  commerce  and  who  produced  only  one  commodity  of 
considerable  value  in  small  bulk.  While  the  disturbance  was 
not  in  itself  very  serious,  its  suppression  was  of  great  political 
importance,  since  it  was  one  of  the  first  demonstrations  by  the 
new  government  of  its  right  and  of  its  ability  to  enforce  its 
laws. 


Alexander  Hamilton  445 

States,  under  any  circumstances  that  can  well  be 
conceived,  would  be  exceedingly  reprehensible; 
but,  when  it  comes  from  a  part  of  the  community 
for  whose  protection  the  money  arising  from  the 
tax  was  principally  designed,  it  is  truly  unaccount- 
able, and  the  spirit  of  it  much  to  be  regretted. 

The  preliminary  steps  taken  by  you  in  ordering 
the  supervisor  of  the  district  to  repair  to  the  sur- 
vey, where  these  disorders  prevail,  with  a  view  to 
ascertain  in  person  "  the  true  state  of  the  survey ; 
to  collect  evidences  respecting  the  violences  that 
have  been  committed,  in  order  to  a  prosecution  of 
the  offenders;  to  ascertain  the  particulars  as  to  the 
meeting  which  appears  to  have  been  held  at  Pitts- 
burg;  to  encourage  the  perseverance  of  the  officers 
in  their  duty,  and  the  well-disposed  inhabitants  in 
discountenancing  such  violent  proceedings,"  are 
prudent  and  proper,  and  I  earnestly  wish  they  may 
have  the  desired  effect.  But  if,  notwithstanding, 
opposition  is  still  given  to  the  due  execution  of  the 
law,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring,  if  the  evi- 
dence of  it  is  clear  and  unequivocal,  that  I  shall, 
however  reluctantly  I  exercise  them,  exert  all  the 
legal  powers  with  which  the  executive  is  invested 
to  check  so  daring  and  unwarrantable  a  spirit.  It 
is  my  duty  to  see  the  laws  executed.  To  permit 
them  to  be  trampled  upon  with  impunity  would 
be  repugnant  to  it;  nor  can  the  government  longer 
remain  a  passive  spectator  of  the  contempt,  with 
which  they  are  treated.  Forbearance,  under  a  hope 
that  the  inhabitants  of  that  survey  would  recover 
from  the  delirium  and  folly  into  which  they  were 


446  George  Washington 

plunged,  seems  to  have  had  no  other  effect  than  to 
increase  the  disorder. 

If  it  shall  be  the  attorney-general's  opinion,  un- 
der a  full  consideration  of  the  case  (adverting,  as 
I  presume  he  will,  as  well  to  the  laws  and  constitu- 
tion of  Pennsylvania,  as  to  those  of  the  United 
States),  that  the  meeting,  which  appears  to  have 
been  held  at  Pittsburg,  was  illegal,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  it  indictable,  and  it  shall  further  appear  to 
you  from  such  information  as  you  may  be  able  to 
obtain  from  a  comparative  view  of  all  circum- 
stances, that  it  would  be  proper  to  bring  the  matter 
before  the  circuit  court  to  be  holden  at  Yorktown 
in  October  next,  you  have  all  the  sanction  and  au- 
thority I  can  give  to  do  it.  I  am,  Sir,  &c.x 


TO  BURGES  BALL 

GEBMANTOWN,  10  August,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    What  (under  the  rose  I  ask  it)  is  said 

1  Acting  on  the  advice  of  Hamilton,  Washington  issued  a 
proclamation  warning  the  rioters  to  desist  from  their  unlawful 
acts  and  indicating  the  intention  of  the  President  to  use  all  the 
means  at  his  command  for  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  See 
Richardson,  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  i.,  124. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  proclamation  will  undergo 
many  strictures;  and,  as  the  effect  proposed  may  not  be  an- 
swered by  it,  it  will  be  necessary  to  look  forward  in  time  to 
ulterior  arrangements.  And  here  not  only  the  constitution 
and  laws  must  strictly  govern,  but  the  employing  of  regular 
troops  avoided,  if  it  be  possible  to  effect  order  without  their 
aid;  otherwise  there  would  be  a  cry  at  once,  '  The  cat  is  let  out; 
we  now  see  for  what  purpose  an  army  was  raised.'  Yet,  if  no 
pther  means  will  effectually  answer,  and  the  constitution  and 


Charles  M.  Thruston  447 

or  thought,  as  far  as  it  has  appeared  to  you,  of  the 
conduct  of  the  People  of  the  Western  Counties  of 
this  State  (Pennsylvania)  towards  the  excise  offi- 
cers?— and  does  there  seem  to  be  a  disposition 
among  those  with  whom  you  converse  to  bring  them 
to  a  sense  of  their  duty,  and  obedience  to  law,  by 
coercion,  if,  after  they  are  fully  notified  by  Procla- 
mation and  other  expedients  of  the  consequences 
of  such  outrageous  proceedings,  they  do  not  submit 
to  the  Laws  of  the  United  States,  and  suffer  the 
collection  of  the  duties  upon  spirituous  liquors  and 
stills  to  be  made  as  in  other  places?  In  a  word, 
would  there  be  any  difficulty,  as  far  as  the  matter 
has  passed  under  your  observation,  in  drawing  out 
a  part  of  the  Militia  of  Loudoun,  Berkeley  and 
Frederick — to  quell  this  rebellious  spirit  and  to 
support  order  and  good  government?  You  will 
readily  perceive  that  questions  of  this  sort  from  me 
to  you  and  your  answers,  are  for  my  private  infor- 
mation, and  to  go  no  farther  than  ourselves.  *  *  * 


TO  CHARLES  M.  THRUSTON 
[PRIVATE] 
PHILADELPHIA,  10  August,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  21st  of  June  came  duly  to 
hand.  For  the  communications  contained  in  it  I 
thank  you,  as  I  shall  do  for  any  other  that  is  inter- 
esting to  the  community,  and  necessary  for  me  to 

laws  will   authorize  these,  they  must  be  used   as   the   dernier 
resort." — Washington   to  Hamilton,   16    September,  1792. 


448  George  Washington 

be  informed  of.  That  there  should  exist  in  this 
country  such  a  spirit  as  you  say  pervades  the  peo- 
ple of  Kentucky,  (and  which  I  have  also  learnt 
through  other  channels,)  is  to  me  matter  of  great 
wonder ;  and  that  it  should  prevail  there,  more  than 
in  any  other  part  of  the  Union,  is  not  less  surpris- 
ing to  those,  who  are  acquainted  with  the  exertions 
of  the  general  government  in  their  favor.  But  it 
will  serve  to  evince,  whensoever  and  to  whomsoever 
facts  are  developed  (and  they  are  not  unknown  at 
this  moment  to  many  of  the  principal  characters  in 
that  State),  that  there  must  exist  a  predisposition 
among  them  to  be  dissatisfied,  under  any  circum- 
stances and  under  every  exertion  of  government 
(short  of  a  war  with  Spain,  which  must  eventually 
involve  one  with  Great  Britain,)  to  promote  their 
welfare. 

The  protection  they  receive,  and  the  unwearied 
endeavors  of  the  general  government  to  accom- 
plish, (by  repeated  and  ardent  remonstrances,) 
what  they  seem  to  have  most  at  heart,  namely,  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  obtain  no  credit  with 
them,  or,  what  is  full  as  likely,  may  be  concealed 
from  them  or  misrepresented  by  those  Societies, 
who,  under  specious  colorings,  are  spreading  mis- 
chief far  and  wide,  either  from  real  ignorance  of 
the  measures  pursuing  by  the  government,  or  from 
a  wish  to  bring  it,  as  much  as  they  are  able,  into 
discredit;  for  what  purposes,  every  man  is  left  to 
his  own  conjectures. 

That  similar  attempts  to  discontent  the  public 
mind  have  been  practised  with  too  much  success  in 


Charles  M.  Thruston  449 

some  of  the  western  counties  in  this  State,  you  are, 
I  am  certain,  not  to  learn.1  Actual  rebellion 
against  the  laws  of  the  United  States  exists  at  this 
moment,  notwithstanding  every  lenient  measure, 
which  could  comport  with  the  duties  of  the  public 
officers,  has  been  exercised  to  reconcile  them  to 
the  collection  of  the  taxes  upon  spirituous  liquors 
and  stills.  What  may  be  the  consequences  of  such 
violent  and  outrageous  proceedings  is  painful  in  a 
high  degree  even  in  contemplation.  But,  if  the 
laws  are  to  be  so  trampled  upon  with  impunity, 
and  a  minority,  (a  small  one  too,)  is  to  dictate  to 
the  majority,  there  is  an  end  put,  at  one  stroke,  to 
republican  government;  and  nothing  but  anarchy 
and  confusion  is  to  be  expected  hereafter.  Some 
other  man  or  society  may  dislike  another  law,  and 
oppose  it  with  equal  propriety,  until  all  laws  are 
prostrate,  and  every  one,  (the  strongest  I  pre- 
sume,) will  carve  for  himself.  Yet  there  will  be 
found  persons,  I  have  no  doubt,  who,  although  they 
may  not  be  hardy  enough  to  justify  such  open 
opposition  to  the  laws,  will  nevertheless  be  opposed 
to  coercion,  even  if  the  proclamation  and  the  other 
temperate  measures,  which  are  in  train  by  the  exe- 
cutive to  avert  the  dire  necessity  of  a  resort  to 

lMIt  is  true  that  the  opposition  to  the  excise  laws  began 
from  causes  foreign  to  Democratic  Societies,  but  it  is  well  as- 
certained by  proof  in  the  course  of  judiciary  investigations  that 
the  insurrection  immediately  is  to  be  essentially  attributed  to 
one  of  those  societies  sometimes  called  the  Mingo-Creek  So- 
ciety, sometimes  the  Democratic  Society.  An  early  and  active 
member  of  it  commanded  the  first  attack  at  Neville's  House; 
another  active  member  of  that  Society,  McFarlane,  the  second 
attack." — Hamilton  to  Fitzsimmons,  27  November,  1794. 


45°  George  Washington 

arms,  should  fail.  How  far  such  people  may  ex- 
tend their  influence,  and  what  may  be  the  conse- 
quences thereof,  is  not  easy  to  decide;  but  this  we 
know,  that  it  is  not  difficult  by  concealment  of 
some  facts  and  the  exaggeration  of  others,  (where 
there  is  an  influence,)  to  bias  a  well-meaning  mind, 
although  we  allow  truth  will  ultimately  prevail 
where  there  is  pains  taken  to  bring  it  to  light. 

I  have  a  great  regard  for  General  Morgan,  and 
respect  his  military  talents,  and  am  persuaded,  if  a 
fit  occasion  should  occur,  no  one  would  exert  them 
with  more  zeal  in  the  service  of  his  country  than  he 
would.  It  is  my  ardent  wish,  however,  that  this 
country  should  remain  in  peace  as  long  as  the  in- 
terest, honor,  and  dignity  of  it  will  permit,  and 
its  laws,  enacted  by  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple freely  chosen,  shall  obtain.  With  much  esteem, 
I  am,  dear  Sir,  &c. 


TO  HENRY  LEE,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 

[PRIVATE] 

GERMANTOWN,  26  August,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  17th  came  duly  to  hand,  and 
I  thank  you  for  its  communications.  As  the  in- 
surgents in  the  western  counties  of  this  State  are 
resolved,  (as  far  as  we  have  yet  been  able  to  learn 
from  the  commissioners,  who  have  been  sent  among 
them,)  to  persevere  in  their  rebellious  conduct  un- 
til what  they  call  the  excise  law  is  repealed,  and 
acts  of  oblivion  and  amnesty  are  passed,  it  gives 


Henry  Lee  451 

me  sincere  consolation  amidst  the  regrets,  with 
which  I  am  filled  by  such  lawless  and  outrageous 
conduct,  to  find  by  your  letter  above  mentioned, 
that  it  is  held  in  general  detestation  by  the  good 
people  of  Virginia,  and  that  you  are  disposed  to 
lend  your  personal  aid  to  subdue  this  spirit,  and  to 
bring  those  people  to  a  proper  sense  of  their  duty. 

On  this  latter  point  I  shall  refer  you  to  letters 
from  the  war  office,  and  to  a  private  one  from 
Colonel  Hamilton,  (who,  in  the  absence  of  the 
Secretary  of  War,  superintends  the  military  duties 
of  that  department,)  for  my  sentiments  on  this 
occasion. 

It  is  with  equal  pride  and  satisfaction  I  add,  that, 
as  far  as  my  information  extends,  this  insurrection 
is  viewed  with  universal  indignation  and  abhor- 
rence, except  by  those,  who  have  never  missed  an 
opportunity  by  side  blows  or  otherwise  to  aim  their 
shafts  at  the  general  government;  and  even  among 
these  there  is  not  a  spirit  hardy  enough  yet  openly 
to  justify  the  daring  infractions  of  law  and  order; 
but  by  palliatives  are  attempting  to  suspend  all 
proceedings  against  the  insurgents,  until  Congress 
shall  have  decided  on  the  case,  thereby  intending 
to  gain  time,  and  if  possible  to  make  the  evil  more 
extensive,  more  formidable,  and  of  course  more 
difficult  to  counteract  and  subdue. 

I  consider  this  insurrection  as  the  first  formi- 
dable fruit  of  the  Democratic  Societies,  brought 
forth,  I  believe,  too  prematurely  for  their  own 
views,  which  may  contribute  to  the  annihilation  of 
them. 


452  George  Washington 

That  these  societies  were  instituted  by  the  artful 
and  designing  members  (many  of  their  body  I  have 
no  doubt  mean  well,  but  know  little  of  the  real 
plan,)  primarily  to  sow  the  seeds  of  jealousy  and 
distrust  among  the  people  of  the  government,  by 
destroying  all  confidence  in  the  administration  of 
it,  and  that  these  doctrines  have  been  budding  and 
blowing  ever  since,  is  not  new  to  any  one,  who  is 
acquainted  with  the  character  of  their  leaders,  and 
has  been  attentive  to  their  manoeuvres.  I  early 
gave  it  as  my  opinion  to  the  confidential  characters 
around  me,  that,  if  these  societies  were  not  coun- 
teracted, (not  by  prosecutions,  the  ready  way  to 
make  them  grow  stronger,)  or  did  not  fall  into 
disesteem  from  the  knowledge  of  their  origin,  and 
the  views  with  which  they  had  been  instituted  by 
their  father,  Genet,  for  purposes  well  known  to 
the  government,  that  they  would  shake  the  govern- 
ment to  its  foundation.  Time  and  circumstances 
have  confirmed  me  in  this  opinion;  and  I  deeply 
regret  the  probable  consequences;  not  as  they  will 
affect  me  personally,  for  I  have  not  long  to  act 
on  this  theatre,  and  sure  I  am  that  not  a  man 
amongst  them  can  be  more  anxious  to  put  me  aside, 
than  I  am  to  sink  into  the  prof oundest  retirement, 
but  because  I  see,  under  a  display  of  popular  and 
fascinating  guises,  the  most  diabolical  attempts  to 
destroy  the  best  fabric  of  human  government  and 
happiness,  that  has  ever  been  presented  for  the 
acceptance  of  mankind. 

A  part  of  the  plan  for  creating  discord  is,  I  per- 
ceive, to  make  me  say  things  of  others,  and  others 


Burges  Ball  453 

of  me,  which  have  no  foundation  in  truth.  The 
first,  in  many  instances  I  know  to  be  the  case ;  and 
the  second  I  believe  to  be  so.  But  truth  or  false- 
hood is  immaterial  to  them,  provided  the  objects 
are  promoted.  *  *  * 


TO  BURGES  BALL 

PHILADELPHIA,  25  September,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Your  letter  of  the  10th  instant  from  the  Sulphur 
Springs  has  been  received.  I  hear  with  the  great- 
est pleasure  of  the  spirit,  which  so  generally  per- 
vades the  militia  of  every  State,  that  has  been  called 
upon  on  the  present  occasion;  and  of  the  decided 
discountenance  the  incendiaries  of  public  peace  and 
order  have  met  with  in  their  attempts  to  spread 
their  nefarious  doctrines,  with  a  view  to  poison  and 
discontent  the  minds  of  the  people  against  the  gov- 
ernment; particularly  by  endeavoring  to  have  it 
believed,  that  their  liberties  were  assailed,  and  that 
all  the  wicked  and  abominable  measures  that  can 
be  devised  under  specious  guises  are  practised  to 
sap  the  constitution,  and  lay  the  foundation  of 
future  slavery. 

The  insurrection  in  the  western  counties  of  this 
State  is  a  striking  evidence  of  this,  and  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  first  ripe  fruit  of  the  Democratic  So- 
cieties. I  did  not,  I  must  confess,  expect  it  would 
come  to  maturity  so  soon,  though  I  never  had  a 
doubt  that  such  conduct  would  produce  some  such 
issue,  if  it  did  not  meet  the  frowns  of  those,  who 


454  George  Washington 

were  well  disposed  to  order  and  good  government 
in  time;  for  can  any  thing  be  more  absurd,  more 
arrogant,  or  more  pernicious  to  the  peace  of  society, 
than  for  self-created  bodies,  forming  themselves 
into  permanent  censors,  and  under  the  shade  of 
night  in  a  conclave  resolving  that  acts  of  Congress, 
which  have  undergone  the  most  deliberate  and 
solemn  discussion  by  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple, chosen  for  the  express  purpose  and  bringing 
with  them  from  the  different  parts  of  the  Union 
the  sense  of  their  constituents,  endeavoring  as  far 
as  the  nature  of  the  thing  will  admit  to  form  their 
will  into  laws  for  the  government  of  the  whole;  I 
say,  under  these  circumstances,  for  a  self-created 
permanent  body  (for  no  one  denies  the  right  of  the 
people  to  meet  occasionally  to  petition  for,  or  re- 
monstrate against,  any  act  of  the  legislature)  to 
declare  that  this  act  is  unconstitutional,  and  that 
act  is  pregnant  with  mischiefs,  and  that  all,  who 
vote  contrary  to  their  dogmas,  are  actuated  by  self- 
ish motives  or  under  foreign  influence,  nay,  are 
pronounced  traitors  to  their  country?  Is  such  a 
stretch  of  arrogant  presumption  to  be  reconciled 
with  laudable  motives,  especially  when  we  see  the 
same  set  of  men  endeavoring  to  destroy  all  con- 
fidence in  the  administration,  by  arraigning  all  its 
acts,  without  knowing  on  what  ground  or  with 
what  information  it  proceeds? 

These  things  were  evidently  intended,  and  could 
not  fail  without  counteraction,  to  disquiet  the  pub- 
lic mind;  but  I  hope  and  trust  this  will  work  their 
own  curse;  especially  when  it  is  known  more  gen- 


Daniel  Morgan  455 

erally  than  it  is,  that  the  Democratic  Society  of 
this  place,  from  which  the  others  have  emanated, 
was  instituted  by  M.  Genet  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  dissension,  and  to  draw  a  line  between  the 
people  and  the  government,  after  he  found  the 
officers  of  the  latter  would  not  yield  to  the  hostile 
measures  in  which  he  wanted  to  embroil  this 
country. 

I  hope  this  letter  will  find  you,  Mrs.  Ball,  and 
the  family  in  better  health,  than  when  you  wrote 
last.  Remember  me  to  them,  and  be  assured  that 
I  remain  your  affectionate  friend. 


TO   MAJOR-GENERAL  DANIEL    MORGAN 

CARLISLE,  8  October,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR, 

In  the  moment  I  was  leaving  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia for  this  place,  your  letter  of  the  24th  ultimo 
was  put  into  my  hands.  Although  I  regret  the 
occasion  which  has  called  you  into  the  field,  I  re- 
joice to  hear  you  are  there;  and  it  is  probable  I  may 
meet  you  at  Fort  Cumberland,  whither  I  shall  pro- 
ceed, so  soon  as  I  see  the  troops  at  this  rendezvous 
in  condition  to  advance.  At  that  place,  or  at  Bed- 
ford, my  ulterior  resolution  must  be  taken,  either 
to  advance  with  the  troops  into  the  insurgent  coun- 
ties of  this  State,  or  to  return  to  Philadelphia  for 
the  purpose  of  meeting  Congress  the  3d  of  next 
month.1 

1 "  The  President  will  be  governed  by  circumstances.    If  the 
thing  puts  on  an  appearance  of  magnitude,  he  goes;  if  not,  he 


456  George  Washington 

Imperious  circumstances  alone  can  justify  my 
absence  from  the  seat  of  government,  whilst  Con- 
gress are  in  session;  but  if  these,  from  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  in  the  refractory  counties,  and 
the  state  of  the  information  I  expect  to  receive  at 
the  advanced  posts,  should  appear  to  exist,  the 
lesser  must  yield  to  the  greater  duties  of  my  office, 
and  I  shall  cross  the  mountains  with  the  troops;  if 
not,  I  shall  place  the  command  of  the  combined 
force  under  the  orders  of  Governor  Lee  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  repair  to  the  seat  of  government. 

I  am  perfectly  in  sentiment  with  you,  that  the 
business  we  are  drawn  out  upon  should  be  effectu- 
ally executed,  and  that  the  daring  and  factious 
spirit,  which  has  arisen  (to  overturn  the  laws  and 
to  subvert  the  constitution,)  ought  to  be  subdued. 
If  this  is  not  done,  there  is  an  end  of,  and  we  may 
bid  adieu  to,  all  government  in  this  country,  except 
mob  and  club  government,  from  whence  nothing 
but  anarchy  and  confusion  can  ensue.  If  the  mi- 
nority, and  a  small  one  too,  is  suffered  to  dictate  to 
the  majority,  after  measures  have  undergone  the 
most  solemn  discussions  by  the  representatives  of 

stays.     There  is  a  pro  and  a  con  in  the  case." — Hamilton  to 
Jay,  17  September,  1794. 

"  I  do  not  expect  to  be  here  [Fort  Cumberland]  more  than 
two  days;  thence  to  Bedford,  where,  as  soon  as  matters  are 
arranged  and  a  plan  settled,  I  shall  shape  my  course  for  Phila- 
delphia; but  not  because  the  impertinence  of  Mr.  Bache  or  his 
correspondent  has  undertaken  to  pronounce,  that  I  cannot 
constitutionally  command  the  army,  whilst  Congress  are  in 
session." — Washington  to  Edmund  Randolph,  16  October,  1794. 
This  is  the  only  instance  in  the  history  of  the  United  States 
in  which  the  President  has  assumed  personal  command  and 
direction  of  troops  in  active  service. 


Henry  Lee  457 

the  people,  and  their  will  through  this  medium  is 
enacted  into  a  law,  there  can  be  no  security  for  life, 
liberty,  or  property ;  nor  if  the  laws  are  not  to  gov- 
ern, can  any  man  know  how  to  conduct  himself  in 
safety.  There  never  was  a  law  yet  made,  I  con- 
ceive, that  hit  the  taste  exactly  of  every  man,  or 
every  part  of  the  community;  of  course,  if  this  be 
a  reason  for  opposition,  no  law  can  be  executed  at 
all  without  force,  and  every  man  or  set  of  men  will 
in  that  case  cut  and  carve  for  themselves;  the  con- 
sequences of  which  must  be  deprecated  by  all 
classes  of  men,  who  are  friends  to  order,  and  to 
the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  country.  But  how 
can  things  be  otherwise  than  they  are,  when  clubs 
and  societies  have  been  instituted  for  the  express 
purpose,  though  clothed  in  another  garb,  by  their 
diabolical  leader  Genet,  whose  object  was  to  sow 
sedition,  to  poison  the  minds  of  the  people  of  this 
country,  and  to  make  them  discontented  with  the 
government  of  it,  who  have  labored  indefatigably 
to  effect  these  purposes.  *  *  * 


TO  HENRY  LEE,  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 
MILITIA   ARMY 

BEDFORD,  20  October,  1794. 

SIR, 

Being  about  to  return  to  the  seat  of  government, 
I  cannot  take  my  departure,  without  conveying 
through  you  to  the  army  under  your  command,  the 
very  high  sense  I  entertain  of  the  enlightened  and 
patriotic  zeal  for  the  constitution  and  the  laws, 


458  George  Washington 

which  has  led  them  cheerfully  to  quit  their  families, 
homes,  and  the  comforts  of  private  life,  to  under- 
take and  thus  far  to  perform  a  long  and  fatiguing 
march,  and  to  encounter  the  hardships  and  priva- 
tions of  a  military  life.  Their  conduct  hitherto 
affords  a  full  assurance,  that  their  perseverance 
will  be  equal  to  their  zeal,  and  that  they  will  con- 
tinue to  perform  with  alacrity  whatever  the  full  ac- 
complishment of  the  object  of  their  march  shall 
render  necessary. 

No  citizens  of  the  United  States  can  ever  be  en- 
gaged in  a  service  more  important  to  their  coun- 
try. It  is  nothing  less  than  to  consolidate  and  to 
preserve  the  blessings  of  that  revolution,  which,  at 
much  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  constituted 
us  a  free  and  independent  nation.  It  is  to  give 
the  world  an  illustrious  example,  of  the  utmost 
consequence  to  the  cause  of  mankind.  I  experi- 
ence a  heart-felt  satisfaction  in  the  conviction,  that 
the  conduct  of  the  troops  throughout  will  be  in 
every  respect  answerable  to  the  goodness  of  the 
cause  and  the  magnitude  of  the  stake. 

There  is  but  one  other  point  on  which  I  think  it 
proper  to  add  a  special  recommendation;  it  is,  that 
every  officer  and  soldier  will  constantly  bear  in 
mind,  that  he  comes  to  support  the  laws,  and  that 
it  would  be  peculiarly  unbecoming  in  him  to  be  in 
any  way  the  infractor  of  them;  that  the  essential 
principles  of  a  free  government  confine  the  prov- 
ince of  the  military,  when  called  forth  on  such  oc- 
casions, to  these  two  objects,  first,  to  combat  and 
subdue  all  who  may  be  found  in  arms  in  opposition 


Henry  Lee  459 

to  the  national  will  and  authority,  secondly,  to  aid 
and  support  the  civil  magistrates  in  bringing 
offenders  to  justice.  The  dispensation  of  this  jus- 
tice belongs  to  the  civil  magistrate;  and  let  it  ever 
be  our  pride  and  our  glory  to  leave  the  sacred 
deposit  there  inviolate.  Convey  to  my  fellow-citi- 
zens in  arms  my  warm  acknowledgments  for  the 
readiness,  with  which  they  have  hitherto  seconded 
me  in  the  most  delicate  and  momentous  duty  the 
chief  magistrate  of  a  free  people  can  have  to  per- 
form, and  add  my  affectionate  wishes  for  their 
health,  comfort,  and  success.  Could  my  further 
presence  with  them  have  been  necessary,  or  com- 
patible with  my  civil  duties  at  a  period  when  the 
approaching  commencement  of  a  session  of  Con- 
gress particularly  calls  me  to  return  to  the  seat  of 
government,  it  would  not  have  been  withheld.  In 
leaving  them  I  have  the  less  regret,  as  I  know  I 
commit  them  to  an  able  and  faithful  direction,  and 
that  this  direction  will  be  ably  and  faithfully 
seconded  by  all.  I  am,  &C.1 

1 "  I  heard  great  complaints  of  Gurney's  Corps  (and  some 
of  the  Artillery)  along  the  road  to  Strasburgh. — There  I  parted 
from  their  Rout. — In  some  places,  I  was  told  they  did  not  leave 
a  plate,  a  spoon,  a  glass  or  a  knife;  and  this  owing,  in  a  great 
measure,  as  I  was  informed,  to  their  being  left  without  Offi- 
cers.— At  most  if  not  all  the  encampments,  I  found  the  fences 
in  a  manner  burnt  up. — I  pray  you  to  mention  this  to  Govr. 
Mifflin,  (and  indeed  to  the  Qr.  Mr.  General)  with  a  request  (to 
the  former)  that  the  most  pointed  orders  may  be  given,  and 
every  precaution  used,  to  prevent  the  like  on  the  return  of  the 
Army.  If  the  Officers  from  impatience  to  get  home,  should 
leave  their  respective  commands; — in  a  word,  if  they  do  not 
march  with,  and  keep  the  soldiers  in  their  ranks,  and  from 
straggling  or  loitering  behind,  the  borderers  on  the  road  will 
sustain  inconceivable  damage  from  the  disorderly  Troops; 


460  George  Washington 

TO  JOHN  JAY 

[PRIVATE] 

PHILADELPHIA,  1  November,  1794. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*  *  *  As  you  have  been,  and  will  continue  to 
be,  fully  informed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  of  all 
transactions  of  a  public  nature,  which  relate  to, 
or  may  have  an  influence  on,  the  points  of  your 
mission,  it  would  be  unnecessary  for  me  to  touch 
upon  any  of  them  in  this  letter,  was  it  not  for  the 
presumption  that  the  insurrection  in  the  western 
counties  of  this  State  has  excited  much  specula- 
tion, and  a  variety  of  opinions  abroad,  and  will 
be  represented  differently  according  to  the  wishes 
of  some  and  the  prejudices  of  others,  who  may  ex- 
hibit it  as  an  evidence  of  what  has  been  predicted, 
"  that  we  are  unable  to  govern  ourselves."  Under 
this  view  of  the  subject,  I  am  happy  in  giving  it 
to  you  as  the  general  opinion,  that  this  event  hav- 
ing happened  at  the  time  it  did  was  fortunate, 
although  it  will  be  attended  with  considerable 
expense. 

That  the  self -created  societies,  which  have  spread 
themselves  over  this  country,  have  been  laboring 
incessantly  to  sow  the  seeds  of  distrust,  jealousy, 

whose  names  will  be  execrated  for,  and  the  service  disgraced  by 
such  conduct." — Washington  to  Hamilton,  26  October,  1794. 
This  letter  was  written  while  Washington  was  on  the  way  from 
Bedford  to  Philadelphia. 

"  Press  the  governor  to  be  pointed  in  ordering  the  officers 
under  their  respective  commands  to  march  back  with  their 
respective  corps;  and  to  see  that  the  inhabitants  meet  with  no 
disgraceful  insults  or  injuries  from  them." — Washington  to 
Hamilton,  31  October,  1794. 


John  Jay  461 

and  of  course  discontent,  thereby  hoping  to  effect 
some  revolution  in  the  government,  is  not  unknown 
to  you.  That  they  have  been  the  f omenters  of  the 
western  disturbances  admits  of  no  doubt  in  the 
mind  of  any  one,  who  will  examine  their  conduct; 
but  fortunately  they  have  precipitated  a  crisis  for 
which  they  were  not  prepared,  and  thereby  have 
unfolded  views,  which  will,  I  trust,  effectuate  their 
annihilation  sooner  than  it  might  otherwise  have 
happened;  at  the  same  time  that  it  has  afforded  an 
occasion  for  the  people  of  this  country  to  show 
their  abhorrence  of  the  result,  and  their  attach- 
ment to  the  constitution  and  the  laws ;  for  I  believe 
that  five  times  the  number  of  militia,  that  was  re- 
quired, would  have  come  forward,  if  it  had  been 
necessary,  in  support  of  them. 

The  spirit,  which  blazed  out  on  this  occasion,  as 
soon  as  the  object  was  fully  understood,  and  the 
lenient  measures  of  the  government  were  made 
known  to  the  people,  deserves  to  be  communicated. 
There  are  instances  of  general  officers  going  at  the 
head  of  a  single  troop,  and  of  light  companies;  of 
field-officers,  when  they  came  to  the  places  of  ren- 
dezvous, and  found  no  command  for  them  in  that 
grade,  turning  into  the  ranks  and  proceeding  as 
private  soldiers,  under  their  own  captains;  and  of 
numbers,  possessing  the  first  fortunes  in  the  coun- 
try, standing  in  the  ranks  as  private  men,  and 
marching  day  by  day  with  their  knapsacks  and 
haversacks  at  their  backs,  sleeping  on  straw  with 
a  single  blanket  in  a  soldier's  tent,  during  the 
frosty  nights,  which  we  have  had,  by  way  of  ex- 


462  George  Washington 

ample  to  others — nay  more,  many  young  Quak- 
ers, not  discouraged  by  the  elders,  of  the  first 
families,  character,  and  property,  having  turned 
into  the  ranks  and  are  marching  with  the  troops. 

These  things  have  terrified  the  insurgents,  who 
had  no  conception  that  such  a  spirit  prevailed,  but, 
while  the  thunder  only  rumbled  at  a  distance,  were 
boasting  of  their  strength,  and  wishing  for  and 
threatening  the  militia  by  turns;  intimating  that 
the  arms  they  should  take  from  them  would  soon 
become  a  magazine  in  their  hands.  Their  lan- 
guage is  much  changed  indeed,  but  their  principles 
want  correction. 

I  shall  be  more  prolix  in  my  speech  to  Congress 
on  the  commencement  and  progress  of  this  insur- 
rection, than  is  usual  in  such  an  instrument,  or 
than  I  should  have  been  on  any  other  occasion; 
but,  as  numbers  at  home  and  abroad  will  hear  of 
the  insurrection,  and  will  read  the  speech,  that  may 
know  nothing  of  the  documents  to  which  it  might 
refer,  I  conceived  it  would  be  better  to  encounter 
the  charge  of  prolixity  by  giving  a  cursory  detail 
of  facts,  that  would  show  the  prominent  features 
of  the  thing,  than  to  let  it  go  naked  into  the  world, 
to  be  dressed  up  according  to  the  fancy  or  incli- 
nation of  the  readers,  or  the  policy  of  our 


enemies. 


*    *    * 


Speech  to  Congress  463 

SPEECH  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS, 
NOVEMBER   19,   1794 

FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  THE  SENATE  AND  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTA- 
TIVES : 

When  we  call  to  mind  the  gracious  indulgence 
of  Heaven,  by  which  the  American  people  became 
a  nation;  when  we  survey  the  general  prosperity 
of  our  country,  and  look  forward  to  the  riches, 
power,  and  happiness  to  which  it  seems  destined; 
with  the  deepest  regret  do  I  announce  to  you,  that, 
during  your  recess,  some  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  have  been  found  capable  of  an  in- 
surrection. It  is  due,  however,  to  the  character 
of  our  government,  and  to  its  stability,  which  can- 
not be  shaken  by  the  enemies  of  order,  freely  to 
unfold  the  course  of  this  event. 

During  the  session  of  the  year  1790,  it  was  ex- 
pedient to  exercise  the  legislative  power,  granted 
by  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  "  to  lay 
and  collect  excises."  In  a  majority  of  the  States, 
scarcely  an  objection  was  made  to  this  mode  of 
taxation.  In  some,  indeed,  alarms  were  at  first 
conceived,  until  they  were  banished  by  reason  and 
patriotism.  In  the  four  western  counties  of 
Pennsylvania,  a  prejudice,  fostered  and  embittered 
by  the  artifice  of  men,  who  labored  for  an  ascend- 
ency over  the  will  of  others  by  the  guidance  of  their 
passions,  produced  symptoms  of  riot  and  violence. 
It  is  well  known,  that  Congress  did  not  hesitate  to 
examine  the  complaints  which  were  presented,  and 
to  relieve  them,  as  far  as  justice  dictated,  or 


464  George  Washington 

general  convenience  would  permit.  But  the  im- 
pression which  this  moderation  made  on  the 
discontented,  did  not  correspond  with  what  it  de- 
served ;  the  arts  of  delusion  were  no  longer  confined 
to  the  efforts  of  designing  individuals. 

The  very  forbearance  to  press  prosecutions  was 
misinterpreted  into  a  fear  of  urging  the  execution 
of  the  laws;  and  associations  of  men  began  to  de- 
nounce threats  against  the  officers  employed.  From 
a  belief,  that,  by  a  more  formal  concert,  their  opera- 
tion might  be  defeated,  certain  self -created  societies 
assumed  the  tone  of  condemnation.  Hence,  while 
the  greater  part  of  Pennsylvania  itself  were  con- 
forming themselves  to  the  acts  of  excise,  a  few 
counties  were  resolved  to  frustrate  them.  It  was 
now  perceived,  that  every  expectation  from  the 
tenderness,  which  had  hitherto  been  pursued,  was 
unavailing,  and  that  further  delay  could  only 
create  an  opinion  of  impotency  or  irresolution  in 
the  government.  Legal  process  was,  therefore, 
delivered  to  the  marshal,  against  the  rioters  and 
delinquent  distillers. 

No  sooner  was  he  understood  to  be  engaged  in 
this  duty,  than  the  vengeance  of  armed  men  was 
aimed  at  Ms  person,  and  the  person  and  property 
of  the  inspector  of  the  revenue.  They  fired  upon 
the  marshal,  arrested  him,  and  detained  him  for 
some  time  as  a  prisoner.  He  was  obliged,  by  the 
jeopardy  of  his  life,  to  renounce  the  service  of 
other  process  on  the  west  side  of  the  Allegany 
Mountain;  and  a  deputation  was  afterwards  sent 
to  him  to  demand  a  surrender  of  that  which  he  had 


Speech  to  Congress  465 

served.  A  numerous  body  repeatedly  attacked  the 
house  of  the  inspector,  seized  his  papers  of  office, 
and  finally  destroyed,  by  fire,  his  buildings,  and 
whatsoever  they  contained.  Both  of  these  officers, 
from  a  just  regard  to  their  safety,  fled  to  the  seat 
of  government;  it  being  avowed,  that  the  motives 
to  such  outrages  were  to  compel  the  resignation  of 
the  inspector,  to  withstand,  by  force  of  arms,  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  and  thereby  to  ex- 
tort a  repeal  of  the  laws  of  excise,  and  an  alteration 
in  the  conduct  of  government. 

Upon  the  testimony  of  these  facts,  an  associate 
justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
notified  to  me,  that  "  in  the  counties  of  Washing- 
ton and  Allegany,  in  Pennsylvania,  laws  of  the 
United  States  were  opposed,  and  the  execution 
thereof  obstructed,  by  combinations  too  powerful 
to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judicial 
proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  vested  in  the  marshal 
of  that  district."  On  this  call,  momentous  in  the 
extreme,  I  sought  and  weighed  what  might  best 
subdue  the  crisis.  On  the  one  hand,  the  judiciary 
was  pronounced  to  be  stripped  of  its  capacity  to 
enforce  the  laws;  crimes,  which  reached  the  very 
existence  of  social  order,  were  perpetrated  without 
control;  the  friends  of  government  were  insulted, 
abused,  and  overawed  into  silence  or  an  apparent 
acquiescence;  and  to  yield  to  the  treasonable  fury 
of  so  small  a  portion  of  the  United  States  would 
be  to  violate  the  fundamental  principle  of  our 
constitution,  which  enjoins,  that  the  will  of  the 
majority  shall  prevail.  On  the  other,  to  array 
30 


466  George  Washington 

citizen  against  citizen,  to  publish  the  dishonor  of 
such  excesses,  to  encounter  the  expense  and  other 
embarrassments  of  so  distant  an  expedition,  were 
steps  too  delicate,  too  closely  interwoven  with  many 
affecting  considerations,  to  be  lightly  adopted.  I 
postponed,  therefore,  the  summoning  of  the  militia 
immediately  into  the  field;  but  I  required  them  to 
be  held  in  readiness,  that  if  my  anxious  endeavors 
to  reclaim  the  deluded,  and  to  convince  the  malig- 
nant of  their  danger,  should  be  fruitless,  military 
force  might  be  prepared  to  act,  before  the  season 
should  be  too  far  advanced. 

My  proclamation  of  the  7th  of  August  last  was 
accordingly  issued,  and  accompanied  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  commissioners,  who  were  charged  to 
repair  to  the  scene  of  insurrection.  They  were 
authorized  to  confer  with  any  bodies  of  men,  or 
individuals.  They  were  instructed  to  be  candid 
and  explicit,  in  stating  the  sensations  which  had 
been  excited  in  the  executive,  and  his  earnest  wish 
to  avoid  a  resort  to  coercion;  to  represent,  how- 
ever, that,  without  submission,  coercion  must  be 
the  resort;  but  to  invite  them,  at  the  same  time, 
to  return  to  the  demeanor  of  faithful  citizens,  by 
such  accommodations  as  lay  within  the  sphere  of 
the  executive  power.  Pardon,  too,  was  tendered 
to  them  by  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  of  Pennsylvania,  upon  no  other  condition, 
than  a  satisfactory  assurance  of  obedience  to  the 
laws. 

Although  the  report  of  the  commissioners  marks 
their  firmness  and  abilities,  and  must  unite  all 


Speech  to  Congress  467 

virtuous  men,  by  showing  that  the  means  of  con- 
ciliation have  been  exhausted ;  all  of  those,  who  had 
committed  or  abetted  the  tumults,  did  not  subscribe 
the  mild  form,  which  was  proposed  as  the  atone- 
ment; and  the  indications  of  a  peaceable  temper 
were  neither  sufficiently  general  nor  conclusive  to 
recommend  or  warrant  a  further  suspension  of  the 
march  of  the  militia. 

Thus  the  painful  alternative  could  not  be  dis- 
carded. I  ordered  the  militia  to  march,  after  once 
more  admonishing  the  insurgents,  in  my  proclama- 
tion of  the  25th  of  September  last. 

It  was  a  task  too  difficult  to  ascertain,  with  pre- 
cision, the  lowest  degree  of  force  competent  to  the 
quelling  of  the  insurrection.  From  a  respect,  in- 
deed, to  economy  and  the  ease  of  my  fellow-citizens 
belonging  to  the  militia,  it  would  have  gratified 
me  to  accomplish  such  an  estimate.  My  very 
reluctance  to  ascribe  too  much  importance  to  the 
opposition,  had  its  extent  been  accurately  seen, 
would  have  been  a  decided  inducement  to  the 
smallest  efficient  numbers.  In  this  uncertainty, 
therefore,  I  put  in  motion  fifteen  thousand  men,  as 
being  an  army,  which,  according  to  all  human  cal- 
culation, would  be  prompt,  and  adequate  in  every 
view,  and  might  perhaps,  by  rendering  resistance 
desperate,  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood.  Quotas 
had  been  assigned  to  the  States  of  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia;  the  gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania  having  declared  on  this  oc- 
casion an  opinion  which  justified  a  requisition  to 
the  other  States. 


468  George  Washington 

As  Commander-in-chief  of  the  militia,  when 
called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States, 
I  have  visited  the  places  of  general  rendezvous,  to 
obtain  more  exact  information,  and  to  direct  a  plan 
for  ulterior  movements.  Had  there  been  room  for 
a  persuasion,  that  the  laws  were  secure  from  ob- 
struction; that  the  civil  magistrate  was  able  to 
bring  to  justice  such  of  the  most  culpable,  as  have 
not  embraced  the  proffered  terms  of  amnesty,  and 
may  be  deemed  fit  objects  of  example;  that  the 
friends  of  peace  and  good  government  were  not 
in  need  of  that  aid  and  countenance,  which  they 
ought  always  to  receive,  and  I  trust  ever  will  re- 
ceive, against  the  vicious  and  turbulent,  I  should 
have  caught  with  avidity  the  opportunity  of  restor- 
ing the  militia  to  their  families  and  home.  But 
succeeding  intelligence  has  tended  to  manifest  the 
necessity  of  what  has  been  done;  it  being  now  con- 
fessed, by  those  who  were  not  inclined  to  exagger- 
ate the  ill  conduct  of  the  insurgents,  that  their 
malevolence  was  not  pointed  merely  to  a  particular 
law,  but  that  a  spirit  inimical  to  all  order  has  actu- 
ated many  of  the  offenders.  If  the  state  of  things 
had  afforded  reason  for  the  continuance  of  my  pres- 
ence with  the  army,  it  would  not  have  been  with- 
holden;  but,  every  appearance  assuring  such  an 
issue  as  will  redound  to  the  reputation  and  strength 
of  the  United  States,  I  have  judged  it  most  proper 
to  resume  my  duties  at  the  seat  of  government, 
leaving  the  chief  command  with  the  governor  of 
Virginia. 

Still,  however,  as  it  is  probable,  that,  in  a  com- 


Speech  to  Congress  469 

motion  like  the  present,  whatsoever  may  be  the 
pretence,  the  purposes  of  mischief  and  revenge  may 
not  be  laid  aside;  the  stationing  of  a  small  force 
for  a  certain  period,  in  the  four  western  counties  of 
Pennsylvania,  will  be  indispensable,  whether  we 
contemplate  the  situation  of  those  who  are  con- 
nected with  the  execution  of  the  laws,  or  of  others, 
who  may  have  exposed  themselves  by  an  honorable 
attachment  to  them. 

Thirty  days  from  the  commencement  of  this  ses- 
sion being  the  legal  limitation  of  the  employment 
of  the  militia,  Congress  cannot  be  too  early  oc- 
cupied with  this  subject. 

Among  the  discussions,  which  may  arise  from 
this  aspect  of  our  affairs,  and  from  the  documents 
which  will  be  submitted  to  Congress,  it  will  not 
escape  their  observation,  that  not  only  the  inspec- 
tor of  the  revenue,  but  other  officers  of  the  United 
States  in  Pennsylvania,  have,  from  their  fidelity 
in  the  discharge  of  their  functions,  sustained 
material  injuries  to  their  property.  The  ob- 
ligation and  policy  of  indemnifying  them  are 
strong  and  obvious.  It  may  also  merit  attention, 
whether  policy  will  not  enlarge  this  provision  to 
the  retribution  of  other  citizens,  who,  though 
not  under  the  ties  of  office,  may  have  suffered 
damage  by  their  generous  exertions  for  upholding 
the  constitution  and  the  laws.  The  amount, 
even  if  all  the  injured  were  included,  would 
not  be  great;  and,  on  future  emergencies,  the 
government  would  be  amply  repaid  by  the  in- 
fluence of  an  example,  that  he  who  incurs  a  loss 


47°  George  Washington 

in   its   defence    shall    find   a    recompense   in   its 
liberality.1 

While  there  is  cause  to  lament,  that  occurrences 
of  this  nature  should  have  disgraced  the  name,  or 
interrupted  the  tranquillity,  of  any  part  of  our 
community,  or  should  have  diverted  to  a  new  ap- 
plication any  portion  of  the  public  resources,  there 
are  not  wanting  real  and  substantial  consolations 
for  the  misfortune.  It  has  demonstrated,  that  our 
prosperity  rests  on  solid  foundations ;  by  furnishing 
an  additional  proof,  that  my  fellow-citizens  under- 
stand the  true  principles  of  government  and  lib- 
erty; that  they  feel  their  inseparable  union;  that, 
notwithstanding  all  the  devices,  which  have  been 
used  to  sway  them  from  their  interest  and  duty, 
they  are  now  as  ready  to  maintain  the  authority  of 
the  laws  against  licentious  invasions,  as  they  were 

1  It  is  instructive  to  contrast  Washington's  plain  recital  of 
the  origin  and  progress  of  the  Whiskey  Insurrection  with  Jef- 
ferson's distorted  account  of  the  same  events: 

"  The  servile  copyist  of  Mr.  Pitt,  thought  he  too  must  have 
his  alarms,  his  insurrections  and  plots  against  the  Constitu- 
tion. Hence  the  incredible  fact  that  the  freedom  of  association, 
of  conversation  and  of  the  press,  should  in  the  5th  year  of  our 
government  have  been  attacked  under  the  form  of  a  denuncia- 
tion of  the  democratic  societies,  a  measure  which  even  England, 
as  boldly  as  she  is  advancing  to  the  establishment  of  an 
absolute  monarchy,  has  not  yet  been  bold  enough  to  attempt. 
Hence  too  the  example  of  employing  military  force  for  civil 
purposes,  when  it  has  been  impossible  to  produce  a  single  fact 
of  insurrection,  unless  that  term  be  entirely  confounded  with 
occasional  riots,  and  when  the  ordinary  process  of  law  had 
been  resisted  indeed  in  a  few  special  cases,  but  by  no  means 
generally,  nor  had  its  effect  been  duly  tried.  But  it  aroused 
the  favorite  purposes  of  strengthening  government  and  in- 
creasing the  public  debt;  and  therefore  an  insurrection  was 
announced  and  proclaimed  and  armed  against  and  marched 


Speech  to  Congress  471 

to  defend  their  rights  against  usurpation.  It  has 
been  a  spectacle,  displaying  to  the  highest  advan- 
tage the  value  of  republican  government,  to  behold 
the  most  and  least  wealthy  of  our  citizens  standing 
in  the  same  ranks  as  private  soldiers ;  preeminently 
distinguished  by  being  the  army  of  the  constitu- 
tion ;  undeterred  by  a  march  of  three  hundred  miles 
over  rugged  mountains,  by  the  approach  of  an 
inclement  season,  or  by  any  other  discouragement. 
]\Tor  ought  I  to  omit  to  acknowledge  the  efficacious 
and  patriotic  co-operation,  which  I  have  experi- 
enced from  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  States  to 
which  my  requisitions  have  been  addressed. 

To  every  description,  indeed,  of  citizens,  let 
praise  be  given;  but  let  them  persevere  in  their 
affectionate  vigilance  over  that  precious  depository 
of  American  happiness,  the  constitution  of  the 

against,  but  could  never  be  found.  And  all  this  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  a  name  which  has  done  too  much  good  not  to  be  sufficient 
to  cover  harm  also.  And  what  is  equally  astonishing  is  that 
by  the  pomp  of  reports,  proclamations,  armies,  &c,  the  mind 
of  the  legislature  itself  was  so  fascinated  as  never  to  have  asked 
where,  when  and  by  whom  has  this  insurrection  been  pro- 
duced? The  original  of  this  scene  in  another  country  was  cal- 
culated to  excite  the  indignation  of  those  whom  it  could  not 
impose  on :  the  mimicry  of  it  here  is  too  humiliating  to  excite 
any  feeling  but  shame.  Our  comfort  is  that  the  public  sense 
is  coming  right  on  the  general  principles  of  republicanism,  and 
that  its  success  in  France  puts  it  out  of  danger  here." — Jeffer- 
son to  Monroe,  26  May,  1795. 

"  The  insurgents  are  alarmed,  but  not  yet  brought  to  their 
proper  senses.  Every  means  is  devised  by  them  and  their 
friends  and  associates  elsewhere  to  induce  a  belief,  that  there  is 
no  necessity  for  troops  crossing  the  mountains;  although  we 
have  information,  at  the  same  time,  that  part  of  the  people 
there  are  obliged  to  embody  themselves  to  repel  the  insults  of 
another  part." — Washington  to  Randolph,  9  October,  1794. 


47 2  George  Washington 

United  States.  Let  them  cherish  it,  too,  for  the 
sake  of  those,  who,  from  every  clime,  are  daily  seek- 
ing a  dwelling  in  our  land.  And  when,  in  the  calm 
moments  of  reflection,  they  shall  have  retraced  the 
origin  and  progress  of  the  insurrection,  let  them 
determine,  whether  it  has  not  been  fomented  by 
combinations  of  men,  who,  careless  of  conse- 
quences, and  disregarding  the  unerring  truth,  that 
those  who  rouse,  cannot  always  appease,  a  civil  con- 
vulsion, have  disseminated,  from  an  ignorance  or 
perversion  of  facts,  suspicions,  jealousies,  and  ac- 
cusations of  the  whole  government. 

Having  thus  fulfilled  the  engagement,  which  I 
took,  when  I  entered  into  office,  "  to  the  best  of  my 
ability  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,"  on  you,  Gentle- 
men, and  the  people  by  whom  you  are  deputed,  I 
rely  for  support.1  *  *  * 


TO  EDMUND  PENDLETON 

PHILADELPHIA,  22  January,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    I  hope  and  believe,  that  the  spirit  of 

1  Washington's  policy  in  dealing  with  the  insurrection  in 
Pennsylvania  was  warmly  commended  by  the  Senate  and  the 
House  in  their  replies  to  this  message.  See  Richardson,  Mes- 
sages and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  i.,  168-171. 

"As  I  expected,  and  as  you  were  informed  the  result  would 
probably  be,  so  it  has  happened;  that  the  Western  insurrection 
has  terminated  highly  honorable  for  this  country,  which  by  the 
energy  of  its  Laws,  and  the  good  disposition  of  its  citizens,  have 
brought  the  rioters  to  a  perfect  sense  of  their  misconduct,  with- 
out shedding  a  drop  of  blood.  In  the  eyes  of  foreigners  among 
us,  this  affair  stands  in  a  high  point  of  view." — Washington 
to  Jay,  18  December,  1794. 


President  of  Congress  473 

anarchy  in  the  western  counties  of  this  State,  (to 
quell  which  the  force  of  the  Union  was  called  for,) 
is  entirely  subdued;  and  although,  to  effect  it,  the 
community  has  been  saddled  with  a  considerable 
expense,  yet  I  trust  no  money  would  have  been 
more  advantageously  expended,  both  as  it  respects 
the  internal  peace  and  welfare  of  this  country,  and 
the  impression  it  will  make  on  others.  The  spirit 
with  which  the  militia  turned  out  in  support  of  the 
constitution  and  the  laws  of  our  country,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  does  them  immortal  honor,  is  the 
most  conclusive  refutation,  that  could  have  been 
given  to  the  assertions  of  Lord  Sheffield,  that, 
without  the  protection  of  Great  Britain,  we  should 
be  unable  to  govern  ourselves,  and  would  soon  be 
involved  in  confusion.  They  will  see,  that  repub- 
licanism is  not  the  phantom  of  a  deluded  imagina- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  that,  under  no  form  of 
government,  will  laws  be  better  supported,  liberty 
and  property  better  secured,  or  happiness  be  more 
effectually  dispensed  to  mankind. 


5.  THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  WEST 


TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF   CONGRESS 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  NEWBURG, 
17  June,  1783. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  your  Ex- 
cellency for  the  consideration  of  Congress,  a  Pe- 


474  George  Washington 

tition  from  a  large  number  of  Officers  of  the  Army 
in  behalf  of  themselves,  and  such  other  Officers  and 
Soldiers  of  the  Continental  Army  as  are  entitled 
to  rewards  in  lands,  and  may  choose  to  avail  them- 
selves of  any  Priviledges  and  Grants  which  shall 
be  obtained  in  consequence  of  the  present  solicita- 
tion— I  enclose  also  the  Copy  of  a  Letter  from 
Brigr.  General  Putnam  in  which  the  sentiments 
and  expectations  of  the  Petitioners  are  more  fully 
explained;  and  in  which  the  ideas  of  occupying  the 
Posts  in  the  Western  Country  will  be  found  to 
correspond  very  nearly  with  those  I  have  some 
time  since  communicated  to  a  Committee  of  Con- 
gress, in  treating  of  the  subject  of  a  Peace  Estab- 
lishment.— I  will  beg  leave  to  make  a  few  more 
observations  on  the  general  benefits  of  the  Loca- 
tion and  Settlement  now  proposed;  and  then  sub- 
mit the  justice  &  policy  of  the  measure  to  the 
wisdom  of  Congress. 

Altho*  I  pretend  not  myself  to  determine  how 
far  the  district  of  unsettled  Country  which  is  de- 
scribed in  the  Petition  is  free  from  the  claim  of 
every  State,  or  how  far  this  disposal  of  it  may 
interfere  with  the  views  of  Congress,  yet  it  appears 
to  me  this  is  the  Tract  which  from  its  local  position 
and  peculiar  advantages  ought  to  be  first  settled 
in  preference  to  any  other  whatever,  and  I  am 
perfectly  convinced  that  it  cannot  be  so  advan- 
tageously settled  by  any  other  class  of  men  as  by 
the  disbanded  Officers  and  Soldiers  of  the  Army 
— to  whom  the  faith  of  Government  hath  long 
since  been  pledged,  that  lands  should  be  granted 


President  of  Congress  475 

at  the  expiration  of  the  War,  in  certain  propor- 
tions agreeably  to  their  respective  grades. 

I  am  induced  to  give  my  sentiments  thus  freely 
on  the  advantages  to  be  expected  from  this  plan 
of  Colonization — because  it  would  connect  our 
Governments  with  the  frontiers,  extend  our  settle- 
ments progressively — and  plant  a  brave,  a  hardy, 
&  respectable  Race  of  People  as  our  advanced 
[guard?,]  who  would  be  always  ready  &  willing  (in 
case  of  hostility)  to  combat  the  Savages,  and  check 
their  incursions — A  Settlement  formed  of  such 
Men  would  give  security  to  our  frontiers — the 
very  name  of  it  would  awe  the  Indians — and  more 
than  probably  prevent  the  murder  of  many  inno- 
cent Families,  which  frequently  in  the  usual  mode 
of  extending  our  Settlements  &  Encroachments  on 
the  hunting  grounds  of  the  Natives,  fall  the  hap- 
less Victims  to  savage  barbarity — Besides  the 
emoluments  which  might  be  derived  from  the  Pel- 
try Trade  at  our  Factories,  if  such  should  be 
established;  the  appearance  of  so  formidable  a 
Settlement  in  the  vicinity  of  their  towns  (to  say 
nothing  of  the  barrier  it  would  form  against  our 
other  Neighbors)  would  be  the  most  likely  means 
to  enable  us  to  purchase  upon  equitable  terms  of 
the  Aborigines  their  right  of  preoccupancy;  and  to 
induce  them  to  relinquish  our  Territories,  and  to 
remove  into  the  illimitable  regions  of  the  West. 

Much  more  might  be  said  of  the  public  utility  of 
such  a  Location,  as  well  as  of  the  private  felicity  it 
would  afford  to  the  Individuals  concerned  in  it — 
I  will  venture  to  say — it  is  the  most  rational  & 


476  George  Washington 

practicable  Scheme  which  can  be  adopted  by  a 
great  proportion  of  the  Officers  &  Soldiers  of  our 
Army,  and  promises  them  more  happiness  than 
they  can  expect  in  any  other  way. 

The  Settlers  being  in  the  prime  of  life,  inured  to 
hardship  &  taught  by  experience  to  accommodate 
themselves  in  every  situation — going  in  a  consider- 
able body,  and  under  the  patronage  of  Govern- 
ment, would  enjoy  in  the  first  instance  advantages 
in  procuring  subsistence  and  all  the  necessaries  for 
a  comfortable  beginning,  superior  to  any  common 
class  of  Emigrants  &  quite  unknown  to  those  who 
have  heretofore  extended  themselves  beyond  the 
Apalachian  Mountains.  They  may  expect  after 
a  little  perseverance,  Competence  <$  Independence 
for  themselves,  a  pleasant  retreat  in  old  age — and 
the  fairest  prospects  for  their  children.  I  have  &c. 


TO   JAMES   DUANE,   IN    CONGRESS 

ROCKY  HILL,  7  September,  1783. 

SIB, 

I  have  carefully  perused  the  papers,  which  you 
put  into  my  hands,  relative  to  Indian  affairs.  My 
Sentiments,  with  respect  to  the  proper  line  of  con- 
duct to  be  observed  towards  these  people,  coincide 
precisely  with  those  delivered  by  Genl.  Schuyler, 
so  far  as  he  has  gone,  in  his  Letter  of  the  29th 
July  to  Congress  (which,  with  the  other  Papers,  is 
herewith  returned),  and  for  the  reasons  he  has 
there  assigned;  a  repetition  of  them  therefore  by 


James  Duane  477 

me  would  be  unnecessary.  But,  independent  of 
the  arguments  made  use  of  by  him,  the  follow- 
ing considerations  have  no  small  weight  in  my 
mind. 

To  suffer  a  wide-extended  Country  to  be  over- 
run with  Land  Jobbers,  speculators,  and  monopo- 
lizers, or  even  with  scattered  settlers,  is  in  my 
opinion  inconsistent  with  that  wisdom  and  policy, 
which  our  true  interest  dictates,  or  that  an  enlight- 
ened people  ought  to  adopt;  and,  besides,  is 
pregnant  of  disputes  both  with  the  Savages  and 
among  ourselves,  the  evils  of  which  are  easier  to 
be  conceived  than  described.  And  for  what,  but 
to  aggrandize  a  few  avaricious  men,  to  the  pre- 
judice of  many  and  the  embarrassment  of  Govern- 
ment? For  the  People  engaged  in  these  pursuits, 
without  contributing  in  the  smallest  degree  to  the 
support  of  Government,  or  considering  themselves 
as  amenable  to  its  Laws,  will  involve  it,  by  their 
unrestrained  conduct,  in  inextricable  perplexi- 
ties, and  more  than  probably  in  a  great  deal  of 
bloodshed. 

My  ideas,  therefore,  of  the  line  of  conduct  proper 
to  be  observed,  not  only  towards  the  Indians,  but 
for  the  government  of  the  Citizens  of  America,  in 
their  Settlement  of  the  Western  Country,  (which  is 
intimately  connected  therewith,)  are  simply  these. 

First,  and  as  a  preliminary,  that  all  prisoners,  of 
whatever  age  or  sex,  among  the  Indians,  shall  be 
delivered  up. 

That  the  Indians  should  be  informed,  that  after 
a  Contest  of  eight  years  for  the  Sovereignty  of  this 


478  George  Washington 

Country,  Great  Britain  has  ceded  all  the  lands  to 
the  United  States  within  the  limits  described  by 
the — articles  of  the  provisional  treaty. 

That  as  they  (the  Indians),  maugre  all  the  ad- 
vice and  admonition  which  could  be  given  them  at 
the  commencement  and  during  the  prosecution  of 
the  war,  could  not  be  restrained  from  acts  of  hos- 
tility, but  were  determined  to  join  their  arms  to 
those  of  G.  Britain  and  to  share  their  fortunes,  so 
consequently,  with  a  less  generous  people  than 
Americans,  they  would  be  made  to  share  the  same 
fate,  and  be  compelled  to  retire  along  with  them 
beyond  the  Lakes.  But,  as  we  prefer  Peace  to  a 
state  of  Warfare ;  as  we  consider  them  as  a  deluded 
People;  as  we  persuade  ourselves  that  they  are 
convinced,  from  experience,  of  their  error  in  tak- 
ing up  the  Hatchet  against  us,  and  that  their  true 
Interest  and  safety  must  now  depend  upon  our 
friendship;  as  the  Country  is  large  enough  to  con- 
tain us  all;  and  as  we  are  disposed  to  be  kind  to 
them  and  to  partake  of  their  Trade,  we  will,  from 
these  considerations  and  from  motives  of  compas- 
sion, draw  a  veil  over  what  is  past,  and  establish 
a  boundary  line  between  them  and  us,  beyond 
which  we  will  endeavor  to  restrain  our  People  from 
Hunting  or  Settling,  and  within  which  they 
shall  not  come  but  for  the  purposes  of  Trading, 
Treating,  or  other  business  unexceptionable  in 
its  nature. 

In  establishing  this  line,  in  the  first  instance,  care 
•should  be  taken  neither  to  yield  nor  to  grasp  at 
too  much;  but  to  endeavor  to  impress  the  Indians 


James  Duane  479 

with  an  idea  of  the  generosity  of  our  disposition  to 
accommodate  them,  and  with  the  necessity  we  are 
under,  of  providing  for  our  warriors,  our  Young 
People  who  are  growing  up,  and  strangers  who  are 
coming  from  other  Countries  to  live  among  us,  and 
if  they  should  make  a  point  of  it,  or  appear  dis- 
satisfied with  the  line  we  may  find  it  necessary  to 
establish,  compensation  should  be  made  for  their 
claims  within  it. 

It  is  needless  for  me  to  express  more  explicitly, 
because  the  tendency  of  my  observns.  evinces  it  is 
my  opinion,  that,  if  the  legislature  of  the  State  of 
New  York  should  insist  upon  expelling  the  Six 
Nations  from  all  the  Country  they  Inhabited  pre- 
vious to  the  war,  within  their  Territory,  (as  Gen- 
eral Schuyler  seems  to  be  apprehensive  of,)  it  will 
end  in  another  Indian  war.  I  have  every  reason 
to  believe  from  my  inquiries,  and  the  information 
I  have  received,  that  they  will  not  suffer  their 
Country  (if  it  were  our  policy  to  take  it  before 
we  could  settle  it)  to  be  wrested  from  them  with- 
out another  struggle.  That  they  would  com- 
promise for  a  part  of  it,  I  have  very  little  doubt; 
and  that  it  would  be  the  cheapest  way  of  coming 
at  it,  I  have  no  doubt  at  all.  The  same  observa- 
tions, I  am  persuaded,  will  hold  good  with  respect 
to  Virginia,  or  any  other  State,  which  has  powerful 
tribes  of  Indians  on  their  Frontiers ;  and  the  reason 
of  my  mentioning  New  York  is  because  General 
Schuyler  has  expressed  his  opinion  of  the  temper 
of  its  Legislature,  and  because  I  have  been  more 
in  the  way  of  learning  the  sentimts.  of  the  Six 


480  George  Washington 

Nations  than  of  any  other  Tribes  of  Indians  on 
this  Subject. 

The  limits  being  sufficiently  extensive,  in  the  new 
ctry.,  to  comply  with  all  the  engagements  of  gov- 
ernment, and  to  admit  such  emigrations  as  may  be 
supposed  to  happen  within  a  given  time,  not  only 
from  the  several  States  of  the  Union  but  from 
Foreign  Countries,  and,  moreover,  of  such 
magnitude  as  to  form  a  distinct  and  proper  gov- 
ernment; a  Proclamation,  in  my  opinion,  should 
issue,  making  it  Felony  (if  there  is  power  for  the 
purpose,  if  not,  imposing  some  very  heavy  re- 
straint) for  any  person  to  Survey  or  Settle  beyond 
the  Line;  and  the  Officers  commanding  the  Fron- 
tier Garrisons  should  have  pointed  and  peremptory 
orders  to  see  that  the  Proclamation  is  carried  into 
effect. 

Measures  of  this  sort  would  not  only  obtain 
Peace  from  the  Indians,  but  would,  in  my  opinion, 
be  the  means  of  preserving  it.  It  would  dispose  of 
the  Land  to  the  best  advantage,  People  the  Coun- 
try progressively,  and  check  land  jobbing  anc 
monopolizing,  which  are  now  going  forward  with 
great  avidity,  while  the  door  would  be  open  and 
terms  known  for  every  one  to  obtain  what  is  reason- 
able and  proper  for  himself,  upon  legal  and  con- 
stitutional ground. 

Every  advantage,  that  could  be  expected  or  even 
wished  for,  would  result  from  such  a  mode  of 
procedure.  Our  settlements  would  be  compact, 
government  well  established,  and  our  barriei 
formidable,  not  only  for  ourselves  but  against  01 


James  Duane 


481 


neighs.;  and  the  Indians,  as  has  been  observed  in 
Genl.  Schuyler's  letter,  will  ever  retreat  as  our  set- 
tlements advance  upon  them,  and  they  will  be  as 
ready  to  sell,  as  we  are  to  buy.  That  it  is  the 
cheapest,  as  well  as  the  least  distressing  way  of 
dealing  with  them,  none,  who  is  acquainted  with 
the  nature  of  an  Indian  warfare,  and  has  ever  been 
at  the  trouble  of  estimating  the  expense  of  one,  and 
comparing  it  with  the  cost  of  purchasing  their 
Lands,  will  hesitate  to  acknowledge. 

Unless  some  such  measures,  as  I  have  here  taken 
the  liberty  of  suggesting,  are  speedily  adopted,  one 
of  two  capital  evils,  in  my  opinion,  will  inevitably 
result,  and  is  near  at  hand ;  either  that  the  settling, 
or  rather  overspreading,  of  the  western  Country 
will  take  place  by  a  parcel  of  Banditti,  who  will  bid 
defiance  to  all  authority,  while  they  are  skimming 
and  disposing  of  the  Cream  of  the  Country  at  the 
expense  of  many  suffering  officers  and  soldiers, 
who  have  fought  and  bled  to  obtain  it,  and  are  now 
waiting  the  decision  of  Congress  to  point  them 
to  the  promised  reward  of  their  past  dangers  and 
toils;  or  a  renewal  of  Hostilities  with  the  Indians, 
brought  about  more  than  probably  by  this  very 
means. 

How  far  agents  for  Indian  affrs.  are  indispen- 
sably necessary,  I  shall  not  take  upon  me  to  decide ; 
but,  if  any  should  be  appointed,  their  powers  should 
be  circumscribed,  accurately  defined,  and  them- 
selves rigidly  punished  for  every  infraction  of  them. 
A  recurrence  to  the  conduct  of  these  people,  under 
the  British  administration  of  Indian  affairs,  will 


482  George  Washington 

manifest  the  propriety  of  this  caution,  as  it  will 
be  there  found  that  self-Interest  was  the  principle 
by  which  their  agents  was  actuated ;  and  to  promote 
this  by  accumulating  Lands  and  passing  large 
quantities  of  goods  thro'  their  hands,  the  Indians 
were  made  to  speak  any  language  they  pleased 
by  their  representation,  and  were  pacific  or  hostile 
as  their  purposes  were  most  likely  to  be  promoted 
by  the  one  or  the  other.  No  purchase  under  any 
pretence  whatever  should  be  made  by  any  other 
authority  than  that  of  the  sovereign  power,  or  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  in  which  such  Lands  may 
happen  to  be;  nor  should  the  agents  be  permitted 
directly  or  indirectly  to  trade,  but  to  have  a  fixed 
and  ample  Salary  allowed  them,  as  a  full  compen- 
sation for  their  trouble. 

Whether  in  practice  the  measure  may  answer  as 
well  as  it  appears  in  theory  to  me,  I  will  not  under- 
take to  say;  but  I  think,  if  the  Indian  Trade  was 
carried  on,  on  government  acct.  and  with  no 
greater  advance  than  what  would  be  necessary  to 
defray  the  expense  and  risk,  and  bring  in  a  small 
profit,  that  it  would  supply  the  Indians  upon  much 
easier  terms  than  they  usually  are,  engross  their 
Trade,  and  fix  them  strongly  in  our  Interest,  and 
would  be  a  much  better  mode  of  treating  them, 
than  that  of  giving  presents,  where  a  few  only  are 
benefited  by  them.  I  confess  there  is  difficulty 
in  getting  a  man,  or  set  of  men,  in  whose  abilities 
and  integrity  there  can  be  a  perfect  reliance,  with- 
out which  the  scheme  is  liable  to  such  abuse  as  to 
defeat  the  salutary  ends,  which  are  proposed  from 


James  Duane  483 

it.  At  any  rate,  no  person  should  be  suffered  to 
Trade  with  the  Indians  without  first  obtaining  a 
license,  and  giving  security  to  conform  to  such 
Rules  and  Regulations  as  shall  be  prescribed,  as 
was  the  case  before  the  war. 

In  giving  my  sentiments  in  the  month  of  May 
last  (at  the  request  of  a  Committee  of  Congress) 
on  a  Peace  Establishmt.,  I  took  the  liberty  of  sug- 
gesting the  propriety,  which  in  my  opinion  there 
appeared,  of  paying  particular  attention  to  the 
French  and  other  settlers  at  Detroit  and  other 
parts  within  the  limits  of  the  western  Country. 
The  perusal  of  a  late  pamphlet,  entitled  "  Obser- 
vations on  the  Commerce  of  the  American  States 
with  Europe  and  the  West  Indies,"  impresses  the 
necessity  of  it  more  forcibly  than  ever  on  my  mind. 
The  author  of  that  Piece  strongly  recommends  a 
liberal  change  in  the  government  of  Canada;  and, 
tho'  he  is  too  sanguine  in  his  expectations  of  the 
benefits  arising  from  it,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  good  policy  of  the  measure.  It  behoves  us, 
therefore,  to  counteract  them  by  anticipation. 
These  People  have  a  disposition  towards  us  sus- 
ceptible of  favorable  impressions;  but,  as  no  arts 
will  be  left  unattempted  by  the  B.  to  withdraw 
them  from  our  Interest,  the  prest,  moment  should 
be  employed  by  us  to  fix  them  in  it,  or  we  may  lose 
them  for  ever,  and  with  them  the  advantages  or  dis- 
advantages consequent  of  the  choice  they  may 
make.  From  the  best  information  and  maps  of 
that  Country  it  would  appear,  that  the  territory 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami  River,  wch. 


484  George  Washington 

empties  into  the  Ohio,  to  its  confluence  with  the 
Mad  River,  thence  by  a  Line  to  the  Miami  fort 
and  Village  on  the  other  Miami  River,  wch.  empties 
into  Lake  Erie,  and  Thence  by  a  Line  to  include 
the  Settlement  of  Detroit,  would,  with  Lake  Erie 
to  the  noward,  Pensa.  to  the  Eastwd.,  and  the  Ohio 
to  the  soward,  form  a  governmt.  sufficiently  ex- 
tensive to  fulfil  all  the  public  engagements,  and  to 
receive  moreover  a  large  population  by  Emigrants ; 
and  to  confine  the  Settlement  of  the  new  State 
within  these  bounds  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  in- 
finitely better,  even  supposing  no  disputes  were  to 
happen  with  the  Indians,  and  that  it  was  not  neces- 
sary to  guard  against  these  other  evils  which  have 
been  enumerated,  than  to  suffer  the  same  number 
of  People  to  roam  over  a  Country  of  at  least  500,- 
000  Square  miles,  contributing  nothing  to  the  sup- 
port, but  much  perhaps  to  the  embarrassment,  of 
the  Federal  Government. 

Was  it  not  for  the  purpose  of  comprehending  the 
Settlement  of  Detroit  within  the  Jurisdn.  of  the 
new  Governmt.,  a  more  compact  and  better  shaped 
district  for  a  State  would  be,  for  the  line  to  pro- 
ceed from  the  Miami  Fort  and  Village  along  the 
River  of  that  name  to  Lake  Erie;  leaving  in  that 
case  the  settlement  of  Detroit,  and  all  the  Territory 
no.  of  the  Rivers  Miami  and  St.  Joseph's  between 
the  Lakes  Erie,  St.  Clair,  Huron,  and  Michigan, 
to  form  hereafter  another  State  equally  large,  com- 
pact, and  water-bounded.1 

1  The  boundaries  here  suggested  by  Washington  roughly  out- 
line the  present  States  of  Ohio  and  Michigan. 


James  Duane  485 

At  first  view  it  may  seem  a  little  extraneous, 
when  I  am  called  upon  to  give  an  opinion  upon  the 
terms  of  a  Peace  proper  to  be  made  with  the 
Indians,  that  I  should  go  into  the  formation  of 
New  States.  But  the  Settlemt.  of  the  Western 
Country,  and  making  a  Peace  with  the  Indians, 
are  so  analogous,  that  there  can  be  no  definition  of 
the  one,  without  involving  considerations  of  the 
other ;  for,  I  repeat  it  again,  and  I  am  clear  in  my 
opinion,  that  policy  and  oeconomy  point  very 
strongly  to  the  expediency  of  being  upon  good 
terms  with  the  Indians,  and  the  propriety  of  pur- 
chasing their  Lands  in  preference  to  attempting 
to  drive  them  by  force  of  arms  out  of  their  Coun- 
try; which,  as  we  have  already  experienced,  is  like 
driving  the  wild  Beasts  of  ye  forest,  which  will  re- 
turn as  soon  as  the  pursuit  is  at  an  end,  and  fall 
perhaps  upon  those  that  are  left  there;  when  the 
gradual  extension  of  our  settlements  will  as  cer- 
tainly cause  the  savage,  as  the  wolf,  to  retire;  both 
being  beasts  of  prey,  tho'  they  differ  in  shape.  In 
a  word,  there  is  nothing  to  be  obtained  by  an  In- 
dian war,  but  the  soil  they  live  on,  and  this  can  be 
had  by  purchase  at  less  expense,  and  without  that 
bloodshed  and  those  distresses,  which  helpless  wo- 
men and  children  are  made  partakers  of  in  all 
kinds  of  disputes  with  them. 

If  there  is  any  thing  in  these  thoughts,  (which  I 
have  fully  and  freely  communicated,)  worthy  of 
attention,  I  shall  be  happy,  and  am,  Sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant. 

P.  S.     A  formal  Address  and  Memorial  from 


486  George  Washington 

the  Oneita  Indians  when  I  was  on  the  Mohawk 
River,  setting  forth  their  Grievances  and  distresses 
and  praying  relief,  induced  me  to  order  a  pound 
of  Powder  and  3  pounds  of  Lead  to  be  issued  to 
each  man  from  the  Military  Magazines  in  the  care 
of  Colo.  Willett — This  I  presume  was  unknown  to 
Genl.  Schuyler  at  the  time  he  recommended  the  like 
measure  in  his  Letter  to  Congress. 


TO  BENJAMIN   HARRISON,   GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 

MOUNT  VERNON,  10  October,  1784. 

DEAR  SIR, 

Upon  my  return  from  the  western  country  a  few 
days  ago,  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  favor 
of  the  17th  ultimo.  It  has  always  been  my  inten- 
tion to  pay  my  respects  to  you,  before  the  chance  of 
another  early  and  hard  winter  should  make  a  warm 
fireside  too  comfortable  to  be  relinquished.  And  I 
shall  feel  an  additional  pleasure  in  offering  this 
tribute  of  friendship  and  respect  to  you,  by  having 
the  company  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  when  he 
shall  have  revisited  this  place  from  his  eastern  tour, 
now  every  day  to  be  expected. 

I  shall  take  the  liberty  now,  my  dear  Sir,  to  sug- 
gest a  matter,  which  would  (if  I  am  not  too  short- 
sighted a  politician)  mark  your  administration  as 
an  important  era  in  the  annals  of  this  country,  if  it? 
should  be  recommended  by  you  and  adopted  by  the 
Assembly. 

It  has  long  been  my  decided  opinion,  that  the 
shortest,  easiest,  and  least  expensive  communication 


Benjamin  Harrison  487 

with  the  invaluable  and  extensive  country  back  of 
us  would  be  by  one  or  both  of  the  rivers  of  this  State, 
which  have  their  sources  in  the  Apalachian  moun- 
tains. Nor  am  I  singular  in  this  opinion.  Evans, 
in  his  Map  and  Analysis  of  the  Middle  Colonies, 
which,  considering  the  early  period  at  which  they 
were  given  to  the  public,  are  done  with  amazing  ex- 
actness, and  Hutchins  since,  in  his  Topographical 
Description  of  the  western  country,  (a  good  part 
of  which  is  from  actual  surveys,)  are  decidedly  of 
the  same  sentiments;  as  indeed  are  all  others,  who 
have  had  opportunities,  and  have  been  at  the  pains, 
to  investigate  and  consider  the  subject. 

But  that  this  may  not  now  stand  as  mere  matter 
of  opinion  or  assertion,  unsupported  by  facts  (such 
at  least  as  the  best  maps  now  extant,  compared  with 
the  oral  testimony,  which  my  opportunities  in  the 
course  of  the  war  have  enabled  me  to  obtain),  I 
shall  give  you  the  different  routs  and  distances  from 
Detroit,  by  which  all  the  trade  of  the  northwestern 
parts  of  the  united  territory  must  pass;  unless  the 
Spaniards,  contrary  to  their  present  policy,  should 
engage  part  of  it,  or  the  British  should  attempt  to 
force  nature,  by  carrying  the  trade  of  the  Upper 
Lakes  by  the  River  Utawas  into  Canada,  which  I 
scarcely  think  they  will  or  could  effect.  Taking 
Detroit  then  (which  is  putting  ourselves  in  as  un- 
favorable a  point  of  view  as  we  can  be  well  placed, 
because  it  is  upon  the  line  of  the  British  territory,) 
as  a  point  by  which,  as  I  have  already  observed,  all 
that  part  of  the  trade  must  come,  it  appears  from 
the  statement  enclosed,  that  the  tide  waters  of  this 


488  George  Washington 

State  are  nearer  to  it  by  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  miles,  than  that  of  the  River  St.  Lawrence; 
or  than  that  of  the  Hudson  at  Albany,  by  one 
hundred  and  seventy-six  miles. 

Maryland  stands  upon  similar  ground  with  Vir- 
ginia. Pennsylvania,  although  the  Susquehanna 
is  an  unfriendly  water,  much  impeded,  it  is  said, 
with  rocks  and  rapids,  and  nowhere  communi- 
cating with  those,  which  lead  to  her  capital,  has  it 
in  contemplation  to  open  a  communication  between 
Toby's  Creek,  which  empties  into  the  Allegany 
River  ninety-five  miles  above  Fort  Pitt,  and  the 
west  branch  of  Susquehanna,  and  to  cut  a  canal 
between  the  waters  of  the  latter  and  the  Schuylkill; 
the  expense  of  which  is  easier  to  be  conceived,  than 
estimated  or  described  by  me.  A  people,  however, 
who  are  possessed  of  the  spirit  of  commerce,  who 
see  and  who  will  pursue  their  advantages,  may 
achieve  almost  any  thing.  In  the  mean  time,  un- 
der the  uncertainty  of  these  undertakings,  they  are 
smoothing  the  roads  and  paving  the  ways  for  the 
trade  of  that  western  world.  That  New  York  will 
do  the  same  so  soon  as  the  British  garrisons  are  re- 
moved, which  are  at  present  insurmountable  ob- 
stacles in  their  way,  no  person,  who  knows  the 
temper,  genius,  and  policy  of  those  people  as  well 
as  I  do,  can  harbor  the  smallest  doubt. 

Thus  much  with  respect  to  rival  States.  Let  me 
now  take  a  short  view  of  our  own ;  and,  being  aware 
of  the  objections  which  are  in  the  way,  I  will,  in 
order  to  contrast  them,  enumerate  them  with  the 
advantages. 


Benjamin  Harrison  489 

The  first  and  principal  one  is,  the  unfortunate 
jealousy,  which  ever  has,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  ever 
will  prevail,  lest  one  part  of  the  State  should  ob- 
tain an  advantage  over  the  other  parts,  (as  if  the 
benefits  of  the  trade  were  not  diffusive  and  bene- 
ficial to  all).  Then  follows  a  train  of  difficulties, 
namely,  that  our  people  are  already  heavily  taxed; 
that  we  have  no  money ;  that  the  advantages  of  this 
trade  are  remote;  that  the  most  direct  route  for  it 
is  through  other  States,  over  whom  we  have  no  con- 
trol ;  that  the  routes  over  which  we  have  control  are 
as  distant  as  either  of  those  which  lead  to  Philadel- 
phia, Albany,  or  Montreal;  that  a  sufficient  spirit 
of  commerce  does  not  pervade  the  citizens  of  this 
commonwealth;  and  that  we  are  in  fact  doing  for 
others,  what  they  ought  to  do  for  themselves. 

Without  going  into  the  investigation  of  a  ques- 
tion, which  has  employed  the  pens  of  able  politi- 
cians, namely,  whether  trade  with  foreigners  is  an 
advantage  or  disadvantage  to  a  country,  this  State, 
as  a  part  of  the  confederated  States,  all  of  whom 
have  the  spirit  of  it  very  strongly  working  within 
them,  must  adopt  it,  or  submit  to  the  evils  arising 
therefrom  without  receiving  its  benefits.  Common 
policy,  therefore,  points  clearly  and  strongly  to 
the  propriety  of  our  enjoying  all  the  advantages, 
which  nature  and  our  local  situation  afford  us ;  and 
evinces  clearly,  that,  unless  this  spirit  could  be  to- 
tally eradicated  in  other  States  as  well  as  in  this, 
and  every  man  be  made  to  become  either  a  cultiva- 
tor of  the  land  or  a  manufacturer  of  such  articles 
as  are  prompted  by  necessity,  such  stimulus  should 


49°  George  Washington 

be  employed  as  will  force  this  spirit,  by  showing  to 
our  countrymen  the  superior  advantages  we  pos- 
sess beyond  others,  and  the  importance  of  being 
upon  a  footing  with  our  neighbors. 

If  this  is  fair  reasoning,  it  ought  to  follow  as  a 
consequence,  that  we  should  do  our  part  towards 
opening  the  communication  with  the  fur  and  peltry 
trade  of  the  Lakes,  and  for  the  produce  of  the 
country  which  lies  within,  and  which  will,  so  soon 
as  matters  are  settled  with  the  Indians,  and  the 
terms  on  which  Congress  mean  to  dispose  of  the 
land,  found  to  be  favorable,  are  announced,  be  set- 
tled faster  than  any  other  ever  did,  or  any  one 
would  imagine.  This,  then,  when  considered  in  an 
interested  point  of  view,  is  alone  sufficient  to  excite 
our  endeavors.  But  in  my  opinion  there  is  a  po- 
litical consideration  for  so  doing,  which  is  of  still 
greater  importance. 

I  need  not  remark  to  you,  Sir,  that  the  flanks 
and  rear  of  the  United  States  are  possessed  by  other 
powers,  and  formidable  ones  too;  nor  how  neces- 
sary it  is  to  apply  the  cement  of  interest  to  bind 
all  parts  of  the  Union  together  by  indissoluble 
bonds,  especially  that  part  of  it,  which  lies  immedi- 
ately west  of  us,  with  the  middle  States.  For  what 
ties,  let  me  ask,  should  we  have  upon  those  people? 
How  entirely  unconnected  with  them  shall  we  be, 
and  what  troubles  may  we  not  apprehend,  if  the 
Spaniards  on  their  right,  and  Great  Britain  on 
their  left,  instead  of  throwing  stumbling-blocks  in 
their  way,  as  they  now  do,  should  hold  out  lures  for 
their  trade  and  alliance?  What,  when  they  get 


Benjamin  Harrison  491 

strength,  which  will  be  sooner  than  most  people 
conceive  (from  the  emigration  of  foreigners,  who 
will  have  no  particular  predilection  towards  us,  as 
well  as  from  the  removal  of  our  own  citizens),  will 
be  the  consequence  of  their  having  formed  close 
connexions  with  both  or  either  of  those  powers,  in 
a  commercial  way?  It  needs  not,  in  my  opinion, 
the  gift  of  prophecy  to  foretell. 

The  western  settlers  ( I  speak  now  from  my  own 
observation)  stand  as  it  were  upon  a  pivot.  The 
touch  of  a  feather  would  turn  them  any  way.  They 
have  looked  down  the  Mississippi,  until  the  Span- 
iards, very  impoliticly  I  think  for  themselves,  threw 
difficulties  in  their  way;  and  they  looked  that  way 
for  no  other  reason,  than  because  they  could  glide 
gently  down  the  stream;  without  considering,  per- 
haps, the  difficulties  of  the  voyage  back  again,  and 
the  time  necessary  to  perform  it  in;  and  because 
they  have  no  other  means  of  coming  to  us  but  by 
long  land  transportations  and  unimproved  roads. 
These  causes  have  hitherto  checked  the  industry  of 
the  present  settlers ;  for,  except  the  demand  for  pro- 
visions, occasioned  by  the  increase  of  population, 
and  a  little  flour,  which  the  necessities  of  the  Span- 
iards compel  them  to  buy,  they  have  no  incitements 
to  labor.  But  smooth  the  road,  and  make  easy  the 
way  for  them,  and  then  see  what  an  influx  of  arti- 
cles will  be  poured  upon  us;  how  amazingly  our 
exports  will  be  increased  by  them,  and  how  amply 
we  shall  be  compensated  for  any  trouble  and  ex- 
pense we  may  encounter  to  effect  it. 

A  combination  of  circumstances  makes  the  pres- 


49 2  George  Washington 

ent  conjuncture  more  favorable  for  Virginia,  than 
for  any  other  State  in  the  Union,  to  fix  these  mat- 
ters. The  jealous  and  untoward  disposition  of  the 
Spaniards  on  one  hand,  and  the  private  views  of 
some  individuals,  coinciding  with  the  general  policy 
of  the  court  of  Great  Britain  on  the  other,  to  retain 
as  long  as  possible  the  posts  of  Detroit,  Niagara, 
and  Oswego,  &c.,  (which,  though  done  under  the 
letter  of  the  treaty,  is  certainly  an  infraction  of  the 
spirit  of  it,  and  injurious  to  the  Union,)  may  be 
improved  to  the  greatest  advantage  by  this  State, 
if  she  would  open  the  avenues  to  the  trade  of  that 
country,  and  embrace  the  present  moment  to  estab- 
lish it.  It  only  wants  a  beginning.  The  western 
inhabitants  would  do  their  part  towards  its  execu- 
tion. Weak  as  they  are,  they  would  meet  us  at 
least  half  way,  rather  than  be  driven  into  the  arms 
of  or  be  made  dependent  upon  foreigners;  which 
would  eventually  either  bring  on  a  separation  of 
them  from  us,  or  a  war  between  the  United  States 
and  one  or  the  other  of  those  powers,  most  prob- 
ably with  the  Spaniards. 

The  preliminary  steps  to  the  attainment  of  this 
great  object  would  be  attended  with  very  little  ex- 
pense, and  might  at  the  same  time  that  it  served  to 
attract  the  attention  of  the  western  country,  and  to 
convince  the  wavering  inhabitants  of  our  disposi- 
tion to  connect  ourselves  with  them,  and  to  facilitate 
their  commerce  with  us,  be  a  mean  of  removing 
those  jealousies,  which  otherwise  might  take  place 
among  ourselves. 

These,  in  my  opinion,  are  to  appoint  commis- 


Benjamin  Harrison  493 

sioners,  who,  from  their  situation,  integrity,  and 
abilities,  can  be  under  no  suspicion  of  prejudice  or 
predilection  to  one  part  more  than  to  another.  Let 
these  commissioners  make  an  actual  survey  of 
James  River  and  Potomac  from  tide-water  to  their 
respective  sources;  note  with  great  accuracy  the 
kind  of  navigation  and  the  obstructions  in  it,  the 
difficulty  and  expense  attending  the  removal  of 
these  obstructions,  the  distances  from  place  to  place 
through  their  whole  extent,  and  the  nearest  and 
best  portages  between  these  waters  and  the  streams 
capable  of  improvement,  which  run  into  the  Ohio; 
traverse  these  in  like  manner  to  their  junction  with 
the  Ohio,  and  with  equal  accuracy.  The  navigation 
of  this  river  (i.  e.,  the  Ohio)  being  well  known, 
they  will  have  less  to  do  in  the  examination  of  it; 
but,  nevertheless,  let  the  courses  and  distances  be 
taken  to  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum,  and  up  that 
river  (notwithstanding  it  is  in  the  ceded  lands) 
to  the  carrying-place  to  the  Cayahoga;  down  the 
Cayahoga  to  Lake  Erie;  and  thence  to  Detroit. 
Let  them  do  the  same  with  Big  Beaver  Creek, 
although  part  of  it  is  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania; 
and  with  the  Scioto  also.  In  a  word,  let  the  waters 
east  and  west  of  the  Ohio,  which  invite  our  notice 
by  their  proximity,  and  by  the  ease  with  which  land 
transportation  may  be  had  between  them  and  the 
Lakes  on  one  side,  and  the  Rivers  Potomac  and 
James  on  the  other,  be  explored,  accurately  deline- 
ated, and  a  correct  and  connected  map  of  the  whole 
be  presented  to  the  public.  These  things  being 
done,  I  shall  be  mistaken  if  prejudice  does  not  yield 


494  George  Washington 

to  facts,  jealousy  to  candor,  and,  finally,  if  reason 
and  nature,  thus  aided,  will  not  dictate  what  is 
right  and  proper  to  be  done. 

In  the  mean  while,  if  it  should  be  thought  that 
the  lapse  of  time,  which  is  necessary  to  effect  this 
work,  may  be  attended  with  injurious  consequences, 
could  not  there  be  a  sum  of  money  granted  towards 
opening  the  best,  or,  if  it  should  be  deemed  more 
eligible,  two  of  the  nearest  communications  (one 
to  the  northward  and  another  to  the  southward) 
with  the  settlements  to  the  westward;  and  an  act 
be  passed,  if  there  should  not  appear  a  manifest 
disposition  in  the  Assembly  to  make  it  a  public  un- 
dertaking, to  incorporate  and  encourage  private 
adventurers,  if  any  should  associate  and  solicit  the 
same,  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  navigation 
of  the  Potomac  or  James  River;  and,  in  the  former 
case,  to  request  the  concurrence  of  Maryland  in  the 
measure?  It  will  appear  from  my  statement  of 
the  different  routes  (and,  as  far  as  my  means  of 
information  have  extended,  I  have  done  it  with  the 
utmost  candor) ,  that  all  the  produce  of  the  settle- 
ments about  Fort  Pitt  can  be  brought  to  Alexan- 
dria by  the  Youghiogany  in  three  hundred  and  four 
miles,  whereof  only  thirty-one  is  land  transporta- 
tion; and  by  the  Monongahela  and  Cheat  Rivers 
in  three  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  twenty  of  which 
only  are  land  carriage.  Whereas  the  common 
road  from  Fort  Pitt  to  Philadelphia  is  three 
hundred  and  twenty  miles,  all  land  transportation; 
or  four  hundred  and  seventy-six  miles,  if  the  Ohio, 
Toby's  Creek,  Susquehanna,  and  Schuylkill  are 


Benjamin  Harrison  495 

made  use  of  for  this  purpose.  How  much  of  this- 
is  by  land,  I  know  not ;  but,  from  the  nature  of  the 
country,  it  must  be  very  considerable.  How  much 
the  interest  and  feelings  of  people  thus  circum- 
stanced would  be  engaged  to  promote  it,  requires 
no  illustration. 

For  my  own  part,  I  think  it  highly  probable, 
that,  upon  the  strictest  scrutiny,  if  the  Falls  of  the 
Great  Kanhawa  can  be  made  navigable,  or  a  short 
portage  be  had  there,  it  will  be  found  of  equal  im- 
portance and  convenience  to  improve  the  naviga- 
tion of  both  the  James  and  Potomac.  The  latter,  I 
am  fully  persuaded,  affords  the  nearest  communi- 
cation with  the  Lakes;  but  James  River  may  be 
more  convenient  for  all  the  settlers  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kanhawa,  and  for  some  dis- 
tance perhaps  above  and  west  of  it;  for  I  have  no 
expectation,  that  any  part  of  the  trade  above  the 
Falls  of  the  Ohio  will  go  down  that  river  and  the 
Mississippi,  much  less  that  the  returns  will  ever 
come  up  them,  unless  our  want  of  foresight  and 
good  management  is  the  occasion  of  it.  Or,  upon 
trial,  if  it  should  be  found  that  these  rivers,  from 
the  before-mentioned  Falls,  will  admit  the  descent 
of  sea-vessels,  in  which  case,  and  the  navigation  of 
the  former's  becoming  free,  it  is  probable  that  both 
vessels  and  cargoes  will  be  carried  to  foreign  mar- 
kets and  sold;  but  the  returns  for  them  will  never 
in  the  natural  course  of  things  ascend  the  long  and 
rapid  current  of  that  river,  which  with  the  Ohio 
to  the  Falls,  in  their  meanderings,  is  little  if  any 
short  of  two  thousand  miles.  Upon  the  whole,  the 


496  George  Washington 

object  in  my  estimation  is  of  vast  commercial  and 
political  importance.  In  these  lights  I  think  pos- 
terity will  consider  it,  and  regret,  (if  our  conduct 
should  give  them  cause, )  that  the  present  favorable 
moment  to  secure  so  great  a  blessing  for  them  was 
neglected. 

One  thing  more  remains,  which  I  had  like  to  have 
forgot,  and  that  is,  the  supposed  difficulty  of  obtain- 
ing a  passage  through  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 
How  an  application  to  its  legislature  would  be 
relished,  in  the  first  instance,  I  will  not  undertake 
to  decide;  but  of  one  thing  I  am  almost  certain, 
such  an  application  would  place  that  body  in  a 
very  delicate  situation.  There  is  in  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania  at  least  one  hundred  thousand  souls 
west  of  Laurel  Hill,  who  are  groaning  under  the 
inconveniences  of  a  long  land  transportation. 
They  are  wishing,  indeed  they  are  looking,  for  the 
improvement  and  extension  of  inland  navigation; 
and,  if  this  cannot  be  made  easy  for  them  to  Phila- 
delphia (at  any  rate  it  must  be  lengthy),  they  will 
seek  a  mart  elsewhere;  the  consequence  of  which 
would  be,  that  the  State,  though  contrary  to  the 
interests  of  its  sea-ports,  must  submit  to  the  loss  of 
so  much  of  its  trade,  or  hazard  not  only  the  loss 
of  the  trade  but  the  loss  of  the  settlement  also ;  for 
an  opposition  on  the  part  of  government  to  the  ex- 
tension of  water  transportation,  so  consonant  with 
the  essential  interests  of  a  large  body  of  people,  or 
any  extraordinary  impositions  upon  the  exports  or 
imports  to  or  from  another  State,  would  ultimately 
bring  on  a  separation  between  its  eastern  and  west- 


Benjamin  Harrison  497 

ern  settlements;  towards  which  there  is  not  want- 
ing a  disposition  at  this  moment  in  that  part  of  it 
beyond  the  mountains.  I  consider  Rumsey's 
discovery  for  working  boats  against  stream,  by 
mechanical  powers  (principally) ,  as  not  only  a  very 
fortunate  invention  for  these  States  in  general,  but 
as  one  of  those  circumstances,  which  have  combined 
to  render  the  present  epoch  favorable  above  all 
others  for  fixing,  if  we  are  disposed  to  avail  our- 
selves of  them,  a  large  portion  of  the  trade  of 
the  western  country  in  the  bosom  of  this  State 
irrevocably. 

Long  as  this  letter  is,  I  intended  to  have  written 
a  fuller  and  more  digested  one,  upon  this  important 
subject;  but  have  met  with  so  many  interruptions 
since  my  return  home,  as  almost  to  have  precluded 
my  writing  at  all.  What  I  now  give  is  crude;  but 
if  you  are  in  sentiment  with  me,  I  have  said  enough; 
if  there  is  not  an  accordance  of  opinion,  I  have  said 
too  much;  and  all  I  pray  in  the  latter  case  is,  that 
you  will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe  my  motives  are 
pure,  however  erroneous  my  judgment  may  be  in 
this  matter,  and  that  I  am,  with  the  most  perfect 
esteem  and  friendship, 

Dear  Sir,  yours,  &C.1 

1  This  letter,  which  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  Wash- 
ington's writings,  is  remarkable  for  its  prophetic  insight  into 
the  future  development  of  the  West,  and  the  necessity  of  open- 
ing trade  routes  over  the  mountains  in  order  to  give  that  section 
some  reason  for  maintaining  a  political  connection  with  the 
sea-board  States.  The  specific  canals  which  he  contemplated 
never  developed  as  he  had  hoped,  but  his  idea  of  a  comprehen- 
sive system  of  highways  between  the  East  and  the  West  found 
a  more  perfect  realization  than  he  had  ever  dreamed  of  in  the 


498  George  Washington 

TO  DAVID  HUMPHREYS 

MOUNT  VERNON,  25  July,  1785. 

MY  DEAE  HUMPHREYS, 

*  *  *  As  the  complexion  of  European  politics 
seems  now  (by  letters  I  have  received  from  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  the  Chevalier  de  Chastellux, 
the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  and  others,)  to  have 
a  tendency  to  peace,  I  will  say  nothing  of  war,  nor 
make  any  animadversions  upon  the  contending 
powers;  otherwise  I  might  possibly  have  said,  that 
the  retreat  from  it  seemed  impossible  after  the  ex- 
plicit declaration  of  the  parties.  My  first  wish  is 
to  see  this  plague  to  mankind  banished  from  off  the 
earth,  and  the  sons  and  daughters  of  this  world 
employed  in  more  pleasing  and  innocent  amuse- 
ments, than  in  preparing  implements  and  exercis- 
ing them  for  the  destruction  of  mankind.  Rather 
than  quarrel  about  territory,  let  the  poor,  the 
needy,  and  oppressed  of  the  earth,  and  those  who 
want  land,  resort  to  the  fertile  plains  of  our  west- 
ern country,  the  second  land  of  promise,  and  there 
dwell  in  peace,  fulfilling  the  first  and  great 
commandment.  *  *  * 

To  reverberate  European  news  would  be  idle, 
and  we  have  little  of  domestic  kind  worthy  of  at- 
tention. We  have  held  treaties  with  the  Indians, 
but  they  were  so  unseasonably  delayed,  that  these 
people,  by  our  last  accounts  from  the  westward, 

construction  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  and  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railway,  both  of  which  followed  routes  that 
Washington  himself  had  indicated  as  the  best  avenues  of  com- 
munication between  the  two  sections. 


David  Humphreys  499 

are  in  a  discontented  mood,  supposed  by  many  to 
be  instigated  thereto  by  our  late  enemies  (now,  to 
be  sure,  fast  friend),  who,  from  any  thing  I  can 
learn,  under  the  indefinite  expression  of  the  treaty, 
hold  and  seem  resolved  to  retain  possession  of  our 
western  posts.  Congress  have,  also,  after  a  long 
and  tedious  deliberation,  passed  an  ordinance  for 
laying  off  the  western  territory  into  States,  and  for 
disposing  of  the  land;  but  in  a  manner  and  on 
terms,  which  few  people  in  the  southern  States  con- 
ceive can  be  accomplished.  Both  sides  are  sure, 
and  the  event  is  appealed  to.  Let  time  decide  it. 
It  is  however  to  be  regretted,  that  local  politics  and 
self-interested  views  obtrude  themselves  into  every 
measure  of  public  utility: — but  to  such  characters 
be  the  consequences. 

My  attention  is  more  immediately  engaged  in  a 
project,  which  I  think  big  with  great  political,  as 
well  as  commercial  consequences  to  these  States, 
especially  the  middle  ones;  it  is  by  removing  the 
obstructions  and  extending  the  inland  navigation 
of  our  rivers,  to  bring  the  States  on  the  Atlantic  in 
close  connexion  with  those  forming  to  the  west- 
ward, by  a  short  and  easy  transportation.  With- 
out this,  I  can  easily  conceive  they  will  have 
different  views,  separate  interests,  and  other  con- 
nexions. I  may  be  singular  in  my  ideas,  but  they 
are  these;  that,  to  open  a  door  to,  and  make  easy 
the  way  for,  those  settlers  to  the  westward  (which 
ought  to  progress  regularly  and  compactly)  before 
we  make  any  stir  about  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  before  our  settlements  are  far 


George  Washington 

advanced  towards  that  river,  would  be  our  true  line 
of  policy.  It  can,  I  think,  be  demonstrated,  that 
the  produce  of  the  western  territory,  (if  the  navi- 
gations which  are  now  in  hand  succeed,  and  of 
which  I  have  no  doubt,)  as  low  down  the  Ohio  as 
the  Great  Kanhawa,  I  believe  to  the  Falls,  and 
between  the  parts  above  and  the  Lakes,  may  be 
brought  either  to  the  highest  shipping  port  on  this 
or  James  river,  at  a  less  expense,  with  more  ease, 
(including  the  return,)  and  in  a  much  shorter  time, 
than  it  can  be  carried  to  New  Orleans,  if  the 
Spaniards,  instead  of  restricting,  were  to  throw 
open  their  ports  and  invite  our  trade.  But  if  the 
commerce  of  that  country  should  embrace  this 
channel,  and  connexions  be  formed,  experience  has 
taught  us,  and  there  is  a  very  recent  proof  with 
great  Britain,  how  next  to  impracticable  it  is  to 
divert  it ;  and,  if  that  should  be  the  case,  the  Atlan- 
tic States,  (especially  as  those  to  the  westward 
will  in  a  great  degree  fill  with  foreigners,)  will  be 
no  more  to  the  present  Union,  except  to  excite 
perhaps  very  justly  our  fears,  than  the  country  of 
California,  which  is  still  more  to  the  westward, 
and  belonging  to  another  power. 

Mrs.  Washington  presents  her  compliments  to 
you,  and  with  every  wish  for  your  happiness, 

I  am,  my  dear  Humphreys,  &c. 


TO  THE   MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE 

MOUNT  VERNON,  25  July,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  MARQUIS, 

*    *    *    As  the  clouds  which  overspread  your 


Marquis  de  Lafayette  501 

hemisphere  are  dispersing,  and  peace  with  all  its 
concomitants  is  dawning  upon  your  Land,  I  will 
banish  the  sound  of  War  from  my  letter: — I  wish 
to  see  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  world  in  Peace 
and  busily  employed  in  the  more  agreeable  amuse- 
ment of  fulfilling  the  first  and  great  command- 
ment— Increase  and  Multiply:  as  an  encouragement 
to  which  we  have  opened  the  fertile  plains  of  the 
Ohio  to  the  poor,  the  needy  and  the  opressed  of  the 
Earth;  any  one  therefore  who  is  heavy  laden  or 
who  wants  land  to  cultivate,  may  repair  thither  & 
abound,  as  in  the  Land  of  promise,  with  milk  and 
honey : — the  ways  are  preparing,  and  the  roads  will 
be  made  easy,  thro'  the  channels  of  Potomac  & 
James  river. 

Speaking  of  these  navigations,  I  have  the  pleas- 
ure to  inform  you  that  the  subscriptions  (especially 
for  the  first)  at  the  surrender  of  the  books,  agree- 
ably to  the  act  which  I  enclosed  you  in  my  last, 
exceeded  my  most  sanguine  expectation: — for  the 
latter,  that  is  James  river,  no  comparison  of  them 
has  yet  been  made. — 

Of  the  £50,000  Sterlg.  required  for  the  Potomac 
navigation,  upwards  of  £40,000,  was  subjoined 
before  the  middle  of  May,  and  encreasing  fast — a 
President  &  four  Directors,  consisting  of  your 
hble.  servant,  Govrs.  Johnson  and  Lee  of  Mary- 
land, and  Colos.  Fitzgerald  and  Gilpin  of  this 
State,  were  chosen  to  conduct  the  undertaking. — 
The  first  dividend  of  the  money  was  paid  in  on  the 
15th  of  this  month;  and  the  work  is  to  be  begun  the 
first  of  next,  in  those  parts  which  require  least  skill, 


502  George  Washington 

leaving  the  more  difficult  'till  an  Engineer  of  abili- 
ties and  practical  knowledge  can  be  obtained ;  which 
reminds  me  of  the  question  which  I  propounded  to 
you  in  my  last,  on  this  subject,  and  on  which  I 
should  be  glad  to  learn  your  sentiments.  This 
prospect,  if  it  succeeds,  and  of  which  I  have  no 
doubt,  will  bring  the  Atlantic  States  and  the  West- 
ern Territory  into  close  connexion,  and  be  pro- 
ductive of  very  extensive  commercial  and  political 
consequences;  the  last  of  which  gave  the  spur  to 
my  exertions,  as  I  could  foresee  many,  and  great 
mischiefs  which  would  naturally  result  from  a  sep- 
aration— and  that  a  separation  would  inevitably 
take  place,  if  the  obstructions  between  the  two 
countries  remained,  and  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  should  be  made  free. *  *  *  * 


TO  SAMUEL  PURVIANCE,  ESQ. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  10  March,  1786. 

SIR, 

Your  Letter  of  the  6th  instant,  is  this  moment 
put  into  my  hands;  was  it  in  my  power  I  would 

1 "  However  singular  the  opinion  may  be,  I  cannot  divest  my- 
self of  it,  that  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  at  this  time, 
ought  to  be  no  object  with  us.  On  the  contrary,  until  we  have 
a  little  time  allowed  to  open  and  make  easy  the  ways  between 
the  Atlantic  States  and  the  western  territory,  the  obstruction 
had  better  remain.  There  is  nothing  that  binds  one  county  or 
one  State  to  another,  but  interest.  Without  this  cement  the 
western  inhabitants,  who  more  than  probably  will  be  composed 
in  a  great  degree  of  foreigners,  can  have  no  predilection  for 
us,  and  a  commercial  connexion  is  the  only  tie  we  can  have 
upon  them.  It  is  clear  to  me,  that  the  trade  of  the  Lakes,  and 
of  the  River  Ohio,  as  low  as  the  Great  Kanhawa  if  not  to  the 


Samuel  Purviance  503 

cheerfully  answer  your  queries  respecting  the  set- 
tlements on  the  Kanhawa;  the  nature  of  the  water 
and  quality  of  the  soil. 

But  of  the  first,  I  only  know  from  information 
that  Colo.  Lewis  is  settled  there,  from  his  own 
mouth  I  learnt  that  it  was  his  intention  to  do  so, 
&  to  establish  a  Town  in  the  fork  of  the  two  rivers, 
where  he  proposes  to  fix  families  in  the  vicinity  on 
his  own  Lands.  Of  the  second,  I  never  could  ob- 
tain any  distinct  account  of  the  navigation.  It  has 
been  variously  represented;  favorably  by  some, — 
extremely  difficult  by  others,  in  its  passage  thro' 
the  Gauley  mountain,  (which  I  presume  is  the 
Laurel  hill) — but  the  uncertainty  of  this  matter 
will  now  soon  be  at  an  end,  as  there  are  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  this  State  to  explore  the  navi- 
gation of  that  river  and  the  communication  between 
it  and  James  river,  with  a  view  to  a  portage.  This, 
equally  with  the  extension  of  the  Potomac  naviga- 
tion, was  part  of  my  original  plan,  and  equally 
urged  by  me  to  our  Assembly;  for  my  object  was 
to  connect  the  Western  and  Eastern  or  Atlantic 
States  together  by  strong  commercial  ties. 

Falls,  may  be  brought  to  the  Atlantic  ports  easier  and  cheaper, 
taking  the  whole  voyage  together,  than  it  can  be  carried  to 
New  Orleans;  but,  once  open  the  door  to  the  latter  before  the 
obstructions  are  removed  from  the  former,  let  commercial  con- 
nexions, which  lead  to  others,  be  formed,  and  the  habit  of  that 
trade  well  established,  and  it  will  be  found  no  easy  matter  to 
divert  it;  and  vice  versa.  When  the  settlements  are  stronger 
and  more  extended  to  the  westward,  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi will  be  an  object  of  importance,  and  we  shall  then  be 
able,  (reserving  our  claims,)  to  speak  a  more  efficacious  lan- 
guage, than  policy,  I  think,  dictates  at  present." — Washington 
to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  22  August,  1785. 


504  George  Washington 

I  am  a  friend,  therefore  on  this  principle  to  every 
channel  that  can  be  opened,  and  wish  the  people 
to  have  choice. — The  Kanhawa,  and  James  river,  if 
the  obstacles  in  the  former  are  not  great,  are  cer- 
tainly the  shortest  and  best  for  the  settlers  thereon, 
for  those  on  the  Ohio  below,  above,  perhaps  as  high 
as  the  little  Kanhawa  and  for  the  Country  immedi- 
ately west  of  it. 

The  Monongahela  and  Yohoghaney  with  the 
Potomac  are  most  convenient  for  all  the  settlers 
from  the  little  Kanhawa,  inclusively,  to  Fort  Pitt 
and  upwards,  &  west  as  far  as  the  Lakes.  Susque- 
hanna  and  the  Alleghany  above  Fort  Pitt  some 
distance,  will  accommodate  a  third  District  of 
Country;  and  may  for  ought  I  know  be  equally 
convenient  to  the  trade  of  the  Lakes.  All  of  them 
therefore  have  my  best  wishes;  for  as  I  have  ob- 
served already,  my  object  &  my  aim  are  political. 
If  we  cannot  bind  those  people  to  us  by  interest, 
and  it  is  no  otherwise  to  be  effected  but  by  a  com- 
mercial knot,  we  shall  be  no  more  to  them  after  a 
while,  than  G.  Britain  or  Spain,  and  they  may  be 
as  closely  linked  with  one  or  other  of  those  powers, 
as  we  wish  them  to  be  with  us,  and  in  that  event, 
they  may  be  a  severe  thorn  in  our  side.  *  *  * 


TO   HENRY   LEE,    IN    CONGRESS 

MOUNT  VERNON,  18  June,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

*    *    *    The  advantages,  with  which  the  inland 
navigation  of  the  Rivers  Potomac  and  James  are 


Henry  Lee  505 

pregnant,  must  strike  every  mind  that  reasons  upon 
the  subject;  but  there  is,  I  perceive,  a  diversity  of 
sentiment  respecting  the  benefits  and  the  conse- 
quences, which  may  flow  from  the  free  and  immedi- 
ate use  of  the  Mississippi.  My  opinion  of  this 
matter  has  been  uniformly  the  same;  and  no  light 
in  which  I  have  been  able  to  consider  the  subject  is 
likely  to  change  it.  It  is,  neither  to  relinquish  nor 
to  push  our  claim  to  this  navigation,  but  in  the  mean 
while  to  open  all  the  communications,  which  nature 
has  afforded,  between  the  Atlantic  States  and  the 
western  territory,  and  to  encourage  the  use  of  them 
to  the  utmost.  In  my  judgment  it  is  a  matter  of 
very  serious  concern  to  the  well-being  of  the  former 
to  make  it  the  interest  of  the  latter  to  trade  with 
them;  without  which,  the  ties  of  consanguinity, 
which  are  weakening  every  day,  will  soon  be  no 
bond,  and  we  shall  be  no  more  a  few  years  hence  to 
the  inhabitants  of  that  country,  than  the  British 
and  Spaniards  are  at  this  day;  not  so  much,  indeed, 
because  commercial  connexions,  it  is  well  known, 
lead  to  others,  and  united  are  difficult  to  be 
broken,  and  these  must  take  place  with  the  Spani- 
ards, if  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  is  opened. 
Clear  I  am,  that  it  would  be  for  the  interest  of 
the  western  settlers,  as  low  down  the  Ohio  as  the 
Big  Kanhawa,  and  back  to  the  Lakes,  to  bring  their 
produce  through  one  of  the  channels  I  have  named ; 
but  the  way  must  be  cleared,  and  made  easy  and 
obvious  to  them,  or  else  the  ease  with  which  people 
glide  down  stream  will  give  a  different  bias  to  their 
thinking  and  acting.  Whenever  the  new  States 


500  George  Washington 

become  so  populous  and  so  extended  to  the  west- 
ward, as  really  to  need  it,  there  will  be  no  power 
which  can  deprive  them  of  the  use  of  the  Mississippi. 
Why  then  should  we  prematurely  urge  a  matter, 
which  is  displeasing  and  may  produce  disagreeable 
consequences,  if  it  is  our  interest  to  let  it  sleep  ?  It 
may  require  some  management  to  quiet  the  restless 
and  impetuous  spirits  of  Kentucky,  of  whose  con- 
duct I  am  more  apprehensive  in  this  business,  than 
I  am  of  all  the  opposition  that  will  be  given  by  the 
Spaniards.1  Mrs.  Washington  &  George  and  his 
wife  join  me  in  compliments  and  good  wishes  to 
your  lady.  With  great  esteem  and  regard,  I  am, 
dear  Sir,  &c. 

1 "  With  respect  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  you  al- 
ready know  my  sentiments  thereon.  They  have  been  uni- 
formly the  same,  and,  as  I  have  observed  to  you  in  a  former 
letter,  [18  June,  1786]  are  controverted  by  one  consideration, 
only  of  weight,  and  that  is,  the  operation  which  the  conclusion 
of  it  may  have  on  the  minds  of  the  western  settlers,  who  will 
not  consider  the  subject  in  a  relative  point  of  view,  or  on  a  com- 
prehensive scale,  and  may  be  influenced  by  the  demagogues  of 
the  country  to  acts  of  extravagance  and  desperation,  under  a 
popular  declamation,  that  their  interests  are  sacrificed.  *  *  * 
But  in  all  matters  of  great  national  moment,  the  only  true  line 
of  conduct,  in  my  opinion,  is  dispassionately  to  compare  the 
advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  measures  proposed,  and 
decide  from  the  balance.  The  lesser  evil,  where  there  is  a 
choice  of  them,  should  always  yield  to  the  greater." — Washing- 
ton to  Henry  Lee,  31  October,  1786. 

"  Gradually  recovering  from  the  distresses  in  which  the  war 
left  us,  patiently  advancing  in  our  task  of  civil  government, 
unentangled  in  the  crooked  policies  of  Europe,  wanting  scarcely 
any  thing  but  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  (which  we 
must  have,  and  as  certainly  shall  have  as  we  remain  a 
nation),  I  have  supposed,  that,  with  the  undeviating  exercise 
of  a  just,  steady,  and  prudent  national  policy,  we  shall  be  the 
gainers,  whether  the  powers  of  the  old  world  may  be  in  peace 


Richard  Henry  Lee  507 

TO  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE 

PHILADELPHIA,  19  July,  1787. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  favor  of  the 
15th  instant,  and  thank  you  for  the  ordinance  which 
was  enclosed  in  it.  My  sentiments,  with  respect  to 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  have  been  long 
fixed,  and  are  not  dissimilar  to  those,  which  are 
expressed  in  your  letter.  I  have  ever  been  of  opin- 
ion, that  the  true  policy  of  the  Atlantic  States, 
would  be  instead  of  contending  prematurely  for  the 
free  navigation  of  that  river  (which  eventually, 
and  perhaps  as  soon  as  it  shall  be  our  true  interest 
to  obtain  it,  must  happen),  to  open  and  improve 
the  natural  communications  with  the  western 
country,  through  which  the  produce  of  it  might  be 
transported  with  convenience  and  ease  to  our  mark- 
ets. Till  you  get  low  down  the  Ohio,  I  conceive, 
that  it  would,  (considering  the  length  of  the  voyage 
to  New  Orleans,  the  difficulty  of  the  current,  and 
the  time  necessary  to  perform  it  in,)  be  the  inter- 
est of  the  inhabitants  to  bring  their  produce  to  our 
ports;  and  sure  I  am,  there  is  no  other  tie  by  which 
they  will  long  form  a  link  in  the  chain  of  federal 
union.  I  believe,  however,  from  the  temper  in 
which  those  people  appear  to  be,  and  from  the 
ambitious  and  turbulent  spirit  of  some  of  their 
demagogues,  that  it  has  become  a  moot  point  to 
determine,  (when  every  circumstance  which  attends 
this  business  is  brought  into  view,)  what  is  best  to 

or  war,  but  more  especially  in  the  latter  case." — Washington 
to  Lafayette,  11  August,  1790. 


508  George  Washington 

be  done.  The  State  of  Virginia  having  taken  the 
matter  up  with  so  high  a  hand,  is  not  among 
the  least  embarrassing  or  disagreeable  parts  of  the 
difficulty.  *  *  * 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &C.1 


TO  RICHARD   HENDERSON  2 

MOUNT  VERNON,  19  June,  1788. 

SIR, 

Your  favor  of  the  5th  instant  was  lodged  at  my 
house  while  I  was  absent  on  a  visit  to  my  mother. 
I  am  now  taking  the  earliest  opportunity  of 
noticing  its  contents,  and  those  of  its  enclosure. 
Willing  as  I  am  to  give  satisfaction,  so  far  as  I  am 

1  Washington's  feeling  that  the  United  States  ought  not  to 
attempt  to  induce  Spain  to  open  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to  western  settlers  until  they  had  first  established  com- 
mercial    connections    with    the     sea-board     States    has    been 
singularly  misinterpreted  by  several  historians.     Draper  says, 
"  Even  Washington,  so  late  as   1784,  did  not  think  that  the 
ownership  of  the  Mississippi  would  be  of  benefit  to  the  republic; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  was  afraid  that  it  might  tend  to  separate 
the  western  country  from  the  Atlantic  States." — History  of  the 
American   Civil   War,   i.,  201.     This   statement   is   quoted  ap- 
provingly by  Von  Hoist,  in  his  Constitutional  and  Political  His- 
tory of  the  United  States,  i.,  17,  and  is  frequently  encountered 
elsewhere.    Washington's    language    admits    of    no    such    con- 
struction.    The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  as  he  wrote  La- 
fayette, is  something  that  "  we  must  have  and  as  certainly  shall 
have  as  we  remain  a  nation,"  but  to  establish  commercial  con- 
nections between  the  western  settlers  and  Spain  before   such 
connections  had    been    formed    with    the    States    east    of    the 
Allegheny    mountains    was,    in    his    opinion,    to    endanger    the 
political  ties  which  joined  the  two  sections. 

2  A  gentleman,  who  had  forwarded  certain  queries  to  General 
Washington,   which   had  been    sent   to   him   from    Scotland  by 
persons  proposing  to  emigrate  to  America. — Sparks. 


Richard  Henderson  509 

able,  to  every  reasonable  inquiry,  (and  this  is  cer- 
tainly not  only  so,  but  may  be  highly  important  and 
interesting,)  I  must  however  rather  deal  in  general 
than  particular  observations;  as  I  think  you  will 
be  able,  from  the  length  of  your  residence  in  the 
country,  and  the  extensiveness  of  your  acquaint- 
ance with  its  affairs,  to  make  the  necessary  applica- 
tions, and  add  the  proper  details.  Nor  would  I 
choose  that  my  interference  in  the  business  should 
be  transmitted,  lest,  in  a  malicious  world,  it  might 
be  represented  that  I  was  officiously  using  the  arts 
of  seduction  to  depopulate  other  countries  for  the 
sake  of  peopling  our  own. 

In  the  first  place  it  is  a  point  conceded,  that 
America,  under  an  efficient  government,  will  be 
the  most  favorable  country  of  any  in  the  world  for 
persons  of  industry  and  frugality  possessed  of  a 
moderate  capital  to  inhabit.  It  is  also  believed, 
that  it  will  not  be  less  advantageous  to  the  happi- 
ness of  the  lowest  class  of  people,  because  of  the 
equal  distribution  of  property,  the  great  plenty  of 
unoccupied  lands,  and  the  facility  of  procuring  the 
means  of  subsistence.  The  scheme  of  purchasing 
a  good  tract  of  freehold  estate,  and  bringing  out  a 
number  of  able-bodied  men,  indented  for  a  certain 
time,  appears  to  be  indisputably  a  rational  one. 

All  the  interior  arrangements  of  transferring  the 
property  and  commencing  the  establishment,  you 
are  as  well  acquainted  with  as  I  can  possibly  be. 
It  might  be  considered  as  a  point  of  more  difficulty 
to  decide  upon  the  place,  which  should  be  most 
proper  for  a  settlement.  Although  I  believe  that 


5io  George  Washington 

emigrants  from  other  countries  to  this,  who  shall  be 
well-disposed,  and  conduct  themselves  properly, 
would  be  treated  with  equal  friendship  and  kind- 
ness in  all  parts  of  it ;  yet,  in  the  old  settled  States, 
land  is  so  much  occupied,  and  the  value  so  much 
enhanced  by  the  contiguous  cultivation,  that  the 
price  would,  in  general,  be  an  objection.  The  land 
in  [the]  western  country,  or  that  on  the  Ohio,  like 
all  others,  has  its  advantages  and  disadvantages. 
The  neighborhood  of  the  savages,  and  the  difficulty 
of  transportation,  were  the  great  objections.  The 
danger  of  the  first  will  soon  cease  by  the  strong  es- 
tablishments now  taking  place;  the  inconveniences 
of  the  second  will  be,  in  a  great  degree,  remedied  by 
opening  the  internal  navigation.  No  colony  in 
America  was  ever  settled  under  such  favorable 
auspices,  as  that  which  has  just  commenced  at  the 
Muskingum.  Information,  property,  and  strength, 
will  be  its  characteristics.  I  know  many  of  the 
settlers  personally,  and  that  there  never  were  men 
better  calculated  to  promote  the  welfare  of  such  a 
community. 

If  I  was  a  young  man,  just  preparing  to  begin 
the  world,  or  if  advanced  in  life,  and  had  a  family 
to  make  a  provision  for,  I  know  of  no  country 
where  I  should  rather  fix  my  habitation  than  in 
some  part  of  that  region,  for  which  the  writer  of 
the  queries  seems  to  have  a  predilection.  He  might 
be  informed  that  his  namesake  and  distant  relation. 
General  St.  Clair,  is  not  only  in  high  repute,  but 
that  he  is  governor  of  all  the  territory  westward  of 
the  Ohio,  and  that  there  is  a  gentleman  (to  wit,  Mr. 


Richard  Henderson  511 

Joel  Barlow)  gone  from  New  York  by  the  last 
French  packet,  who  will  be  in  London  in  the  course 
of  this  year,  and  who  is  authorized  to  dispose  of  a 
very  large  body  of  land  in  that  country.  The 
author  of  the  queries  may  then  be  referred  to  the 
'*  Information  for  those  who  wish  to  remove  to 
America"  and  published  in  Europe  in  the  year 
1784,  by  the  great  philosopher  Dr.  Franklin. 
Short  as  it  is,  it  contains  almost  every  thing,  that 
needs  to  be  known  on  the  subject  of  migrating  to 
this  country.  You  may  find  that  excellent  little 
treatise  in  "  Carey's  American  Museum"  for  Sep- 
tember, 1787.  It  is  worthy  of  being  republished  in 
Scotland,  and  every  other  part  of  Europe. 

As  to  the  European  publications  respecting  the 
United  States,  they  are  commonly  very  defective. 
The  Abbe  Raynal  is  quite  erroneous.  Guthrie, 
though  somewhat  better  informed,  is  not  abso- 
lutely correct.  There  is  now  an  American 
Geography  preparing  for  the  press  by  a  Mr. 
Morse  of  New  Haven  in  Connecticut,  which, 
from  the  pains  the  author  has  taken  in  travelling 
through  the  States,  and  acquiring  information  from 
the  principal  characters  in  each,  will  probably  be 
much  more  exact  and  useful.  Of  books  at  present 
existing,  Mr.  Jefferson's  ef  Notes  on  Virginia  "  will 
give  the  best  idea  of  this  part  of  the  continent  to  a 
foreigner;  and  the  "American  Farmer's  Letters" 
written  by  Mr.  Crevecceur  (commonly  called  Mr. 
St.  John) ,  the  French  consul  in  New  York,  who 
actually  resided  twenty  years  as  a  farmer  in  that 
State,  will  afford  a  great  deal  of  profitable  and  amu- 


512  George  Washington 

sive  information,  respecting  the  private  life  of  the 
Americans,  as  well  as  the  progress  of  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  arts,  in  their  country.  Per- 
haps the  picture  he  gives,  though  founded  on  fact, 
is  in  some  instances  embellished  with  rather  too 
flattering  circumstances.  I  am,  &c. 


6.    EDUCATION 


TO  THE  COMMISSIONERS  OF  THE  FEDERAL  DISTRICT 

PHILADELPHIA,  28  January,  1795. 

GENTLEMEN, 

A  plan  for  the  establishment  of  an  university  in 
the  Federal  City  has  frequently  been  the  subject  of 
conversation ;  but,  in  what  manner  it  is  proposed  to 
commence  this  important  institution,  on  how  ex- 
tensive a  scale,  the  means  by  which  it  is  to  be 
effected,  how  it  is  to  be  supported,  or  what  progress 
is  made  in  it,  are  matters  altogether  unknown  to  me. 

It  has  always  been  a  source  of  serious  reflection 
and  sincere  regret  with  me,  that  the  youth  of  the 
United  States  should  be  sent  to  foreign  countries 
for  the  purpose  of  education.  Although  there  are 
doubtless  many,  under  these  circumstances,  who 
escape  the  danger  of  contracting  principles  un- 
favorable to  republican  government,  yet  we  ought 
to  deprecate  the  hazard  attending  ardent  and  sus- 
ceptible minds,  from  being  too  strongly  and  too 
early  prepossessed  in  favor  of  other  political  sys- 
tems, before  they  are  capable  of  appreciating  their 
own. 


Thomas  Jefferson  513 

For  this  reason  I  have  greatly  wished  to  see 
a  plan  adopted,  by  which  the  arts,  sciences,  and 
belles-lettres  could  be  taught  in  their  fullest  extent, 
thereby  embracing  all  the  advantages  of  European 
tuition,  with  the  means  of  acquiring  the  liberal 
knowledge,  which  is  necessary  to  qualify  our  citi- 
zens for  the  exigencies  of  public  as  well  as  private 
life;  and  (which  with  me  is  a  consideration  of  great 
magnitude)  by  assembling  the  youth  from  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  this  rising  republic,  contributing 
from  their  intercourse  and  interchange  of  informa- 
tion to  the  removal  of  prejudices,  which  might  per- 
haps sometimes  arise  from  local  circumstances. 

The  Federal  City,  from  its  centrality  and  the  ad- 
vantages, which  in  other  respects  it  must  have  over 
any  other  place  in  the  United  States,  ought  to  be 
preferred,  as  a  proper  site  for  such  an  university. 
And  if  a  plan  can  be  adopted  upon  a  scale  as  ex- 
tensive as  I  have  described,  and  the  execution  of  it 
should  commence  under  favorable  auspices  in  a 
reasonable  time,  with  a  fair  prospect  of  success,  I 
will  grant  in  perpetuity  fifty  shares  in  the  naviga- 
tion of  Potomac  River  towards  the  endowment  of 
it.  *  *  *1 


TO  THOMAS   JEFFERSON 

PHILADELPHIA,  15  March,  1795. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  received  your  letter  of  the  23d  ultimo;  but  not 
at  so  early  a  period  as  might  have  been  expected 

1  These    shares    of    the    Potomac'   Company    never    became 
productive. 


33 


514  George  Washington 

from  the  date  of  it.  My  mind  has  always  been 
more  disposed  to  apply  the  shares  in  the  inland 
navigation  of  Potomac  and  James  Rivers,  which 
were  left  to  my  disposal  by  the  legislature  of  Vir- 
ginia, towards  the  endowment  of  an  university  in 
the  United  States,  than  to  any  other  object  it  had 
contemplated.  In  pursuance  of  this  idea,  and  un- 
derstanding that  other  means  are  in  embryo  for 
establishing  so  useful  a  seminary  in  the  Federal 
City,  I  did,  on  the  28th  of  January  last,  announce 
to  the  commissioners  thereof  my  intention  of  vest- 
ing in  perpetuity  the  fifty  shares  I  hold  under  that 
act  in  the  navigation  of  Potomac,  as  an  additional 
mean  of  carrying  the  plan  into  effect,  provided  it 
should  be  adopted  upon  a  scale  so  liberal  as  to 
extend  to  and  embrace  a  complete  system  of 
education. 

I  had  little  hesitation  in  giving  the  Federal  City 
a  preference  of  all  other  places  for  the  institution, 
for  the  following  reasons.  1st,  on  account  of  its 
being  the  permanent  seat  of  the  government  of  this 
Union,  and  where  the  laws  and  policy  of  it  must 
be  better  understood  than  in  any  local  part  thereof. 
2d,  because  of  its  centrality.  3d,  because  one  half 
(or  near  it)  of  the  District  of  Columbia  is  within 
the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia,  and  the  whole  of 
the  State  not  inconvenient  thereto.  4th,  because, 
as  a  part  of  the  endowment,  it  would  be  useful,  but 
alone  would  be  inadequate  to  the  end.  5th,  because 
many  advantages,  I  conceive,  would  result  from 
the  jurisdiction,  which  the  general  government  will 
have  over  it,  which  no  other  spot  would  possess. 


Thomas  Jefferson  515 

And,  lastly,  as  this  seminary  is  contemplated  for 
the  completion  of  education  and  study  of  the 
sciences,  (not  for  boys  in  their  rudiments,)  it  will 
afford  the  students  an  opportunity  of  attending 
the  debates  in  Congress,  and  thereby  becoming 
more  liberally  and  better  acquainted  with  the  prin- 
ciples of  law  and  government. 

My  judgment  and  my  wishes  point  equally 
strong  to  the  application  of  the  James  River  shares 
to  the  same  object  at  the  same  place;  but,  consid- 
ering the  source  from  whence  they  were  derived,  I 
have,  in  a  letter  I  am  writing  to  the  executive  of 
Virginia  on  this  subject,  left  the  application  of 
them  to  a  seminary  within  the  State,  to  be  located 
by  the  legislature. 

Hence  you  will  perceive,  that  I  have  in  a  degree 
anticipated  your  proposition.1  I  was  restrained 
from  going  the  whole  length  of  the  suggestion  by 
the  following  considerations.  1st,  I  did  not  know 
to  what  extent  or  when  any  plan  would  be  so 
matured  for  the  establishment  of  an  university,  as 
would  enable  any  assurances  to  be  given  to  the 
application  of  M.  D'lvernois.  2d,  the  propriety 
of  transplanting  the  professors  in  a  body  might  be 
questioned  for  several  reasons;  among  others,  be- 
cause they  might  not  be  all  good  characters,  nor  all 
sufficiently  acquainted  with  our  language.  And 
again,  having  been  at  variance  with  the  levelling 
party  of  their  own  country,  the  measure  might  be 
considered  as  an  aristocratical  movement  by  more 

1  Jefferson  had  written  concerning  several  Geneva  professors 
who  thought  of  coming  to  America. 


516  George  Washington 

than  those,  who,  without  any  just  cause  that  I  can 
discover,  are  continually  sounding  the  bell  of  aris- 
tocracy. And,  3d,  because  it  might  preclude  some 
of  the  first  professors  in  other  countries  from  a 
participation,  among  whom  some  of  the  most  cele- 
brated characters  in  Scotland,  in  this  line,  might  be 
obtained. 

Something,  but  of  what  nature  I  am  unable  to 
inform  you,  has  been  written  by  Mr.  Adams  to  M. 
D'lvernois.  Never  having  viewed  my  intended 
donation  as  more  than  a  part  of  the  means,  that 
were  to  set  this  establishment  afloat,  I  did  not  in- 
cline to  go  too  far  in  the  encouragement  of  profes- 
sors, before  the  plan  should  assume  a  more  formal 
shape,  much  less  to  induce  an  entire  college  to 
migrate.  The  enclosed  is  the  answer  I  have  re- 
ceived from  the  commissioners;  from  which,  and 
the  ideas  I  have  here  expressed,  you  will  be  enabled 
to  decide  on  the  best  communication  to  be  made  to 
M.  D'lvernois. 

My  letter  to  the  commissioners  has  bound  me  to 
the  fulfilment  of  what  is  therein  engaged;  and  if 
the  legislature  of  Virginia,  in  considering  the  sub- 
ject, should  view  it  in  the  same  light  I  do,  the 
James  River  shares  will  be  added  thereto;  for  I 
think  one  good  institution  of  this  sort  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  two  imperfect  ones,  which,  without  other 
aid  than  the  shares  in  both  navigations,  is  more 
likely  to  fall  through,  than  to  succeed  upon  the  plan 
I  contemplate;  which,  in  a  few  words,  is  to  super- 
sede the  necessity  of  sending  the  youth  of  this 
country  abroad  for  the  purpose  of  education, 


Robert  Brooke  517 

(where  too  often  principles  and  habits  unfriendly 
to  republican  government  are  imbibed,  and  not 
easily  discarded,)  by  instituting  such  an  one  of 
our  own,  as  will  answer  the  end,  and  associating 
them  in  the  same  seminary,  will  contribute  to  wear 
off  those  prejudices  and  unreasonable  jealousies, 
which  prevent  or  weaken  friendships  and  impair 
the  harmony  of  the  Union.  With  very  great  es- 
teem, I  am,  &e. 

P.  S.  Mr.  Adams  laid  before  me  the  communi- 
cations of  M.  D'lvernois ;  but  I  said  nothing  to  him 
of  my  intended  donation  towards  the  establishment 
of  an  university  in  the  Federal  District.  My 
wishes  would  be  to  fix  this  on  the  Virginia  side  of 
the  Potomac  River;  but  this  would  not  embrace  or 
accord  with  those  other  means,  which  are  proposed 
for  the  establishment. 


TO  EGBERT  BROOKE,  GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 

PHILADELPHIA,  16  March,  1795. 

SIR, 

Ever  since  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia 
were  pleased  to  submit  to  my  disposal  fifty  shares 
in  the  Potomac,  and  one  hundred  in  the  James 
River  Company,  it  has  been  my  anxious  desire  to 
appropriate  them  to  an  object  most  worthy  of  pub- 
lic regard. 

It  is  with  indescribable  regret,  that  I  have  seen 
the  youth  of  the  United  States  migrating  to  foreign 
countries,  in  order  to  acquire  the  higher  branches 
of  erudition,  and  to  obtain  a  knowledge  of  the 


George  Washington 


sciences.  Although  it  would  be  injustice  to  many 
to  pronounce  the  certainty  of  their  imbibing  max- 
ims not  congenial  with  republicanism,  it  must 
nevertheless  be  admitted,  that  a  serious  danger  is 
encountered  by  sending  abroad  among  other  po- 
litical systems  those,  who  have  not  well  learned  the 
value  of  their  own. 

The  time  is  therefore  come,  when  a  plan  of  uni- 
versal education  ought  to  be  adopted  in  the  United 
States.  Not  only  do  the  exigencies  of  public  and 
private  life  demand  it,  but,  if  it  should  ever  be  ap- 
prehended, that  prejudice  would  be  entertained  in 
one  part  of  the  Union  against  another,  an  efficacious 
remedy  will  be,  to  assemble  the  youth  of  every  part 
under  such  circumstances  as  will,  by  the  freedom  of 
intercourse  and  collision  of  sentiment,  give  to  their 
minds  the  direction  of  truth,  philanthropy,  and 
mutual  conciliation. 

It  has  been  represented,  that  a  university  corre- 
sponding with  these  ideas  is  contemplated  to  be 
built  in  the  Federal  City,  and  that  it  will  receive 
considerable  endowments.  This  position  is  so  eli- 
gible from  its  centrality,  so  convenient  to  Virginia, 
by  whose  legislature  the  shares  were  granted  and 
in  which  part  of  the  Federal  District  stands,  and 
combines  so  many  other  conveniences,  that  I  have 
determined  to  vest  the  Potomac  shares  in  that 
university. 

Presuming  it  to  be  more  agreeable  to  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  of  Virginia,  that  the  shares  in  the 
James  River  Company  should  be  reserved  for  a 
similar  object  in  some  .part  of  that  State,  I  intend 


Robert  Brooke  519 

to  allot  them  for  a  seminary  to  be  erected  at  such 
place  as  they  shall  deem  most  proper.  I  am  dis- 
posed to  believe,  that  a  seminary  of  learning  upon 
an  enlarged  plan,  but  yet  not  coming  up  to  the 
full  idea  of  an  university,  is  an  institution  to  be 
preferred  for  the  position  which  is  to  be  chosen. 
The  students  who  wish  to  pursue  the  whole  range 
of  science,  may  pass  with  advantage  from  the  semi- 
nary to  the  university,  and  the  former  by  a  due 
relation  may;  be  rendered  co-operative  with  the 
latter. 

I  cannot  however  dissemble  my  opinion,  that  if 
all  the  shares  were  conferred  on  an  university,  it 
would  become  far  more  important,  than  when  they 
are  divided;  and  I  have  been  constrained  from 
concentring  them  in  the  same  place,  merely  by  my 
anxiety  to  reconcile  a  particular  attention  to  Vir- 
ginia with  a  great  good,  in  which  she  will  abun- 
dantly share  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the  United 
States. 

I  must  beg  the  favor  of  your  Excellency  to  lay 
this  letter  before  that  honorable  body,  at  their  next 
session,  in  order  that  I  may  appropriate  the  James 
River  shares  to  the  place  which  they  may  prefer. 
They  will  at  the  same  time  again  accept  my  ac- 
knowledgments for  the  opportunity,  with  which 
they  have  favored  me,  of  attempting  to  supply  so 
important  a  desideratum  in  the  United  States  as 
an  university  adequate  to  our  necessity,  and  a. 
preparatory  seminary.  With  great  consideration 
and  respect,  I  am,  Sir,  &C.1 

1  This   letter   was   communicated   to   the    General    Assembly, 


520  George  Washington 

TO  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON 
[PRIVATE] 

PHILADELPHIA,  1  September,  1796. 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

About  the  middle  of  last  week  I  wrote  to  you; 
and  that  it  might  escape  the  eye  of  the  inquisitive 
(for  some  of  my  letters  have  lately  been  pried 
into) ,  I  took  the  liberty  of  putting  it  under  a  cover 
to  Mr.  Jay. 

Since  then,  revolving  on  the  paper  that  was  in- 
closed therein,1  on  the  various  matters  it  contained, 
and  of  the  first  expression  of  the  advice  or  recom- 
mendation which  was  given  in  it,  I  have  regretted 
that  another  subject  (which  in  my  estimation  is  of 
interesting  concern  to  the  well-being  of  this  coun- 
try) was  not  touched  upon  also; — I  mean  education 
generally,  as  one  of  the  surest  means  of  enlight- 
ening and  giving  just  ways  of  thinking  to  our 
citizens,  but  particularly  the  establishment  of  a 
university;  where  the  youth  from  all  parts  of  the 
United  States  might  receive,  the  polish  of  erudition 
in  the  arts,  sciences,  and  belles-lettres;  and  where 
those  who  were  disposed  to  run  a  political  course 
might  not  only  be  instructed  in  the  theory  and 
principles,  but  (this  seminary  being  at  the  seat  of 
the  general  government)  where  the  legislature 
would  be  in  session  half  the  year,  and  the  interests 

which  adopted  resolutions  approving  of  Washington's  design. 
The  shares  in  the  James  River  Company  were  given  to  the 
Liberty  Hall  Academy,  which  was  afterward  called  Washington 
College,  and  is  now  Washington  and  Lee  University. 

1  This  refers  to  one  of  the  drafts  of  the  Farewell  Address. 


Alexander  Hamilton  521 

and  politics  of  the  nation  of  course  would  be  dis- 
cussed, they  would  lay  the  surest  foundation  for 
the  practical  part  also. 

But  that  which  would  render  it  of  the  highest 
importance,  in  my  opinion,  is,  that  the  Juvenal 
period  of  life,  when  friendships  are  formed,  and 
habits  established,  that  will  stick  by  one;  the  youth 
or  young  men  from  different  parts  of  the  United 
States  would  be  assembled  together,  and  would  by 
degrees  discover  that  there  was  not  that  cause  for 
those  jealousies  and  prejudices  which  one  part  of 
the  Union  had  imbibed  against  another  part: — of 
course,  sentiments  of  more  liberality  in  the  general 
policy  of  the  country  would  result  from  it.  What 
but  the  mixing  of  people  from  different  parts  of 
the  United  States  during  the  war  rubbed  off  these 
impressions?  A  century,  in  the  ordinary  inter- 
course, would  not  have  accomplished  what  the 
seven  years'  association  in  arms  did;  but  that  ceas- 
ing, prejudices  are  beginning  to  revive  again,  and 
never  will  be  eradicated  so  effectually  by  any  other 
means  as  the  intimate  intercourse  of  characters  in 
early  life, — who,  in  all  probability,  will  be  at  the 
head  of  the  counsels  of  this  country  in  a  more  ad- 
vanced stage  of  it. 

To  show  that  this  is  no  new  idea  of  mine,  I  may 
appeal  to  my  early  communications  to  Congress; 
and  to  prove  how  seriously  I  have  reflected  on  it 
since,  and  how  well  disposed  I  have  been,  and  still 
am,  to  contribute  my  aid  towards  carrying  the 
measure  into  effect,  I  inclose  you  the  extract  of  a 
letter  from  me  to  the  governor  of  Virginia  on  this 


522  George  Washington 

subject,  and  a  copy  of  the  resolves  of  the  legisla- 
ture of  that  State  in  consequence  thereof. 

I  have  not  the  smallest  doubt  that  this  donation 
(when  the  navigation  is  in  complete  operation, 
which  it  certainly  will  be  in  less  than  two  years), 
will  amount  to  £1200  to  £1500  sterling  a  year,  and 
become  a  rapidly  increasing  fund.  The  proprie- 
tors of  the  federal  city  have  talked  of  doing  some- 
thing handsome  towards  it  likewise ;  and  if  Congress 
would  appropriate  some  of  the  western  lands  to  the 
same  uses,  funds  sufficient,  and  of  the  most  per- 
manent and  increasing  sort,  might  be  so  established 
as  to  invite  the  ablest  professors  in  Europe  to  con- 
duct it. 

Let  me  pray  you,  therefore  to  introduce  a  sec- 
tion in  the  address  expressive  of  these  sentiments, 
and  recommendatory  of  the  measure,  without  any 
mention,  however,  of  my  proposed  contribution  to 
the  plan. 

Such  a  section  would  come  in  very  properly 
after  the  one  which  relates  to  our  religious  obliga- 
tions, or  in  a  preceding  part,  as  one  of  the  recom- 
mendatory measures  to  counteract  the  evils  arising 
from  geographical  discriminations.  With  affec- 
tionate regard,  I  am  always.1 

1 "  Amongst  the  motives  to  such  an  institution  [as  a  national 
university],  the  assimilation  of  the  principles,  opinions,  and 
manners  of  our  countrymen,  by  the  common  education  of  a 
portion  of  our  youth  from  every  quarter,  well  deserves  atten- 
tion. The  more  homogeneous  our  citizens  can  be  made  in  these 
particulars,  the  greater  will  be  our  prospect  of  permanent 
union;  and  a  primary  object  of  such  an  institution  should  be, 
the  education  of  our  youth  in  the  science  of  government.  In  a 
republic,  what  species  of  knowledge  can  be  equally  important, 


Robert  Morris  523 

7.  SLAVERY 


TO  EGBERT   MORRIS 

MOUNT  VERNON,  12  April,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR, 

I  give  you  the  trouble  of  this  letter  at  the  in- 
stance of  Mr.  Dalby  of  Alexandria,  who  is  called 
to  Philadelphia  to  attend  what  he  conceives  to  be 
a  vexatious  lawsuit  respecting  a  slave  of  his,  which 
a  society  of  Quakers  in  the  city,  (formed  for  such 
purposes,)  have  attempted  to  liberate.  The  merits 
of  this  case  will  no  doubt  appear  upon  trial.  From 
Mr.  Dalby's  state  of  the  matter,  it  should  seem, 
that  this  society  is  not  only  acting  repugnant  to 
justice,  so  far  as  its  conduct  concerns  strangers, 
but  in  my  opinion  extremely  impoliticly  with  respect 
to  the  State,  the  city  in  particular,  and  without 

and  what  duty  more  pressing  on  its  legislature,  than  to  patron- 
ize a  plan  for  communicating  it  to  those,  who  are  to  be  the 
future  guardians  of  the  liberties  of  the  country?  " — Speech  to 
both  Houses  of  Congress,  7  December,  1796. 

"  The  reason  which  you  assign  for  giving  the  rudiments  of 
education  to  your  sons  at  home  is  a  weighty  and  conclusive  one; 
— but  much  will  depend  upon  the  qualifications  and  fitness 
of  the  preceptor  you  employ,  to  render  it  more  or  less  bene- 
ficial. To  a  certain  point  tuition  under  the  eye  of  Parents  or 
Guardian  of  youth,  is  much  to  be  preferred,  because  the  pre- 
sumption is:  that  the  properties  and  passions  will  be  watched 
with  more  solicitude  and  attention  by  them,  than  by  their  Tu- 
tors:— but  when  the  direction  of  these  are  unfolded  and  can  be 
counteracted  by  the  discipline  of  Public  schools  and  the  precepts 
of  the  professors.  Especially  too  when  the  judgment  is  be- 
ginning to  form;  when  pride  becomes  a  stimulus;  and  the 
knowledge  of  men,  as  well  as  of  Books  are  to  be  learnt,  I  should 
give  the  preference  to  a  public  Seminary." — Washington  to 
William  Augustine  Washington,  27  February,  1798. 


$24  George  Washington 

being  able,  (but  by  acts  of  tyranny  and  oppression,) 
to  accomplish  its  own  ends.  He  says  the  conduct 
of  this  society  is  not  sanctioned  by  law.  Had  the 
case  been  otherwise,  whatever  my  opinion  of  the 
law  might  have  been,  my  respect  for  the  policy  of 
the  State  would  on  this  occasion  have  appeared 
in  my  silence ;  because  against  the  penalties  of  pro- 
mulgated laws  one  may  guard,  but  there  is  no 
avoiding  the  snares  of  individuals,  or  of  private  so- 
cieties. And  if  the  practice  of  this  society,  of 
which  Mr.  Dalby  speaks,  is  not  discountenanced, 
none  of  those,  whose  misfortune  it  is  to  have  slaves 
as  attendants,  will  visit  the  city  if  they  can  possibly 
avoid  it;  because  by  so  doing  they  hazard  their 
property,  or  they  must  be  at  the  expense  (and  this 
will  not  always  succeed)  of  providing  servants  of 
another  description  for  the  trip. 

I  hope  it  will  not  be  conceived  from  these  ob- 
servations, that  it  is  my  wish  to  hold  the  unhappy 
people,  who  are  the  subject  of  this  letter,  in  slavery. 
I  can  only  say,  that  there  is  not  a  man  living,  who 
wishes  more  sincerely  than  I  do  to  see  a  plan 
adopted  for  the  abolition  of  it;  but  there  is  only 
one  proper  and  effectual  mode  by  which  it  can  be 
accomplished,  and  that  is  by  legislative  authority; 
and  this,  as  far  as  my  suffrage  will  go,  shall  never 
be  wanting.  But  when  slaves,  who  are  happy 
and  contented  with  their  present  masters,  are  tam- 
pered with  and  seduced  to  leave  them;  when  masters 
are  taken  unawares  by  these  practices;  when  a 
conduct  of  this  sort  begets  discontent  on  one  side 
and  resentment  on  the  other;  and  when  it  happens 


Robert  Morris  525 

to  fall  on  a  man,  whose  purse  will  not  measure  with 
that  of  the  society,  and  he  loses  his  property  for 
want  of  means  to  defend  it ;  it  is  oppression  in  such 
a  case,  and  not  humanity  in  any,  because  it  intro- 
duces more  evils  than  it  can  cure.1 

1 "  The  benevolence  of  your  heart,  my  dear  Marquis,  is  so 
conspicuous  upon  all  occasions,  that  I  never  wonder  at  any 
fresh  proofs  of  it;  but  your  late  purchase  of  an  estate  in  the 
colony  of  Cayenne,  with  a  view  of  emancipating  the  slaves  on 
it,  is  a  generous  and  noble  proof  of  your  humanity.  Would  to 
God  a  like  spirit  would  diffuse  itself  generally  into  the  minds 
of  the  people  of  this  country.  But  I  despair  of  seeing  it. 
Some  petitions  were  presented  to  the  Assembly,  at  its  last  ses- 
sion, for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  but  they  could  scarcely  obtain 
a  reading.  To  set  them  afloat  at  once  would,  I  really  believe, 
be  productive  of  much  inconvenience  and  mischief;  but  by  de- 
grees it  certainly  might,  and  assuredly  ought  to  be  effected;  and 
that  too  by  legislative  authority." — Washington  to  the  Marquis 
de  Lafayette,  10  May,  1786. 

"  I  never  mean  (unless  some  particular  circumstance  should 
compel  me  to  it)  to  possess  another  slave  by  purchase;  it  being 
among  my  first  wishes  to  see  some  plan  adopted,  by  which 
slavery  in  this  country  may  be  abolished  by  slow,  sure,  and 
imperceptible  degrees." — Washington  to  John  Francis  Mercer, 
9  September,  1786. 

"  I  must  say  that  I  lament  the  decision  of  your  legislature 
upon  the  question  of  importing  slaves  after  March,  1793.  I 
was  in  hopes,  that  motives  of  policy  as  well  as  other  good  rea- 
sons, supported  by  the  direful  effects  of  slavery,  which  at  this 
moment  are  presented,  would  have  operated  to  produce  a  total 
prohibition  of  the  importation  of  slaves,  whenever  the  question 
came  to  be  agitated  in  any  State,  that  might  be  interested  in 
the  measure." — Washington  to  Charles  Pinckney,  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  17  March,  1792. 

"  ITEM — Upon  the  decease  of  my  wife  it  is  my  will  and  de- 
sire, that  all  the  slaves  which  I  hold  in  my  own  right  shall 
receive  their  freedom — To  emancipate  them  during  her  life, 
would  tho  earnestly  wished  by  me,  be  attended  with  such  in- 
superable difficulties,  on  account  of  their  intermixture  by 
marriages  with  the  Dower  negroes  as  to  excite  the  most  painful 
sensations — if  not  disagreeable  consequences  from  the  latter 
while  both  descriptions  are  in  the  occupancy  of  the  same  pro- 


526  George  Washington 

I  will  make  no  apology  for  writing  to  you  on 
this  subject,  for,  if  Mr.  Dalby  has  not  misconceived 
the  matter,  an  evil  exists  which  requires  a  remedy; 
if  he  has,  my  intentions  have  been  good,  though  I 

prietor,  it  not  being  in  my  power  under  the  tenure  by  which 
the  dower  Negroes  are  held  to  manumit  them — And  whereas 
among  those  who  will  receive  freedom  according  to  this  devise 
there  may  be  some  who  from  old  age,  or  bodily  infirmities  & 
others  who  on  account  of  their  infancy,  that  will  be  unable  to 
support  themselves,  it  is  my  will  and  desire  that  all  who  come 
under  the  first  and  second  description  shall  be  comfortably 
clothed  and  fed  by  my  heirs  while  they  live  and  that  such  of 
the  latter  discription  as  have  no  parents  living,  or  if  living  are 
unable,  or  unwilling  to  provide  for  them,  shall  be  bound  by 
the  Court  until  they  shall  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty  five 
years,  and  in  cases  where  no  record  can  be  produced  whereby 
their  ages  can  be  ascertained,  the  Judgment  of  the  Court  upon 
it's  own  view  of  the  subject  shall  be  adequate  and  final. — The 
negroes  thus  bound  are  (by  their  masters  and  mistresses)  to  be 
taught  to  read  and  write  and  to  be  brought  up  to  some  useful 
occupation,  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  the  commonwealth  of  Vir- 
ginia, providing  for  the  support  of  orphans  and  other  poor 
children — and  I  do  hereby  expressly  forbid  the  sale  or  trans- 
portation out  of  the  said  Commonwealth  of  any  Slave  I  may 
die  possessed  of,  under  any  pretence,  whatsoever — and  I  do 
moreover  most  positively,  and  most  solemnly  enjoin  it  upon 
my  Executors  hereafter  named,  or  the  survivors  of  them  to  see 
that  this  clause  respecting  slaves  and  every  part  thereof  be 
religiously  fulfilled  at  the  Epoch  at  which  it  is  directed  to  take 
place  without  evasion  neglect  or  delay  after  the  crops  which 
may  then  be  on  the  ground  are  harvested,  particularly  as  it 
respects  the  aged  and  infirm,  seeing  that  a  regular  and  per- 
manent fund  be  established  for  their  support  so  long  as  there 
are  subjects  requiring  it,  not  trusting  to  the  uncertain  provis- 
ions to  be  made  by  individuals. — And  to  my  mulatto  man,  Wil- 
liam (calling  himself  William  Lee)  I  give  immediate  freedom 
or  if  he  should  prefer  it  (on  account  of  the  accidents  which 
have  befallen  him  and  which  have  rendered  him  incapable  of 
walking  or  of  any  active  employment)  to  remain  in  the  situa- 
tion he  now  is,  it  shall  be  optional  in  him  to  do  so — In  either 
case  however  I  allow  him  an  annuity  of  thirty  dollars  during 
his  natural  life  which  shall  be  independent  of  the  victuals  and 


Robert  Morris  527 

may  have  been  too  precipitate  in  this  address.  Mrs. 
Washington  joins  me  in  every  good  and  kind  wish 
for  Mrs.  Morris  and  your  family,  and  I  am,  &c. 

cloaths  he  has  been  accustomed  to  receive;  if  he  chuses  the 
last  alternative,  but  in  full  with  his  freedom,  if  he  prefers  the 
first,  and  this  I  give  him  as  a  testimony  of  my  sense  of  his 
attachment  to  me  and  for  his  faithful  services  during  the  Revo- 
lutionary War." — From  The  Will  of  George  Washington,  9 
July,  1799. 


VI 
The  Farewell  Address 

In  devising  plans  Washington  was 
more  decided  than  Ching  Shing  or  Woo 
Kwang;  in  winning  a  country  he  was 
braver  than  Tsau  Tsau  or  Ling  Pi. 
Wielding  his  four-footed  falchion,  he  ex- 
tended the  frontiers  and  refused  to  ac- 
cept the  Royal  Dignity.  The  sentiments 
of  the  Three  Dynasties  have  reappeared 
in  him.  Can  any  man  of  ancient  or 
modern  times  fail  to  pronounce  Wash- 
ington peerless? 

INSCRIPTION  ON  THE  STONE  PLACED 
BY  CHINA  IN  THE  WASHINGTON 
MONUMENT. 


34  529 


VI 
The  Farewell  Address 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

FRIENDS,  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS: 

The  period  for  a  new  election  of  a  Citizen,  to  ad- 
minister the  Executive  Government  of  the  United 
States,  being  not  far  distant,  and  the  time  actually 
arrived,  when  your  thoughts  must  be  employed  in 
designating  the  person,  who  is  to  be  clothed  with 
that  important  trust,  it  appears  to  me  proper, 
especially  as  it  may  conduce  to  a  more  distinct 
expression  of  the  public  voice,  that  I  should  now 
apprise  you  of  the  resolution  I  have  formed,  to 
decline  being  considered  among  the  number  of 
those,  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made.1 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  me  the  justice 
to  be  assured,  that  this  resolution  has  not  been 

1  When  Washington  laid  down  the  command  of  the  army, 
he  did  so  with  the  thought  that  he  was  retiring  forever 
from  public  life.  Throughout  the  Revolution,  however,  he  was 
so  impressed  with  the  inadequacy  of  the  government  of  the 
Confederacy,  that  his  military  task  was  no  sooner  accomplished 
than  he  set  himself  with  all  his  energy  to  persuading  the  people 
to  revise  the  Articles  of  Confederation  and  vest  the  government 
with  sufficient  powers  to  meet  the  national  obligations  and 


53 2  George  Washington 

taken,  without  a  strict  regard  to  all  the  considera- 
tions appertaining  to  the  relation,  which  binds  a 
dutiful  citizen  to  his  country — and  that,  in  with- 
drawing the  tender  of  service  which  silence  in  my 
situation  might  imply,  I  am  influenced  by  no 
diminution  of  zeal  for  your  future  interest,  no 
deficiency  of  grateful  respect  for  your  past  kind- 
ness; but  am  supported  by  a  full  conviction  that 
the  step  is  compatible  with  both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  continuance  hitherto  in, 
the  office  to  which  your  suffrages  have  twice  called 
me,  have  been  a  uniform  sacrifice  of  inclination  to 
the  opinion  of  duty,  and  to  a  deference  for  what 
appeared  to  be  your  desire. — I  constantly  hoped, 
that  it  would  have  been  much  earlier  in  my  power, 
consistently  with  motives,  which  I  was  not  at  liberty 
to  disregard,  to  return  to  that  retirement,  from 
which  I  had  been  reluctantly  drawn. — The  strength 
of  my  inclination  to  do  this,  previous  to  the  last 
election,  had  even  led  to  the  preparation  of  an  ad- 
dress to  declare  it  to  you;  but  mature  reflection  on 
the  then  perplexed  and  critical  posture  of  our  affairs 
with  foreign  Nations,  and  the  unanimous  advice  of 
persons  entitled  to  my  confidence,  impelled  me  to 
abandon  the  idea. — 

perserve  the  national  dignity.  The  prominent  part  which  he 
took  in  the  formation  and  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  com- 
bined with  his  previous  services,  made  him  the  natural  choice 
of  the  people  for  the  Presidency.  When  the  matter  was 
broached  to  him,  however,  he  recurred  immediately  to  the 
declaration  that  he  had  made  upon  the  resignation  of  his  mili- 
tary command,  and  asked  if  he  might  not  be  charged  with  in- 
sincerity if  he  again  entered  public  life.  He  was  convinced  by 
the  arguments  of  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  others  that  circum- 


The  Farewell  Address  533 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of  your  concerns,  external 
as  well  as  internal,  no  longer  renders  the  pursuit 
of  inclination  incompatible  with  the  sentiment  of 
duty,  or  propriety;  and  am  persuaded,  whatever 
partiality  may  be  retained  for  my  services,  that  in 
the  present  circumstances  of  our  country,  you  will 
not  disapprove  my  determination  to  retire. 


stances  which  could  not  have  been  foreseen  had  so  radically 
changed  the  situation  that  there  was  no  basis  for  such  a  charge. 
He  reluctantly  yielded  to  their  importunities,  and  accepted  the 
Presidency  with  the  idea  of  retiring  at  the  end  of  two  years. 
But  when  that  time  arrived,  much  remained  to  be  done.  At 
the  end  of  the  third  year,  he  had  but  one  more  year  to  serve, 
and  it  seemed  unwise  to  disturb  the  normal  course  of  things. 
But  as  his  term  drew  to  a  close  he  made  up  his  mind  to  decline 
a  re-election. 

A  conversation  held  with  Jefferson  on  February  29,  1792, 
seems  to  be  the  first  definite  expression  of  his  determination,  but 
soon  after  it  was  communicated  to  Hamilton,  Knox,  Madison, 
and  Randolph.  On  May  5,  1792,  he  asked  Madison  to  advise 
him  as  to  the  best  time  and  manner  for  making  public  his 
intention,  and  this  request  was  repeated  in  a  letter  of  May  20, 
1792  (Writings,  xii.,  123),  in  which  he  said:  "Under  these  im- 
pressions then,  permit  me  to  reiterate  the  request  I  made  to 
you  at  our  last  meeting — namely,  to  think  of  the  proper  time, 
and  the  best  mode  of  announcing  the  intention;  and  that  you 
would  prepare  the  latter. —  *  *  *  I  would  fain  carry  my  re- 
quest to  you  farther  than  is  asked  above,  although  I  am  sensible 
that  your  compliance  with  it  must  add  to  your  trouble;  but  as 
the  recess  [of  Congress]  may  afford  you  leizure,  and  I  flatter 
myself  you  have  dispositions  to  oblige  me,  I  will,  without 
apology,  desire  (if  the  measure  in  itself  should  strike  you  as 
proper,  and  likely  to  produce  public  good,  or  private  honor)  that 
you  would  turn  your  thoughts  to  a  valedictory  address  from  me 
to  the  public,  expressing  in  plain  and  modest  terms,  that  hav- 
ing been  honored  with  the  Presidential  chair,  and  to  the  best 
of  my  abilities  contributed  to  the  organization  and  administra- 
tion of  the  government — that  having  arrived  at  a  period  of  life 
when  the  private  walks  of  it,  in  the  shade  of  retirement,  be- 
comes necessary  and  will  be  most  pleasing  to  me; — and  the 


534  George  Washington 

The  impressions,  with  which  I  first  undertook 
the  arduous  trust,  were  explained  on  the  proper  oc- 
casion.— In  the  discharge  of  this  trust,  I  will  only 
say,  that  I  have,  with  good  intentions,  contributed 
towards  the  organization  and  administration  of  the 
government,  the  best  exertions  of  which  a  very  falli- 
ble judgment  was  capable. — Not  unconscious,  in 


spirit  of  the  government  may  render  a  rotation  in  the  elective 
officers  of  it  more  congenial  with  their  ideas  of  liberty  and 
safety,  that  I  take  my  leave  of  them  as  a  public  man;  and  in 
bidding  them  adieu  (retaining  no  other  concern  than  such  as 
will  arise  from  fervent  wishes  for  the  prosperity  of  my  Coun- 
try) I  take  the  liberty  at  my  departure  from  civil,  as  I  formerly 
did  at  my  military  exit  to  invoke  a  continuation  of  the  blessings 
of  Providence  upon  it,  and  upon  all  those  who  are  the  support- 
ers of  its  interests,  and  the  promoters  of  harmony,  order  and 
good  government.  That  to  impress  these  things  it  might, 
among  other  things  be  observed,  that  we  are  all  the  children  of 
the  same  country — a  country  great  and  rich  in  itself — capable 
and  promising  to  be,  as  prosperous  and  as  happy  as  any  the 
annals  of  history  have  ever  brought  to  our  view — That  our  in- 
terest, however  diversified  in  local  and  smaller  matters,  is  the 
same  in  all  the  great  and  essential  concerns  of  the  Nation. — 
That  the  extent  of  our  Country — the  diversity  of  our  climate 
and  soil — and  the  various  productions  of  the  States  consequent 
of  both,  are  such  as  to  make  one  part  not  only  convenient,  but 
perhaps  indispensably  necessary  to  the  other  part; — and  may 
render  the  whole  (at  no  distant  period)  one  of  the  most  in- 
dependent in  the  world. — That  the  established  government  be- 
ing the  work  of  our  own  hands,  with  the  seeds  of  amendment 
engrafted  in  the  Constitution,  may  by  wisdom,  good  dispositions, 
and  mutual  allowances;  aided  by  experience,  bring  it  as  near 
to  perfection  as  any  human  institution  ever  approximated;  and 
therefore,  the  only  strife  among  us  ought  to  be,  who  should  be 
foremost  in  facilitating  and  finally  accomplishing  such  great 
and  desirable  objects;  by  giving  every  possible  support,  and 
cement  to  the  Union. — That  however  necessary  it  may  be  to 
keep  a  watchful  eye  over  public  servants,  and  public  measures, 
yet  there  ought  to  be  limits  to  it:  for  suspicions  unfounded,  and 
jealousies  too  lively,  are  irritating  to  honest  feeling;  and  often- 


The  Farewell  Address  535 

the  outset,  of  the  inferiority  of  my  qualifications, 
experience  in  my  own  eyes,  perhaps  still  more  in 
the  eyes  of  others,  has  strengthened  the  motives  to 
diffidence  of  myself;  and  every  day  the  increasing 
weight  of  years  admonishes  me  more  and  more, 
that  the  shade  of  retirement  is  as  necessary  to  me 
as  it  will  be  welcome. — Satisfied,  that,  if  any  cir- 


times  are  productive  of  more  evil  than  good.  To  enumerate  the 
various  subjects  which  might  be  introduced  into  such  an  ad- 
dress would  require  thought;  and  to  mention  them  to  you  would 
be  unnecessary,  as  your  own  judgment  will  comprehend  all  that 
will  be  proper;  whether  to  touch,  specifically,  any  of  the  excep- 
tionable parts  of  the  Constitution  may  be  doubted. — All  I  shall 
add  therefore  at  present,  is,  to  beg  the  favor  of  you  to  con- 
sider— 1st,  the  propriety  of  such  an  address. — 2d,  if  approved, 
the  several  matters  which  ought  to  be  contained  in  it — and  3d, 
the  time  it  should  appear:  that  is,  whether  at  the  declaration  of 
my  intention  to  withdraw  from  the  service  of  the  public — or  let 
it  be  the  closing  act  of  my  administration — which  will  end  with 
the  next  session  of  Congress  (the  probability  being  that  that 
body  will  continue  sitting  until  March,)  when  the  House  of 
Representatives  will  also  dissolve." 

In  accordance  with  this  request,  Madison  drafted  a  valedic- 
tory address  which  followed  very  closely  the  suggestions  con- 
tained in  Washington's  letter.  (For  the  text  of  Madison's 
draft,  see  The  Writings  of  Washington,  Ford's  edition,  xiii., 
194.)  In  the  meantime,  however,  those  to  whom  Washington 
made  known  his  intention  of  retiring  strongly  protested  against 
it.  Madison  urged  that  "  his  retiring  at  the  present  juncture 
might  have  effects  that  ought  not  to  be  hazarded."  Jefferson 
wrote,  "  The  confidence  of  the  whole  Union  is  centred  in  you. 
Your  being  at  the  helm  will  be  more  than  an  answer  to  every 
argument,  which  can  be  used  to  alarm  and  lead  the  people  in 
any  quarter  into  violence  or  secession.  North  and  South  will 
hang  together,  if  they  have  you  to  hang  on."  Hamilton  assured 
him  "  that  your  declining  would  be  to  be  deplored  as  the  great- 
est evil  that  could  befall  the  country  at  the  present  juncture, 
and  as  critically  hazardous  to  your  own  reputation;  that  your 
continuance  will  be  justified  in  the  mind  of  every  friend  to 
his  country  by  the  evident  necessity  for  it."  Influenced  by 


536  George  Washington 

cumstances  have  given  peculiar  value  to  my  ser- 
vices, they  were  temporary,  I  have  the  consolation 
to  believe,  that,  while  choice  and  prudence  invite  me 
to  quit  the  political  scene,  patriotism  does  not  for- 
bid it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment,  which  is  in- 
tended to  terminate  the  career  of  my  public  life,  my 


these  protests  and  impelled  also  perhaps  by  a  natural  desire 
to  carry  more  nearly  to  completion  the  work  that  he  had  be- 
gun, Washingtpn  yielded,  and  accepted  a  re-election,  in  the 
hope  however  that  after  a  year  or  two  he  might  retire. 

At  the  end  of  his  second  term  Washington  was  again  urged 
to  continue  in  office,  but  he  now  refused  with  such  decision 
as  to  make  it  clear  that  he  could  not  be  moved.  As  the  time 
for  his  retirement  approached,  he  recurred  to  his  project  of 
issuing  a  valedictory  address.  Madison,  whose  assistance  had 
been  sought  in  the  preparation  of  such  a  document  in  1792,  had 
gone  over  to  the  opposition  party,  and  the  President  now  turned 
to  Hamilton.  He  desired  if  possible  that  the  new  address 
might  contain  a  considerable  quotation  from  the  former  one. 
"  My  reasons  for  it  are,"  he  wrote,  "  that  as  it  is  not  only  a 
fact  that  such  an  address  was  written,  and  on  the  point  of  being 
published,  but  known  also  to  one  or  two  of  those  characters 
[Jefferson  and  Madison],  who  are  now  strongest  and  foremost 
in  the  opposition  to  the  government,  and  consequently  to  the 
person  administering  of  it  contrary  to  their  views,  the  pro- 
mulgation thereof,  as  an  evidence  that  it  was  much  against  my 
inclination  that  I  continued  in  office,  will  cause  it  more  readily 
to  be  believed,  that  I  could  have  no  view  in  extending  the  pow- 
ers of  the  Executive  beyond  the  limits  prescribed  by  the  Con- 
stitution; and  will  serve  to  lessen,  in  the  public  estimation,  the 
pretensions  of  that  party  to  the  patriotic  zeal  and  watchful- 
ness, on  which  they  endeavor  to  build  their  own  consequence,  at 
the  expense  of  others  who  have  differed  from  them  in  senti- 
ment. And  besides,  it  may  contribute  to  blunt,  if  it  does  not 
turn  aside,  some  of  the  shafts  which,  it  may  be  presumed,  will 
be  aimed  at  my  annunciation  of  this  event;  among  which,  con- 
viction of  fallen  popularity,  and  despair  of  being  re-elected, 
will  be  levelled  at  me  with  dexterity  and  keenness."  (Washing- 
ton to  Hamilton,  15  May,  1796.) 


The  Farewell  Address  537 

feelings  do  not  permit  me  to  suspend  the  deep 
acknowledgment  of  that  debt  of  gratitude,  which 
I  owe  to  my  beloved  country, — for  the  many  honors 
it  has  conferred  upon  me ;  still  more  for  the  stedf ast 
confidence  with  which  it  has  supported  me ;  and  for 
the  opportunities  I  have  thence  enjoyed  of  mani- 
festing my  inviolable  attachment,  by  services  f  aith- 


The  idea  of  embodying  the  old  address  in  the  new  one  did  not 
appeal  to  Hamilton.  "  There  seems  to  me  to  be  a  certain  awk- 
wardness in  the  thing,"  he  wrote,  "  and  it  seems  to  imply 
that  there  is  a  doubt  whether  the  assurance  without  the  evi- 
dence would  be  believed."  Accordingly,  with  Washington's 
draft  before  him,  he  proceeded  to  re-cast  the  paper,  and  the 
revised  copy  was  sent  to  Washington,  July  30,  1796.  On  Au- 
gust 10  Hamilton  submitted  another  draft  of  which  Washington 
wrote  that  he  preferred  "  it  greatly  to  the  other  draughts,  be- 
ing more  copious  on  material  points,  more  dignified  on  the 
whole,  and  with  less  egotism."  (For  this  draft,  see  The  Writ- 
ings of  Washington,  Ford's  edition,  xiii.,  277.  For  Hamilton's 
final  revision,  see  his  Works,  Lodge's  edition,  vii.,  143.)  Cer- 
tain changes  and  additions  were  suggested  by  Washington,  and 
after  a  final  revision  by  the  President  it  was  published  to  the 
world  as  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  People  of  the  United 
States.  From  this  account  it  is  evident  that  the  thought  of 
publishing  such  an  address  originated  with  Washington,  and 
that  most  of  the  ideas  finally  embodied  in  it  were  suggested  by 
him,  but  that  the  language  in  which  they  are  couched  is  chiefly 
Hamilton's. 

The  Farewell  Address  was  first  published  in  Claypoole's 
American  Daily  Advertiser  (Philadelphia),  for  September  19, 
1796,  and  it  is  this  newspaper  version  which  was  printed  by 
Sparks  in  his  edition  of  The  Writings  of  Washington,  and  which 
has  usually  served  as  the  basis  of  other  reprints  of  the  docu- 
ment. It  was  reproduced  from  Washington's  own  manuscript 
by  James  Lenox  in  1850.  This  imprint,  which  shows  Wash- 
ington's revisions  and  corrections,  was  followed  by  Ford  in  his 
edition  of  The  Writings  of  Washington.  The  present  reprint 
follows  Ford  except  that  the  parts  stricken  out  by  Washington 
are  here  omitted.  The  original  manuscript  of  the  Address  is 
preserved  in  the  Lenox  Library,  New  York. 


538  George  Washington 

ful  and  persevering,  though  in  usefulness  unequal 
to  my  zeal. — If  benefits  have  resulted  to  our  coun- 
try from  these  services,  let  it  always  be  remembered 
to  your  praise,  and  as  an  instructive  example  in  our 
annals,  that  under  circumstances  in  which  the  Pas- 
sions agitated  in  every  direction  were  liable  to 
mislead,  amidst  appearances  sometimes  dubious, — 
vicissitudes  of  fortune  often  discouraging, — in  situ- 
ations in  which  not  unfrequently  want  of  success 
has  countenanced  the  spirit  of  criticism,  the  con- 
stancy of  your  support  was  the  essential  prop  of  the 
efforts  and  a  guarantee  of  the  plans  by  which  they 
were  effected. — Profoundly  penetrated  with  this 
idea,  I  shall  carry  it  with  me  to  the  grave,  as  a 
strong  incitement  to  unceasing  vows  that  Heaven 
may  continue  to  you  the  choicest  tokens  of  its  benefi- 
cence— that  your  union  and  brotherly  affection 
may  be  perpetual — that  the  free  constitution,  which 
is  the  work  of  your  hands,  may  be  sacredly  main- 
tained— that  its  administration  in  every  department 
may  be  stamped  with  wisdom  and  virtue — that,  in 
fine,  the  happiness  of  the  people  of  these  States, 


On  a  copy  of  Claypoole's  American  Daily  Advertiser  con- 
taining the  Farewell  Address,  Washington  wrote  the  following 
instructions  to  the  copyist  who  transcribed  the  Address  into 
the  letter-book: 

"  The  letter  contained  in  this  gazette,  addressed  '  To  the 
People  of  the  United  States/  is  to  be  recorded,  and  in  the  order 
of  its  date.  Let  it  have  a  blank  page  before  and  after  it,  so 
as  to  stand  distinct.  Let  it  be  written  with  a  letter  larger  and 
fuller  than  the  common  recording  hand.  And  where  words  are 
printed  with  capital  letters,  it  is  to  be  done  so  in  recording. 
And  those  other  words,  that  are  printed  in  italics,  must  be 
scored  underneath  and  straight  by  a  ruler." 


The  Farewell  Address  539 

under  the  auspices  of  liberty,  may  be  made  com- 
plete, by  so  careful  a  preservation  and  so  prudent 
a  use  of  this  blessing  as  will  acquire  to  them  the 
glory  of  recommending  it  to  the  applause,  the 
affection,  and  adoption  of  every  nation,  which  is 
yet  a  stranger  to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop. — But  a  solicitude 
for  your  welfare,  which  cannot  end  but  with  my 
life,  and  the  apprehension  of  danger,  natural  to 
that  solicitude,  urge  me  on  an  occasion  like  the 
present,  to  offer  to  your  solemn  contemplation,  and 
to  recommend  to  your  frequent  review,  some  sen- 
timents; which  are  the  result  of  much  reflection,  of 
no  inconsiderable  observation,  and  which  appear 
to  me  all-important  to  the  permanency  of  your 
felicity  as  a  People. — These  will  be  offered  to  you 
with  the  more  freedom,  as  you  can  only  see  in  them 
the  disinterested  warnings  of  a  parting  friend,  who 
can  possibly  have  no  personal  motive  to  bias  his 
counsels. — Nor  can  I  forget,  as  an  encouragement 
to  it  your  indulgent  reception  of  my  sentiments  on 
a  former  and  not  dissimilar  occasion./ 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every 
ligament  of  your  hearts,  no  recommendation  of 
mine  is  necessary  to  fortify  or  confirm  the  attach- 
ment.— 

The  Unity  of  Government  which  constitutes 
you  one  people,  is  also  now  dear  to  you. — It 
is  justly  so; — for  it  is  a  main  Pillar  in  the  Edifice 
of  your  real  independence;  the  support  of  your 
tranquillity  at  home;  your  peace  abroad;  of  your 
safety;  of  your  prosperity;  of  that  very  Liberty, 


S4o  George  Washington 

which  you  so  highly  prize. — But  as  it  is  easy  to 
foresee,  that  from  different  causes,  and  from  dif- 
ferent quarters,  much  pains  will  be  taken,  many 
artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the 
conviction  of  this  truth; — as  this  is  the  point  in 
your  political  fortress  against  which  the  batteries 
of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be  most  con- 
stantly and  actively  (though  often  covertly  and 
insidiously)  directed,  it  is  of  infinite  moment,  that 
you  should  properly  estimate  the  immense  value 
of  your  national  Union  to  your  collective  and  in- 
dividual happiness; — that  you  should  cherish  a 
cordial,  habitual,  and  immoveable  attachment  to  it; 
accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as 
of  the  Palladium  of  your  political  safety  and  pros- 
perity; watching  for  its  preservation  with  jealous 
anxiety;  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest 
even  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be  aban- 
doned, and  indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first 
dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion 
of  our  Country  from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the 
sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the  various 
parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy 
and  interest. — Citizens  by  birth  or  choice  of  a  com- 
mon country,  that  country  has  a  right  to  concen- 
trate your  affections. — The  name  of  AMERICAN, 
which  belongs  to  you,  in  your  national  capacity, 
must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of  Patriotism, 
more  than  any  appellation  derived  from  local  dis- 
criminations.— With  slight  shades  of  difference, 
you  have  the  same  Religion,  Manners,  Habits,  and 


The  Farewell  Address  541 

political  Principles. — You  have  in  a  common  cause 
fought  and  triumphed  together. — The  Indepen- 
dence and  Liberty  you  possess  are  the  work  of 
joint  councils,  and  joint  efforts — of  common 
dangers,  sufferings  and  successes. — 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully 
they  address  themselves  to  your  sensibility,  are 
greatly  outweighed  by  those  which  apply  more  im- 
mediately to  your  Interest. — Here  every  portion  of 
our  country  finds  the  most  commanding  motives 
for  carefully  guarding  and  preserving  the  Union 
of  the  whole. 

The  North  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse  with 
the  South,  protected  by  the  equal  Laws  of  a  com- 
mon government,  finds  in  the  productions  of  the 
latter  great  additional  resources  of  maritime  and 
commercial  enterprise —  and  precious  materials  of 
manufacturing  industry. — The  South  in  the  same 
intercourse,  benefiting  by  the  agency  of  the  North, 
sees  its  agriculture  grow  and  its  commerce  expand. 
Turning  partly  into  its  own  channels  the  seamen 
of  the  North,  it  finds  its  particular  navigation  en- 
vigorated; — and,  while  it  contributes,  in  different 
ways,  to  nourish  and  increase  the  general  mass  of 
the  national  navigation,  it  looks  forward  to  the 
protection  of  a  maritime  strength  to  which  itself  is 
unequally  adapted. — The  East,  in  a  like  inter- 
course with  the  West,  already  finds,  and  in  the 
progressive  improvement  of  interior  communica- 
tions, by  land  and  water,  will  more  and  more  find, 
a  valuable  vent  for  the  commodities  which  it  brings 
from  abroad,  or  manufactures  at  home. — The  West 


542  George  Washington 

derives  from  the  East  supplies  requisite  to  its 
growth  and  comfort, — and  what  is  perhaps  of  still 
greater  consequence,  it  must  of  necessity  owe  the 
secure  enjoyment  of  indispensable  outlets  for  its 
own  productions  to  the  weight,  influence,  and  the 
future  maritime  strength  of  the  Atlantic  side  of 
the  Union,  directed  by  an  indissoluble  community 
of  interest,  as  one  Nation. — Any  other  tenure  by 
which  the  West  can  hold  this  essential  advantage, 
whether  derived  from  its  own  separate  strength, 
or  from  an  apostate  and  unnatural  connexion  with 
any  foreign  power,  must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 
While  then  every  part  of  our  Country  thus  feels 
an  immediate  and  particular  interest  in  Union,  all 
the  parts  combined  cannot  fail  to  find  in  the  united 
mass  of  means  and  efforts,  greater  strength, 
greater  resource,  proportionably  greater  security 
from  external  danger,  a  less  frequent  interruption 
of  their  Peace  by  foreign  Nations;  and,  what  is  of 
inestimable  value!  they  must  derive  from  Union 
an  exemption  from  those  broils  and  wars  between 
themselves,  which  so  frequently  afflict  neighbouring 
countries,  not  tied  together  by  the  same  govern- 
ment; which  their  own  rivalships  alone  would  be 
sufficient  to  produce;  but  which  opposite  foreign 
alliances,  attachments,  and  intrigues  would  stimu- 
late and  embitter. — Hence  likewise  they  will  avoid 
the  necessity  of  those  overgrown  Military  estab- 
lishments, which  under  any  form  of  government, 
are  inauspicious  to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be  re- 
garded as  particularly  hostile  to  Republican  Lib- 
erty: In  this  sense  it  is,  that  your  Union  ought  to 


The  Farewell  Address  543 

be  considered  as  a  main  prop  of  your  liberty,  and 
that  the  love  of  the  one  ought  to  endear  to  you  the 
preservation  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  language 
to  every  reflecting  and  virtuous  mind, — and  exhibit 
the  continuance  of  the  UNION  as  a  primary  object 
of  Patriotic  desire. — Is  there  a  doubt,  whether  a 
common  government  can  embrace  so  large  a  sphere? 
— Let  experience  solve  it. — To  listen  to  mere  specu- 
lation in  such  a  case  were  criminal. — We  are 
authorized  to  hope  that  a  proper  organization  of 
the  whole,  with  the  auxiliary  agency  of  govern- 
ments for  the  respective  subdivisions,  will  afford  a 
happy  issue  to  the  experiment.  JT  is  well  worth 
a  fair  and  full  experiment.  With  such  powerful 
and  obvious  motives  to  Union,  affecting  all  parts 
of  our  country,  while  experience  shall  not  have 
demonstrated  its  impracticability,  there  will  always 
be  reason  to  distrust  the  patriotism  of  those,  who  in 
any  quarter  may  endeavor  to  weaken  its  bands. — 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb 
our  Union,  it  occurs  as  matter  of  serious  concern, 
that  any  ground  should  have  been  furnished  for 
characterizing  parties  by  Geographical  discrimina- 
tions— Northern  and  Southern — Atlantic  and 
Western;  whence  designing  men  may  endeavor  to 
excite  a  belief,  that  there  is  a  real  difference  of 
local  interests  and  views.  One  of  the  expedients 
of  Party  to  acquire  influence,  within  particular  dis- 
tricts, is  to  misrepresent  the  opinions  and  aims  of 
other  districts. — You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too 
much  against  the  jealousies  and  heart-burnings 


544  George  Washington 

which  spring  from  these  misrepresentations ; — They 
tend  to  render  alien  to  each  other  those  who  ought 
to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal  affection. — The 
inhabitants  of  our  Western  country  have  lately  had 
a  useful  lesson  on  this  head. — They  have  seen,  in 
the  negotiation  by  the  Executive,  and  in  the  unani- 
mous ratification  by  the  Senate,  of  the  Treaty  with 
Spain,  and  in  the  universal  satisfaction  at  that  event, 
throughout  the  United  States,  a  decisive  proof  how 
unfounded  were  the  suspicions  propagated  among 
them  of  a  policy  in  the  General  Government  and 
in  the  Atlantic  States  unfriendly  to  their  interests 
in  regard  to  the  MISSISSIPPI. — They  have  been  wit- 
nesses to  the  formation  of  two  Treaties,  that  with 
G.  Britain,  and  that  with  Spain,  which  secure  to 
them  every  thing  they  could  desire,  in  respect  to 
our  Foreign  Relations,  towards  confirming  their 
prosperity. — Will  it  not  be  their  wisdom  to  rely  for 
the  preservation  of  these  advantages  on  the  UNION 
by  which  they  were  procured? — Will  they  not 
henceforth  be  deaf  to  those  advisers,  if  such  there 
are,  who  would  sever  them  from  their  Brethren, 
and  connect  them  with  Aliens? — 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  Union, 
a  Government  for  the  whole  is  indispensable. — No 
alliances  however  strict  between  the  parts  can  be  an 
adequate  substitute. — They  must  inevitably  experi- 
ence the  infractions  and  interruptions  which  all 
alliances  in  all  times  have  experienced. — Sensible 
of  this  momentous  truth,  you  have  improved  upon 
your  first  essay,  by  the  adoption  of  a  Constitution 
of  Government,  better  calculated  than  your  former 


The  Farewell  Address  545 

for  an  intimate  Union,  and  for  the  efficacious  man- 
agement of  your  common  concerns. — This  govern- 
ment, the  offspring  of  our  own  choice  uninfluenced 
and  unawed,  adopted  upon  full  investigation  and 
mature  deliberation,  completely  free  in  its  prin- 
ciples, in  the  distribution  of  its  powers,  uniting 
security  with  energy,  and  containing  within  itself 
a  provision  for  its  own  amendment,  has  a  just  claim 
to  your  confidence  and  your  support. — Respect  for 
its  authority,  compliance  with  its  Laws,  acquies- 
cence in  its  measures,  are  duties  enjoined  by  the 
fundamental  maxims  of  true  Liberty. — The  basis 
of  our  political  systems  is  the  right  of  the  people 
to  make  and  to  alter  their  Constitutions  of  Gov- 
ernment.— But  the  Constitution  which  at  any  time 
exists,  'till  changed  by  an  explicit  and  authentic  act 
of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon 
all. — The  very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of 
the  people  to  establish  Government,  presupposes 
the  duty  of  every  individual  to  obey  the  established 
Government. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  Laws,  all 
combinations  and  associations,  under  whatever 
plausible  character,  with  the  real  design  to  direct, 
controul,  counteract,  or  awe  the  regular  delibera- 
tion and  action  of  the  constituted  authorities,  are 
destructive  of  this  fundamental  principle,  and  of 
fatal  tendency. — They  serve  to  organize  faction,  to 
give  it  an  artificial  and  extraordinary  force — to 
put,  in  the  place  of  the  delegated  will  of  the  Nation, 
the  will  of  a  party; — often  a  small  but  artful  and 
enterprizing  minority  of  the  community; — and,  ac- 

35 


546  George  Washington 

cording  to  the  alternate  triumphs  of  different 
parties,  to  make  the  public  administration  the  mir- 
ror of  the  ill-concerted  and  incongruous  projects 
of  faction,  rather  than  the  organ  of  consistent  and 
wholesome  plans  digested  by  common  councils,  and 
modified  by  mutual  interests. — However  combina- 
tions or  associations  of  the  above  description  may 
now  and  then  answer  popular  ends,  they  are  likely, 
in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  to  become  potent 
engines,  by  which  cunning,  ambitious,  and  unprin- 
cipled men  will  be  enabled  to  subvert  the  Power  of 
the  People  and  to  usurp  for  themselves  the  reins  of 
Government;  destroying  afterwards  the  very  en- 
gines which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust  dominion. — 
Towards  the  preservation  of  your  Government 
and  the  permanency  of  your  present  happy  state,  it 
is  requisite,  not  only  that  you  steadily  discounten- 
ance irregular  oppositions  to  its  acknowledged  au- 
thority, but  also  that  you  resist  with  care  the  spirit 
of  innovation  upon  its  principles,  however  specious 
the  pretexts. — One  method  of  assault  may  be  to 
effect,  in  the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  alterations 
which  will  impair  the  energy  of  the  system,  and 
thus  to  undermine  what  cannot  be  directly  over- 
thrown.— In  all  the  changes  to  which  you  may  be 
invited,  remember  that  time  and  habit  are  at  least 
as  necessary  to  fix  the  true  character  of  Govern- 
ments, as  of  other  human  institutions — that  experi- 
ence is  the  surest  standard,  by  which  to  test  the  real 
tendency  of  the  existing  Constitution  of  a  Country 
— that  facility  in  changes  upon  the  credit  of  mere 
hypothesis  and  opinion  exposes  to  perpetual  change, 


The  Farewell  Address  547 

from  the  endless  variety  of  hypothesis  and  opinion: 
— and  remember,  especially,  that  for  the  efficient 
management  of  your  common  interests,  in  a  country 
so  extensive  as  ours,  a  Government  of  as  much 
vigour  as  is  consistent  with  the  perfect  security  of 
Liberty  is  indispensable. — Liberty  itself  will  find 
in  such  a  Government,  with  powers  properly  dis- 
tributed and  adjusted,  its  surest  Guardian. — It  is 
indeed  little  else  than  a  name,  where  the  Govern- 
ment is  too  feeble  to  withstand  the  enterprises  of 
faction,  to  confine  each  member  of  the  Society 
within  the  limits  prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  to 
maintain  all  in  the  secure  and  tranquil  enjoyment 
of  the  rights  of  person  and  property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you  the  danger  of 
Parties  in  the  State,  with  particular  reference  to 
the  founding  of  them  on  Geographical  discrimina- 
tions.— Let  me  now  take  a  more  comprehensive 
view,  and  warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  manner 
against  the  baneful  effects  of  the  Spirit  of  Party, 
generally. 

This  Spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from 
our  nature,  having  its  root  in  the  strongest  passions 
of  the  human  mind. — It  exists  under  different 
shapes  in  all  Governments,  more  or  less  stifled, 
controuled,  or  repressed ;  but,  in  those  of  the  popu- 
lar form,  it  is  seen  in  its  greatest  rankness,  and  is 
truly  their  worst  enemy. — • 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over 
another,  sharpened  by  the  spirit  of  revenge  natural 
to  party  dissension,  which  in  different  ages  and 
countries  has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid  enormi- 


548  George  Washington 

ties,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism. — But  this  leads 
at  length  to  a  more  formal  and  permanent  despot- 
ism.— The  disorders  and  miseries,  which  result, 
gradually  incline  the  minds  of  men  to  seek  security 
and  repose  in  the  absolute  power  of  an  Individual : 
and  sooner  or  later  the  chief  of  some  prevailing 
faction,  more  able  or  more  fortunate  than  his  com- 
petitors, turns  this  disposition  to  the  purposes  of 
his  own  elevation,  on  the  ruins  of  Public  Liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this 
kind,  (which  nevertheless  ought  not  to  be  entirely 
out  of  sight) ,  the  common  and  continual  mischiefs 
of  the  spirit  of  Party  are  sufficient  to  make  it  the 
interest  and  duty  of  a  wise  People  to  discourage 
and  restrain  it. — 

It  serves  always  to  distract  the  Public  Councils, 
and  enfeeble  the  Public  administration. — It  agitates 
the  community  with  ill-founded  jealousies  and  false 
alarms,  kindles  the  animosity  of  one  part  against 
another,  foments  occasionally  riot  and  insurrection. 
— It  opens  the  doors  to  foreign  influence  and  cor- 
ruption, which  find  a  facilitated  access  to  the 
Government  itself  through  the  channels  of  party 
passions.  Thus  the  policy  and  the  will  of  one 
country,  are  subjected  to  the  policy  and  will  of 
another. 

There  is  an  opinion  that  parties  in  free  countries 
are  useful  checks  upon  the  Administration  of  the 
Government,  and  serve  to  keep  alive  the  Spirit  of 
Liberty. — This  within  certain  limits  is  probably 
true — and  in  Governments  of  a  Monarchical  cast, 
Patriotism  may  look  with  indulgence,  if  not  with 


The  Farewell  Address  549 

favour,  upon  the  spirit  of  party. — But  in  those  of 
the  popular  character,  in  Governments  purely 
elective,  it  is  a  spirit  not  to  be  encouraged. — From 
their  natural  tendency,  it  is  certain  there  will  al- 
ways be  enough  of  that  spirit  for  every  salutary 
purpose, — and  there  being  constant  danger  of  ex- 
cess, the  effort  ought  to  be,  by  force  of  public 
opinion,  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it. — A  fire  not  to 
be  quenched;  it  demands  a  uniform  vigilance  to 
prevent  its  bursting  into  a  flame,  lest,  instead  of 
warming,  it  should  consume. — 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  think- 
ing in  a  free  country  should  inspire  caution  in  those 
entrusted  with  its  administration,  to  confine  them- 
selves within  their  respective  constitutional  spheres ; 
avoiding  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  one  de- 
partment to  encroach  upon  another. — The  spirit 
of  encroachment  tends  to  consolidate  the  powers 
of  all  the  departments  in  one,  and  thus  to  create, 
whatever  the  form  of  government,  a  real  despotism. 
— A  just  estimate  of  that  love  of  power,  and  prone- 
ness  to  abuse  it,  which  predominates  in  the  human 
heart,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this 
position. — The  necessity  of  reciprocal  checks  in  the 
exercise  of  political  power,  by  dividing  and  dis- 
tributing it  into  different  depositories,  and  consti- 
tuting each  the  Guardian  of  the  Public  Weal 
against  invasions  by  the  others,  has  been  evinced 
by  experiments  ancient  and  modern;  some  of  them 
in  our  country  and  under  our  own  eyes. — To  pre- 
serve them  must  be  as  necessary  as  to  institute 
them.  If  in  the  opinion  of  the  People,  the  distribu- 


55°  George  Washington 

tion  or  modification  of  the  Constitutional  powers 
be  in  any  particular  wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by 
an  amendment  in  the  way  which  the  Constitution 
designates. — But  let  there  be  no  change  by  usurpa- 
tion; for  though  this,  in  one  instance,  may  be  the 
instrument  of  good,  it  is  the  customary  weapon  by 
which  free  governments  are  destroyed. — The  pre- 
cedent must  always  greatly  overbalance  in  per- 
manent evil  any  partial  or  transient  benefit  which 
the  use  can  at  any  time  yield. — 
lOf  all  the  dispositions  and  habits,  which  lead  to 
political  prosperity,  Religion  and  morality  are  in- 
dispensable supports. — In  vain  would  that  man 
claim  the  tribute  of  Patriotism,  who  should  labour 
to  subvert  these  great  Pillars  of  human  happiness, 
these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  Men  and  Citi- 
zens.— The  mere  Politician,  equally  with  the  pious 
man,  ought  to  respect  and  to  cherish  them. — A  vol- 
ume could  not  trace  all  their  connexions  with 
private  and  public  felicity. — Let  it  simply  be  asked 
where  is  the  security  for  property,  for  reputation, 
for  life,  if  the  sense  of  religious  obligation  desert 
the  oaths,  which  are  the  instruments  of  investiga- 
tion in  Courts  of  Justice?  And  let  us  with  caution 
indulge  the  supposition,  that  morality  can  be  main- 
tained without  religion. — Whatever  may  be  con- 
ceded to  the  influence  of  refined  education  on  minds 
of  peculiar  structure — reason  and  experience  both 
forbid  us  to  expect,  that  national  morality  can  pre- 
vail in  exclusion  of  religious  principle.—^ 

'T  is  substantially  true,  that  virtue  or  morality 
is  a  necessary  spring  of  popular  government. — The 


The  Farewell  Address  551 

rule  indeed  extends  with  more  or  less  force  to 
every  species  of  Free  Government. — Who  that  is 
a  sincere  friend  to  it,  can  look  with  indifference 
upon  attempts  to  shake  the  foundation  of  the 
fabric? — 

Promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  import- 
ance, institutions  for  the  general  diffusion  of 
knowledge. — In  proportion  as  the  structure  of  a 
government  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it  is  es- 
sential that  public  opinion  should  be  enlightened. — 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and  se- 
curity, cherish  public  credit. — One  method  of 
preserving  it  is  to  use  it  as  sparingly  as  possible : — 
avoiding  occasions  of  expense  by  cultivating  peace, 
but  remembering  also  that  timely  disbursements 
to  prepare  for  danger  frequently  prevent  much 
greater  disbursements  to  repel  it — avoiding  likewise 
the  accumulation  of  debt,  not  only  by  shunning 
occasions  of  expense,  but  by  vigorous  exertions  in 
time  of  Peace  to  discharge  the  debts  which  unavoid- 
able wars  may  have  occasioned,  not  ungenerously 
throwing  upon  posterity  the  burthen  which  we 
ourselves  ought  to  bear.  The  execution  of  these 
maxims  belongs  to  your  Representatives,  but  it  is 
necessary  that  public  opinion  should  cooperate. — 
To  facilitate  to  them  the  performance  of  their 
duty,  it  is  essential  that  you  should  practically  bear 
in  mind,  that  towards  the  payment  of  debts  there 
must  be  Revenue — that  to  have  Revenue  there  must 
be  taxes — that  no  taxes  can  be  devised  which  are 
not  more  or  less  inconvenient  and  unpleasant — that 
the  intrinsic  embarrassment  inseparable  from  the 


552  George   Washington 

selection  of  the  proper  objects  (which  is  always  a 
choice  of  difficulties)  ought  to  be  a  decisive  motive 
for  a  candid  construction  of  the  conduct  of  the 
Government  in  making  it,  and  for  a  spirit  of  ac- 
quiescence in  the  measures  for  obtaining  Revenue 
which  the  public  exigencies  may  at  any  time 
dictate. — 

[Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  Na- 
tions. Cultivate  peace  and  harmony  with  all. — 
Religion  and  Morality  enjoin  this  conduct;  and 
can  it  be  that  good  policy  does  not  equally  enjoin 
it? — It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened,  and, 
at  no  distant  period,  a  great  nation,  to  give  to 
mankind  the  magnanimous  and  too  novel  example 
of  a  People  always  guided  by  an  exalted  justice 
and  benevolence. — Who  can  doubt  that  in  the 
course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a  plan 
would  richly  repay  any  temporary  advantages, 
which  might  be  lost  by  a  steady  adherence  to  it? 
Can  it  be,  that  Providence  has  not  connected  the 
permanent  felicity  of  a  Nation  with  its  virtue?  The 
experiment,  at  least,  is  recommended  by  every 
sentiment  which  ennobles  human  nature. — Alas!  is 
it  rendered  impossible  by  its  vices? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan  nothing  is  more 
essential  than  that  permanent,  inveterate  antipa- 
thies against  particular  nations  and  passionate  at- 
tachments for  others  should  be  excluded;  and  that 
in  place  of  them  just  and  amicable  feelings  towards 
all  should  be  cultivated. — The  Nation,  which  in- 
dulges towards  another  an  habitual  hatred  or  an 
habitual  fondness,  is  in  some  degree  a  slave.  It  is 


The  Farewell  Address  553 

a  slave  to  its  animosity  or  to  its  affection,  either  of 
which  is  sufficient  to  lead  it  astray  from  its  duty  and 
its  interest. — Antipathy  in  one  nation  against  an- 
other disposes  each  more  readily  to  offer  insult  and 
injury,  to  lay  hold  of  slight  causes  of  umbrage,  and 
to  be  haughty  and  intractable,  when  accidental  or 
trifling  occasions  of  dispute  occur. — Hence  fre- 
quent collisions,  obstinate,  envenomed  and  bloody 
contests. — The  Nation  prompted  by  ill-will  and 
resentment  sometimes  impels  to  War  the  Govern- 
ment, contrary  to  the  best  calculations  of  policy. 
— The  Government  sometimes  participates  in  the 
national  propensity,  and  adopts  through  passion 
what  reason  would  reject; — at  other  times,  it  makes 
the  animosity  of  the  Nation  subservient  to  projects 
of  hostility  instigated  by  pride,  ambition,  and  other 
sinister  and  pernicious  motives. — The  peace  often, 
sometimes  perhaps  the  Liberty,  of  Nations  has  been 
the  victim. — 

So  likewise  a  passionate  attachment  of  one  Na- 
tion for  another  produces  a  variety  of  evils. — Sym- 
pathy for  the  favourite  nation,  facilitating  the 
illusion  of  an  imaginary  common  interest  in  cases 
where  no  real  common  interest  exists,  and  infusing 
into  one  the  enmities  of  the  other,  betrays  the 
former  into  a  participation  in  the  quarrels  and  wars 
of  the  latter,  without  adequate  inducement  or  jus- 
tification: It  leads  also  to  concessions  to  the 
favourite  Nation  of  privileges  denied  to  others, 
which  is  apt  doubly  to  injure  the  Nation  making 
the  concessions;  by  unnecessarily  parting  with 
what  ought  to  have  been  retained,  and  by  exciting 


554  George  Washington 

jealousy,  ill-will,  and  a  disposition  to  retaliate,  in 
the  parties  from  whom  equal  privileges  are  with- 
held; and  it  gives  to  ambitious,  corrupted,  or  de- 
luded citizens,  (who  devote  themselves  to  the 
favourite  Nation)  facility  to  betray,  or  sacrifice  the 
interests  of  their  own  country,  without  odium, 
sometimes  even  with  popularity: — gilding  with 
the  appearances  of  a  virtuous  sense  of  obligation, 
a  commendable  deference  for  public  opinion,  or  a 
laudable  zeal  for  public  good,  the  base  or 
foolish  compliances  of  ambition,  corruption  or 
infatuation. — 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumerable 
ways,  such  attachments  are  particularly  alarming 
to  the  truly  enlightened  and  independent  Patriot. — 
How  many  opportunities  do  they  afford  to  tamper 
with  domestic  factions,  to  practise  the  arts  of  seduc- 
tion, to  mislead  public  opinion,  to  influence  or  awe 
the  public  councils!  Such  an  attachment  of  a 
small  or  weak,  towards  a  great  and  powerful  na- 
tion, dooms  the  former  to  be  the  satellite  of  the 
latter. 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence, 
I  conjure  you  to  believe  me,  fellow-citizens,  the 
jealousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  be  constantly 
awake,  since  history  and  experience  prove  that 
foreign  influence  is  one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of 
Republican  Government. — But  that  jealousy  to  be 
useful  must  be  impartial;  else  it  becomes  the  in- 
strument of  the  very  influence  to  be  avoided,  in- 
stead of  a  defence  against  it. — Excessive  partiality 
for  one  foreign  nation  and  excessive  dislike  of  an- 


The  Farewell  Address  555 

other,  cause  those  whom  they  actuate  to  see  danger 
only  on  one  side,  and  serve  to  veil  and  even  second 
the  arts  of  influence  on  the  other. — Real  Patriots, 
who  may  resist  the  intrigues  of  the  favourite,  are 
liable  to  become  suspected  and  odious;  while  its 
tools  and  dupes  usurp  the  applause  and  confidence 
of  the  people,  to  surrender  their  interests. — 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to 
foreign  Nations,  is,  in  extending  our  commercial 
relations,  to  have  with  them  as  little  Political  con- 
nection as  possible. — So  far  as  we  have  already 
formed  engagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with  per- 
fect good  faith. — Here  let  us  stop. — 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to 
us  have  none,  or  a  very  remote  relation. — Hence  she 
must  be  engaged  in  frequent  controversies,  the 
causes  of  which  are  essentially  foreign  to  our  con- 
cerns.— Hence  therefore  it  must  be  unwise  in  us 
to  implicate  ourselves,  by  artificial  ties  in  the  ordi- 
nary vicissitudes  of  her  politics,  or  the  ordinary 
combinations  and  collisions  of  her  friendships,  or 
enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and 
enables  us  to  pursue  a  different  course. — If  we  re- 
main one  People,  under  an  efficient  government, 
the  period  is  not  far  off,  when  we  may  defy  material 
injury  from  external  annoyance;  when  we  may  take 
such  an  attitude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality  we  may 
at  any  time  resolve  upon  to  be  scrupulously  re- 
spected.— When  belligerent  nations,  under  the  im- 
possibility of  making  acquisitions  upon  us,  will  not 
lightly  hazard  the  giving  us  provocation;  when  we 


556  George  Washington 

may  choose  peace  or  war,  as  our  interest  guided  by 
our  justice  shall  counsel. — 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situ- 
ation?— Why  quit  our  own  to  stand  upon  foreign 
ground? — Why,  by  interweaving  our  destiny  with 
that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and 
prosperity  in  the  toils  of  European  ambition,  rival- 
ship,  interest,  humour,  or  caprice? — 

'T  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent 
alliances,  with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world; — 
so  far,  I  mean,  as  we  are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it — 
for  let  me  not  be  understood  as  capable  of  patroniz- 
ing infidelity  to  existing  engagements,  (I  hold  the 
maxim  no  less  applicable  to  public  than  to  private 
affairs,  that  honesty  is  always  the  best  policy). — I 
repeat  it  therefore  let  those  engagements  be  ob- 
served in  their  genuine  sense. — But  in  my  opinion 
it  is  unnecessary  and  would  be  unwise  to  extend 
them. — 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves,  by  suitable 
establishments,  on  a  respectably  defensive  posture, 
we  may  safely  trust  to  temporary  alliances  for  ex- 
i  traordinary  emergencies. — 

Harmony,  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations, 
are  recommended  by  policy,  humanity,  and  inter- 
est.— But  even  our  commercial  policy  should  hold 
an  equal  and  impartial  hand: — neither  seeking  nor 
granting  exclusive  favours  or  preferences; — con- 
sulting the  natural  course  of  things ; — diffusing  and 
diversifying  by  gentle  means  the  streams  of  com- 
merce, but  forcing  nothing; — establishing  with 
Powers  so  disposed — in  order  to  give  trade  a  stable 


The  Farewell  Address  557 

course,  to  define  the  rights  of  our  Merchants,  and 
to  enable  the  Government  to  support  them — con- 
ventional rules  of  intercourse,  the  best  that  present 
circumstances  and  mutual  opinion  will  permit;  but 
temporary,  and  liable  to  be  from  time  to  time 
abandoned  or  varied,  as  experience  and  circum- 
stances shall  dictate;  constantly  keeping  in  view, 
that 't  is  folly  in  one  nation  to  look  for  disinterested 
favors  from  another, — that  it  must  pay  with  a 
portion  of  its  independence  for  whatever  it  may  ac- 
cept under  that  character — that  by  such  accept- 
ance, it  may  place  itself  in  the  condition  of  having 
given  equivalents  for  nominal  favours  and  yet  of 
being  reproached  with  ingratitude  for  not  giving 
more. — There  can  be  no  greater  error  than  to 
expect,  or  calculate  upon  real  favours  from  Na- 
tion to  Nation. — 'T  is  an  illusion  which  ex- 
perience must  cure,  which  a  just  pride  ought  to 
discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  Countrymen,  these  coun- 
sels of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not 
hope  they  will  make  the  strong  and  lasting  im- 
pression, I  could  wish, — that  they  will  controul  the 
usual  current  of  the  passions,  or  prevent  our  Nation 
from  running  the  course  which  has  hitherto  marked 
the  destiny  of  Nations. — But  if  I  may  even  flatter 
myself,  that  they  may  be  productive  of  some  par- 
tial benefit;  some  occasional  good;  that  they  may 
now  and  then  recur  to  moderate  the  fury  of  party 
spirit,  to  warn  against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  in- 
trigue, to  guard  against  the  impostures  of  pre- 
tended patriotism,  this  hope  will  be  a  full 


S58  George  Washington 

recompense  for  the  solicitude  for  your  welfare,  by 
which  they  have  been  dictated. — 

How  far  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties, 
I  have  been  guided  by  the  principles  which  have 
been  delineated,  the  public  Records  and  other  evi- 
dences of  my  conduct  must  witness  to  You,  and  to 
the  World. — To  myself,  the  assurance  of  my  own 
conscience  is,  that  I  have  at  least  believed  myself 
to  be  guided  by  them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  War  in  Europe, 
my  Proclamation  of  the  22d  of  April  1793  is  the 
index  to  my  plan.1 — Sanctioned  by  your  approving 
voice  and  by  that  of  Your  Representatives  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that  measure  has 
continually  governed  me : — uninfluenced  by  any  at- 
tempts to  deter  or  divert  me  from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination  with  the  aid  of  the 
best  lights  I  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied  that 
our  country,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  had  a  right  to  take,  and  was  bound  in  duty 
and  interest,  to  take  a  Neutral  position. — Having 
taken  it,  I  determined,  as  far  as  should  depend 
upon  me,  to  maintain  it,  with  moderation,  persever- 
ance, and  firmness. — 

The  considerations  which  respect  the  right  to 
hold  this  conduct,  it  is  not  necessary  on  this  occa- 
sion to  detail.  I  will  only  observe,  that  accord- 
ing to  my  understanding  of  the  matter,  that  right, 
so  far  from  being  denied  by  any  of  the  Belligerent 
Powers,  has  been  virtually  admitted  by  all. — 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may  be 

1  See  page  408. 


The  Farewell  Address  559 

inferred,  without  any  thing  more,  from  the  obliga- 
tion which  justice  and  humanity  impose  on  every 
Xation,  in  cases  in  which  it  is  free  to  act,  to  main- 
tain inviolate  the  relations  of  Peace  and  Amity 
towards  other  Nations. — 

The  inducements  of  interest  for  observing  that 
conduct  will  best  be  referred  to  your  own  reflections 
and  experience. — With  me,  a  predominant  motive 
has  been  to  endeavour  to  gain  time  to  our  country 
to  settle  and  mature  its  yet  recent  institutions,  and 
to  progress  without  interruption  to  that  degree  of 
strength  and  consistency,  which  is  necessary  to  give 
it,  humanly  speaking,  the  command  of  its  own 
fortunes. 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  Ad- 
ministration, I  am  unconscious  of  intentional  error 
— I  am  nevertheless  too  sensible  of  my  defects  not 
to  think  it  probable  that  I  may  have  committed 
many  errors. — Whatever  they  may  be  I  fervently 
beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the  evils 
to  which  they  may  tend. — I  shall  also  carry  with 
me  the  hope  that  my  country  will  never  cease  to 
view  them  with  indulgence;  and  that  after  forty- 
five  years  of  my  life  dedicated  to  its  service,  with 
an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompetent  abilities 
will  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon 
be  to  the  mansions  of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things, 
and  actuated  by  that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which 
is  so  natural  to  a  man,  who  views  in  it  the  native 
soil  of  himself  and  his  progenitors  for  several  gener- 
ations ; — I  anticipate  with  pleasing  expectation  that 


560  George  Washington 

retreat,  in  which  I  promise  myself  to  realize,  with- 
out alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in  the 
midst  of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of 
good  Laws  under  a  free  Government, — the  ever 
favourite  object  of  my  heart,  and  the  happy  re- 
ward, as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual  cares,  labours,  and 
dangers. 

G?  WASHINGTON. 

UNITED  STATES,  ] 

19th  September,  j 


INDEX 


Adams,  Charles  Francis,  quoted, 
26  n. 

Adams,  John,  election  of,  to 
Vice- Presidency,  316  n. ;  letters 
to,  428,  432;  quoted,  253  w.; 
one  of  the  negotiators  of  the 
treaty  of  peace,  176  n. ;  minis- 
ter to  Great  Britain,  369  n. 

Adet,  conduct  of,  416,  424, 
425  n. 

Agriculture,  319,  331 

Alaska,  debate  in  House  of 
Representatives  on  treaty  for 
purchase  of,  400  n. 

Alliances,  foreign,  to  be  avoided, 
556 

Addresses  of  George  Washing- 
ton: accepting  the  command 
of  the  army,  33;  to  the  officers 
at  Newburg,  184;  resigning 
the  command  of  the  army, 
237;  inaugural,  first,  320; 
second,  350 

Addresses,  anonymous,  of  Great 
Britain  to  the  American  army, 
150;  to  Congress,  328 

America,  ability  to  make  recom- 
pense for  assistance  rendered, 
169;  resources  of,  169,  213 

Anderson,  James,  letter  to,  434 

Andr6,  Major  John,  capture  of, 
159;  execution  of,  163 

Annapolis  Convention,  259,  259 
n.,  272  n. 

Anonymous  Addresses  to  the 
army  at  Newburg,  183-191, 
195,  198-200;  authorship  of, 
185  n. 

Armed  Neutrality  of  1780, 161  n. 

Armstrong,  Major-General,  let- 
ter to,  170  n. 

Armstrong,  Major  John,  author 
of  the  Newburg  Addresses, 
185  K. 


Army,  Continental,  condition 
of,  38-42,  44,  46,  49,  52,  56, 
67-77,  123,  141,  143«.,144, 
147,  155,  195,  197;  disband- 
ment  of,  205,  210,  229;  dis- 
satisfaction in,  144,  148,  149, 
166, 192, 199, 203;  enlistments, 
38,  39,  41,  45,  49,  67-71,  78, 
119,  132,  155,  170  ».;  equip- 
ment of,  46,  49,  90,  94,  161; 
government  of,  41,  46,  66,  72, 
74,  75,  111,  162;  payment  of, 
149,  189,  197,  199,  201,  204- 
208,  221-224,  232;  resigna- 
tions from,  101,  109, 134, 146; 
sickness  in,  99;  suffering  of, 
96-103,  118,  141,  149,  155, 
161,  195,  201,  230;  surgeons 
in,  74;  volunteers  for,  119 

Army,  standing,  73,  117,  155, 
320,  542 

Army  of  the  United  States, 
training  of,  329 

Arnold,  Benedict,  treason  of, 
159,  163 

Articles  of  Confederation,  pro- 
posed amendments  of,  181  «., 
258  n. ;  necessity  for  revising, 
156,  157 n.,  171  n.,  182,  212  n., 
217,  233,  242,  244,  247,  249, 
254,  256,  258,  259  n.,  260,  263, 
267,  275 

Articles  of  War,  Continental,  38 

Bache,  attacks  of,  on  Washing- 
ton, 354,  354  w.,  456  w. 

Ball,  Surges,  letters  to,  446, 
453 

Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railway, 
498  n. 

Banister,  John,  letter  to,  108 

Bassett,  Burwell,  letter  to,  140  n. 

Bland,  Theodorick,  letters  to, 
200, 204 


562 


Index 


Boston,  closing  of  the  port  of, 
15;  attack  on,  47;  capture  of, 
52-56 

Boston,  Selectmen  of,  letter  to, 

375;  oppose  the  Jay  treaty, 

372  n.,  375;  protest  of,  375  n. 

Braddock,  defeat  of,  3,  6,  54; 

death,   5 

Brandywine,  battle  of,  88-89 
Brooke,  Robert,  letter  to,  517 
Bryce,  James,  quoted,  363 
Bunker  Hill,  battle  of,  50,  53 
Burgoyne,    General    John,    53; 
surrender  of,  95,  96  n. 

Cabinet,  letters  to,  393,  405 

Cadwalader,  Brigadier-General 
John,  letter  to,  160 

Camillus  (Hamilton)  defends 
the  Jay  treaty,  382,  382  n. 

Camden,  Lord,  speech  of,  106 

Canada,  La  Fayette's  plan  for 
invasion  of,  124-128;  advan- 
tages to  France,  125-128; 
danger  to  America,  125 

Canning,  George,  quoted,  414  n. 

Capel  and  Osgood  Hanbury, 
letter  to,  9  n. 

Carrington,  Edward,  letter  to, 
402 

Gary,  Robert,  letter  to,  14  «. 

Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal, 
498  n. 

China,  stone  placed  by,  in  Wash- 
ington Monument,  529 

Circular  letter  to  the  execu- 
tives of  Pennsylvania,  New 
Jersey,  New  York,  Maryland, 
and  Delaware,  143  «. 

Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors, 
182  n.,  212  «.,  212-228,  228  n. 

Clinton,  George,  96 

Clinton,  General  Sir  Henry, 
50 

Command  of  the  army,  address 
accepting,  33 ;  election  to,  33, 
36;  resignation  of,  235,  237; 
second  appointment  as  com- 
mander-in-chief,  429  n.,  432, 
442 

Commerce,  treaty  of,  with  Great 
Britain,  365,  367,  368  n.,  372, 
372  n.,  380,  383,  385;  opposi- 
tion to,  372  n.,  375,  380,  383, 
385,  392;  protest  of  Boston 
against,  375  n. 


Commercial  policy  of  America, 
556 

Commissioners  of  Great  Britain, 
107,  129 

Commissioners  of  the  Federal 
District,  letter  to,  512 

Commissary  department  of  the 
army,  98,  103,  141,  143  n. 

Commission  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army,  34 

Common  Sense,  59  n. 

Congress,  First  Continental,  23 
«.,  26  n.,  29  n. 

Congress,  Second  Continental, 
33  n.;  factions  in,  137;  re- 
missnessof,  116,  130,  134,  161 

Congress,  speeches  or  messages 
to,  328,  411,  414,  463,  522  n. 

Connecticut,  manufactures  in, 
320;  mutiny  of  troops  of ,  148 

Constitution,  adoption  of, 
281,  282,  284,  289,  294,  298, 
300,  544;  alteration  of ,  282  n., 
324,  546,  550;  effect  of,  338; 
interpretation  of,  341 

Cooley,  Chief  Justice,  quoted, 
400  n. 

Cornwallis,  letter  to,  171;  sur- 
render of,  171,  173 

Credit,  public  318,  332,  339,  551 

Crevecceur,  Letters  from  an 
American  Farmer,  quoted,  51 1 

Criticisms  of  Washington  and 
his  administration,  341,  347, 
353,  354,  357,  392 

Currency  laws,  331 

Custis,  Mrs.  Martha,  letter  to,  6; 
marriage  to  George  Washing- 
ton, 7 

Dandridge,  Francis,  letter  to,  7 
Debates    in    Congress,    publica- 
tion of,  336 

Debts,  repudiation  of  those  ow- 
ing to  Great  Britain,  16;  pub- 
lic, 342 

Democratic  societies,  effects  of, 
443,  448,  449  n.,  451,  453, 
457,  460 

Desertions  from  the  army,  75,  94 
Dinwiddie,  Governor,  letter  to,  3 
Disaffection  towards  the  Ameri- 
can cause,  79  n. 
Dorset,  Duke  of,  253  n. 
Draper,  History  of  the  American 
Civil  War,  quoted,  508  n. 


Index 


563 


Duane,  James,  letter  to,  476 

Education,  512,  513,  520,  523  n., 

551 
Europe,    relations    of    America 

with,  556 
Excise  law,  339,  444  n.,  463 

Fairfax,  Bryan,  letter  from,  19 
n.,22n.;  letters  to,  15,  16, 
23,  104,441 

Fairfax  County,  Virginia,  re- 
solves of,  17  n.,  21  n. 

Fairfax,  George  William,  letter 
to,  50  n. 

Farewell  Address,  440,  441, 
520  n.  531;  authorship  of, 

532  n.      Hamilton's    part    in, 
536  n.      Madison's    part     in, 

533  n.    publication  of,  537  n. 
Farewell  Orders  to  the  Armies, 

229 

Federal  Convention,  272,  276, 
277  ».,  278, 280 

Ford,  Worthington  C.,  notes  by, 
60,  76,  88,  346,  407 

Foreign  influence  in  America, 
554 

Foreign  policy  of  America,  555 

Foreign  relations  of  United 
States,  330,  413,  414 

Forged  letters  of  Washington, 
108 

Fort  Duquesne,  attempts  to 
capture,  3, 7 

Foster,  John  W.,  quoted,  415  n. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  119  n.,  176 
«.,  179 

France,  alliance  with,  113, 119  n., 
122,  160,  167,  170,  405  n.; 
assistance  of,  168,  390;  char- 
acter of,  425,  429;  relations 
with,  293,  381,  383,  387  n., 
390,  392,  405  n.,  415,  420,  421, 
425,  430,  433,  434,  437,  438, 
441;  war  of,  with  Great  Britain, 
369  n.,  390,  404,  405 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  3n.,  8n., 
59«.,  176  n.,  511 

Frederick  the  Great,  quoted, 
269  n. 

French  and  Indian  War,  3 

French  settlers  at  Detroit,  483 

Gage,  General,  20,  25 

Gates,    General    Horatio,    96 «. 


Genet,  452,  455,  457 

George  III.,  59  n.;  on  the  loss  of 
America,  175  n. ;  policy  of, 
177,  179 

Germantown,  battle  of,  92-94 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  letter  to,  92  n. 

Gordon,  Dr.  William,  letter  to, 
244 

Grasse,  Count  de,  174 

Grayson,  William,  letter  to, 
261  n. 

Great  Britain,  ability  of,  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  121;  addresses 
of,  to  the  American  army,  121 ; 
army  of,  110;  breaks  the 
treaty  of  peace,  370;  refusal 
of,  to  send  minister  to  the 
United  States,  368;  relations 
of  American  colonies  with, 
8,  9,  10  n.,  11-14,  15,  16,  18, 
19  n.,  21,  24,  28,  29,  50  «.,  51, 
57-59,  106-108;  relations  of, 
with  the  United  States,  255  n., 
371,  381,  388,  389,  440,  483, 
490;  restrains  commerce  of 
United  States,  417;  treaty  of 
commerce  with,  365,  367,  368 
n.,  372,  372  n.,  380,  383,  420, 
423,  544;  war  of,  with  France, 
369  n.,  390,  404,  405 

Green,  John  Richard,  quoted, 
239 

Greene,  General  Nathaniel,  letter 
to,  243 n.;  quoted,  42 n.,  63 n., 
69  n. 

Grenville,  Lord,  120  n.,  387,  390, 
391,  420 

Hall,  W.  E.,  quoted,  414  n. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  211;  in 
the  Annapolis  Convention, 
260  n.,  defends  the  Jay  treaty, 
372  n.,  382;  stoned,  372  n., 
letters  to,  90,  91  «.,  241,  280, 
305,  306  n.,  341,  372,  380,  400, 
444,  446  w.,  459  n.,  460  n., 
520,  536  n.;  relations  with 
Jefferson,  348,  348  n. ;  opinion 
on  relation  of  House  of  Repre- 
sentives  to  the  treaty-making 
power  requested,  400;  opinion 
on  the  Jay  treaty  requested, 
374;  opinion  on  rules  of 
neutrality, 408  n. ;  urges  Wash- 
ington to  accept  the  Presi- 
dency, 306  n.,  310  n. 


564 


Index 


Harrison,  Benjamin,  letters  to, 
129,  181,  197,  248,  486 

Heath,  Major-General,  letters  to, 
158,  427  n. 

Henderson,  Richard,  letter  to, 
508 

Henry,  Patrick,  quoted,  29  n. ; 
letters  to,  281,  357,  418;  urged 
to  re-enter  public  life,  361; 
offered  post  of  Secretary  of 
State,  418;  comment  of  Madi- 
son on,  420  w. 

Hessians,  60,  82 

von  Hoist,  Constitutional  and 
Political  History  of  the  United 
States,  quoted,  508  n. 

Howe,  General  William,  42  n., 
49,  78,  85,  87 

Humphreys,  David,  letters  to, 
266  n.,  282  n.,  337,  352,  498 

Immigration,  480,  498,  501,  510, 

515 
Impost  law,  181,  228  n.;  action 

of  Virginia  on,  181  n.,  228  n. 
Impressment     of     seamen     by 

Great  Britain,  388 
Inaugural    Address,    first,   320; 

replies  of  Senate  and  House 

to,  326  n.,  328  n.;  second,  350 
Independence,  28,  29,  50  n.,  51, 

59,    60,    115,    122,    169,    170, 

177,  217,  218 
Indians,    relations    with,     330, 

340,  370,  387,  388,  389,  475, 

476,  477,  478,  481,  482,  485 
Innes,  Colonel,  report  of,  387, 

422 
International  attachments  and 

antipathies,  553 
International  relations  of  Amer- 
ica, 552 
Irvine,  Brigadier-General,  letter 

to,  144  n. 

James  River,  projects  for  im- 
proving its  navigation,  493, 
501  503 

Jay,  John,  letters  to,  260,  261, 
275,  368,  460,  472  n.;  opinion 
of,  on  French  invasion  of 
Canada,  128  n.;  negotiates 
peace  with  Great  Britain, 
177  n.;  appointed  to  negotiate 
a  treaty  of  commerce  with 
Great  Britain,  369  n. 


Jay  Treaty, — see  Commerce, 
treaty  of,  with  Great  Britain. 

Jealousies  among  the  States, 
216,  360 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  letters  to, 
278  n.,  300,  348,  354,  404,  513; 
Notes  on  Virginia,  511;  rela- 
tions with  Hamilton,  348,  348 
n. ;  relations  with  Washing- 
ton, 355,357  n. ;  opinion  of,  on 
rules  of  neutrality,  407  n. ; 
account  of  Whiskey  Insurrec- 
tion, 470  n. 

Johnson,  Governor  of  Maryland, 
urges  Washington  to  accept 
the  Presidency,  311  n. 

Jones,  Joseph,  letters  to,  157  n., 
191 

Judiciary,  413 

Justice,  public,  216,  219,  552 

Kentucky,  discontent  in,  448 

Kirkbride,  Joseph,  letter  to, 
120  «. 

Knox,  Henry,  letters  to,  271, 
282,  316  n.;  opinion  of  on 
rules  of  neutrality,  408  n. 

Knowledge,  promotion  of,   331 

La  Fayette,  Marquis  of,  89,  127, 

128  n.,    178;    desires    conflict 

with    America   averted,    437; 

letters   to,    243,    255 «.,    257, 

290,  293,  294  n.,  297,  305  n., 

317,  436,  500,  506  n.,  525  n. 
Laurens,     Henry,     letters     to, 

123;  quoted,  128  n. 
Laurens,       Lieutenant  -  Colonel 

John,    letters    to,     162,    164; 

mission    to     France,     164  n., 

164-171 

Laws,  obstruction  of,  545 
Lee,  General  Charles,  58 
Lee,  Henry,  letters  to,  259 «., 

265,    313  n.,    350,    450,    457, 

504,  506  n. 
Lee,  Richard  Henry,  letters  to, 

502  n.,  507 
L'Enfant,  Major,  340 
Lewis,  Fielding,  letter  to,  154 
Liberty  Hall  Academy,  520  n. 
Lincoln,  Benjamin,  letter  to,  311 
Livingston,    Robert    R.,    letter 

to,  196  n. 
Lodge,    Henry    Cabot,    quoted, 

35  n.,  128  n.,  373  n. 


Index 


565 


Long  Island,  battle  of,  62 
Long  Island,  retreat   from,  62- 

65 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  quoted,  1 
Loyalists  ("government-men"), 

Luzerne  on  the  weakness  of 
Congress,  250  «. 

Mackenzie,  Captain  Robert,  let- 
ter to,  26 

Madison,  James,  letters  to,  267, 
533  n.;  on  Washington  and 
the  Newburg  addresses,  184n. ; 
on  Washington's  inviting  P. 
Henry  into  his  cabinet,  420  n. 

Manufactures,  encouragement 
of,  319,  331 

Martial  law,  153 

Maryland  votes  supplies  for  the 
army,  143;  interest  of,  in 
western  trade,  488;  action  on 
the  Constitution,  294  n.,  298 

Mason,  George,  10  n.,  284,  342; 
letters  to,  10,  135 

Massachusetts,  disorders  in,  266, 
268,  273;  manufactures  in, 
319;  revocation  of  charter  of, 
15,  20,  29;  action  on  the 
Constitution,  295 

McHenry,  James,  letters  to,  176, 
181  n.,  251 

Meigs,  Colonel,  148,  149 

Memorial  of  the  army  to  Con- 
gress, 123 

Mercer,  General,  death  of,  86 

Mercer,  John  Francis,  letter  to, 
525  n. 

Militia,  66,  71,  73,  87,  225 

Mississippi,  navigation  of,  448, 
491,  495,  499,  502  n.,  505, 
506,  506  n.,  507,  508  n.,  544 

Money,  Continental,  deprecia- 
tion of,  121,  133,  139,  146, 
149,  165;  emissions  of,  129 

Monmouth,  battle  of,  Iviii 

Monroe,  James,  letter  to,  421 

Morality  and  religion,  550 

Morgan,  Major-General  Daniel, 
450;  letter  to,  455 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  letters  to, 
121,  365,  366,  386;  made 
unofficial  agent  to  Great 
Britain,  365 

Morris,  Robert,  206,  207,  208; 
letter  to,  523 


Mutiny  of  Connecticut  troops, 
148 

Naturalization  laws,  331 

Navy,  use  of,  in  the  Revolution, 
168 

Nelson,  Thomas,  letter  to,  130  n. 

Neutrality,  American,  motives 
of,  359,  391,  404,  412,  419, 
420,  424,  427  n.,  437,  438,  558, 
559;  questions  concerning  sub- 
mitted to  the  Cabinet,  405; 
opinion  of  the  Cabinet  on, 
407  n.;  proclamation  of,  408; 
Washington's  relation  to  law 
of,  415  n.;  rules  of,  409 

Neutrality,  Armed,  of  1780, 
161  n. 

Newburg  Addresses,  183-191, 
195,  198-200;  authorship  of, 
185  n. 

New  Jersey,  disaffection  in,  79  n. 

New  York,  disaffection  in,  79  n. ; 
evacuation  of,  181  n.;  and  the 
Six  Nations,  479;  interest  of  in 
western  trade,  488 

Non-importation  agreements, 
10  n.,  11-14,  14«.,  16,21 

North,  Lord,  speech  of,  116,  119 

North  Carolina,  action  of,  re- 
garding army  officers,  101  n.\ 
action  on  the  Constitution, 
286  n. 

Officials,  abuse  of,  347,  351,  353, 

356 
Oswald,    British    commissioner, 

176  n.,  180 

Paine,  Thomas,  59  n.,  426, 426  n. 

Parties,  danger  of,  547;  influence 
of,  548 

Patriotism  insufficient  to  sup- 
port a  long  war,  111 

Peace  establishment,  216 

Peace  with  Great  Britain,  ex- 
pectation of,  158,  176,  178, 
179,  180;  offers  of,  111;  nego- 
tiation of,  176 ».,  180 n.;  viola- 
tion of  treaty  of,  262  n.,  274 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  letter  to, 
472 

Pennsylvania  Council  of  Safety, 
letter  to,  80  n. 

Pennsylvania,  disaffection  in, 
79  n. ;  powers  vested  in  its 


566 


Index 


Pennsylvania —  (Continued) 
president,   151;  manufactures 
in,  319;  interest  of,  in  western 
trade,  488,  494,  496 

Petitions  to  Parliament,  15,  18 

Pickering,  Timothy,  letter  to, 
420 

Pinckney,  Charles,  letter  to, 
525  n. 

Plundering  by  the  army,  in 
the  Revolution,  75^77;  in 
the  Whiskey  Insurrection,458, 
459  n. 

Potomac  River,  projects  for  im- 
proving its  navigation,  493, 
501,  503 

Presidency  of  the  United  States, 
reluctance  of  Washington  to 
accept,  306  n.,  308,  309,  313, 
318,  321;  Hamilton  suggests 
Washington's  election,  306  n. ; 
La  Fayette  on  Washington's 
election,  305  n.;  re-election  to, 
346;  third  term  declined,  531 

President  of  Congress,  letters  to, 
37,  42  n.,  66  n.,  67,  80,  84,  88, 
96,  144,  147,  173,  180  n.,  183, 
235,  473 

President  of  the  United  States, 
duties  of,  323;  salary  of, 
declined  by  Washington,  325; 
term,  296 

Princeton,  battle  of,  84-87,  88  n. 

Purviance,  Samuel,  letter  to, 
502 

Quakers,  attempts  to  free  slaves, 
334  ».,  336,  336  n.;  in  the  mi- 
litia, 462 

Randolph,  Edmund,  letters  to, 
288,  346,  373 «.,  383,  384, 
471  n.~,  opinion  of,  on  rules  of 
neutrality,  407  n. ;  refuses  to 
sign  the  Constitution,  283 

Raynal,  Abbe,  511 

Reed,  Joseph,  letters  to,  40,  42, 
47,  58,  135  n.,  151 

Religion  essential  to  political 
prosperity,  550 

Remonstrance  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania legislature,  100,  101  n. 

Representatives,  House  of,  mes- 
sage to,  395 

Requisition  of  supplies  for  the 
army,  80  n.,  90,  166 


Requisitions  on  the  States,  156, 

157  n.,  171  n.,  226,  232 
Revolutionary  War,  ability  of 
America  to  continue,  121,  164, 
167;  causes  of,  10,  15,  18-22, 
24,  25,  28,  29,  50  «.,  51;  ex- 
pense of,  139,  155,  166;  pro- 
longation of,  139,  155,  226; 
termination  of,  213,  230,  238 
Rhode  Island,  conduct  of,  277; 
refuses  to  ratify  the  Constitu- 
tion, 286  n. 

Richmond,  Duke  of,  177 
Rittenhouse,  David,  178 
Rochambeau,  Count  de,   174 
Rockingham,  Marquis  of,  death 

of,  176 

Rumsey's  invention  for  propel- 
ling boats,  497 

Russia  and  the  Armed  Neutral- 
ity, 160,  161  n. 

Shay's  Rebellion,  266  ».,  268 

Sheffield,  Lord,  473 

Shelburne,  Earl  of,  prime  minis- 
ter, 176,  179 

Slavery,  334  n.,  523,  525  «.; 
relation  of  Quakers  to,  334  n., 
336,  336  n.,  523 

Smith,  Sydney,  270  n. 

South,  tour  of,  337 

Spain,  assistance  from,  122,  160, 
167;  condition  of,  337;  rela- 
tions with,  418,  490,  492,  544 

Sparks,  Jared,  notes  by,  10,  17, 
19,  21,  38,  67,  88,  101,  104, 
106,  111,  113,  119,  120,  163, 
164,  235,  310,  333,  345,  349, 
357,  407,  425,  508 

Stamp  Act,  8,  9,  19  n. 

States,  formation  of,  in  the  West, 
484,  485,  499 

Steuben,  Baron, letters  to,  144  n., 
236 

Stirling,  Lord,  62 

Stuart,  David,  letters  to,  277, 
333,  424 

Surgeons  in  the  army,  74 

Taxation  of  the  American  col- 
onies, 8,  9,  10  n.,  12,  14«., 
15,  18,  19 n.,  21,  25,  106 

Taxes  as  a  public  necessity,  551 

Tea  Act,   106 

Third  term  in  the  Presidency 
declined,  531 


Index 


567 


Thruston,  Charles  M.,  letter  to, 
447 

Tilghman,  Colonel  Tench,  175; 
letter  to,  178 

Tories,  treatment  of,  in  America, 
120  n. 

Treaty-making  power,  378;  re- 
lation of  House  of  Represen- 
tatives to,  393,  394  n.,  395, 
399  n.,  400,  403;  Hamilton's 
opinion  on,  requested,  400 

Trenton,  battle  of,  80-83,  88  n. 

Trumbull,  Colonel  Jonathan, 
urges  Washington  to  accept 
the  Presidency,  311  n. 

Trumbull,  Governor  Jonathan, 
141  w.;  letter  to,  141 

Tucker,  Dean  Josiah,  quoted, 
269  n. 

Tyler,  Moses  Coit,  quoted,  31, 
60  n. 

Union  of  the  States,  216,  217, 
241,  243  n.,  252,  335,  539; 
causes  of  disturbance  of,  270 
n.,  335,  360,  543;  government 
of,  544;  perpetuity  of,  543 

University,  national,  512,  514, 
518,  520,  522  n.;  gift  to,  513, 
514,  518,  522 

Valley  Forge,  condition  of  the 
army  at,  96-103 

Vice-Presidency,  attitude  of 
Washington  towards,  315 

Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolu- 
tions, 358,  358  n. 

Virginia,  declares  for  indepen- 
dence, 60  n. ;  action  of,  on  the 
impost  law,  181  n.,  197;  action 
of,  on  the  Virginia  and  Ken- 
tucky Resolutions,  358;  in- 
terest of,  in  western  trade, 
489,  492 


War,  abolition  of,  498;  between 
France  and  the  Powers,  558; 
preparations  for,  414 

Warren,  James,  letters  to,  138, 
255 

Washington,  the  capital,  340 

Washington  and  Lee  University, 
520  n. 

Washington,  Bushrod,  letter 
to,  284 

Washington,  John  Augustine, 
letters  to,  5,  52,  60,  61,  78, 
79  n.,  92 

Washington,  Lund,  letters  to, 
79  n.,  195 

Washington,  Mrs.  Martha,  let- 
ters to,  6,  35 

Washington,  William  Augus- 
tine, letter  to,  523  n. 

Wayne,  General  Anthony,  89 

Weights  and  measures,  331 

West,  settlement  of,  221,  474, 
477,  481,  503,  509;  advan- 
tages of  settlement  by  soldiers 
475;  method  suggested,  477- 
480;  commerce  with,  486,  500. 
502,  505,  507;  water-ways 
leading  to,  487,  488,  493,  499; 
their  political  importance,  490 
499,  502,  505,  507 

Western  posts  held  by  Great 
Britain,  366 

Whiskey  Insurrection,  causes, 
444,  463;  Jefferson's  account 
of,  470  n.;  proclamation 
against,  446  n.,  466;  suppres- 
sion of,  447,  455,  457,  461,  467, 
473;  how  viewed,  451,  453, 
461,  472  n.;  recompense  to 
injured  officers  recommended, 
469 

Wirt,  William,  quoted,  7  n.,  30  n. 

Yorktown,  siege  of,  173 


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